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Adair, John, and Vogt, Evon. Navaho and Zuni Veterans: a Study of Contrasting Modes of Culture Change. American Anthropologist 1949 vol. 51 (4): 547-561. This article compares the Zuni a nd Navaho tribe’s attitudes in relation to World War II, especially veterans of the war. The Zuni viewed the returning veterans as potentially dangerous sources of change within the community. The Navaho viewed the returning vets as potentially constructive sources of change within their community. The purpose of this article was to find out why these two tribes had such contrasting ideas about World War II, and about veterans in particular. The Zuni did not
seek involvement in the conflict, and remained uninterested until the The Navaho, in contrast,
were somewhat supportive of the war in comparison with the Zuni. All
the Navaho received the " ‘welcome home’ attitude than the Zuni. The rumors, gossip, ridicule, and accusations of witchcraft used by the Zuni were not employed by the Navaho. To understand these different reactions to returning veterans, the authors look at the two groups historically. The Zuni have lived where their reservation is for several hundred years. The Navaho migrated into the area fairly recently from the north, and had greater mobility than the Zuni. The Zuni resisted contact with their conquerors, and used traditional religious practices as a social adhesive. The Navaho had constant contact with various groups of whites, which resulted in a lessened role for religion. Also, the Zuni do not place any value in warfare, as they only fight defensive wars. The Navaho (though not the most war-like) had a history of warfare, and the veterans were viewed as traditional warriors. The final reason for the Zuni actions is the fact that the Zuni are historically uninterested in the outside world. The Navaho, in contrast, are very curious in the outside world. The result is that because the Zuni have a tightly knit, "rigid" social organization, and do not allow for outside elements to influence them (the "activistic"[sic] Zuni), the veterans were not allowed to alter the community. For the Navaho, who have a more "adaptable" social system and are more "acculturative", this was just another chapter in a series of culture changes. Thus the Zuni and Navaho reactions to World War II veterans have been examined. CLARITY RANKING: 5 G. THOMAS BENTON JR. UNCCharlotte (Gregory Starrett) .gif){kind=small} Aginsky, Burt W. and Ethel G. Aginsky The process of change in Family Types: A Case Study. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol. 51 p. 611-614 During the past
fourteen years the family pattern of the Pomo Indians of northern The research was carried on during 1947-1948, it showed a pattern of dominance that went from patriarchy to matriarchy and then back again to patriarchy. During the years of war there was a large influx of Filipino men into the Pomo territory. The Filipino men remained and married some of the Pomo women. In the pre-Filipino days the women worked by themselves or side by side with the men and they received their own earnings. This was the accepted and traditional pattern. The children were taken into the fields with the women. The Filipino men work throughout the year. They put in long hours, earn better than average wages, and have regular work habits. They prefer that their women stay at home and care for the children and the house. The Pomo have made barriers between themselves and the Filipinos. The men are considered intruders. The Pomo feel that they are of lower class and relatives of a Pomo woman who marries a Filipino are ashamed of them. They believe they have brought disgrace upon the Pomo by the intermarriage. The young Pomo women indicate their envy of the women married to the Filipino men, because of their nice cars, clothing, and their leisure. The Pomo women use derogatory terms in speaking of these women, but it is apparent they consider these women very fortunate. The Pomo wives bow to the will of their Filipino husbands, while trying to enjoy their leisure. This leisure fails to hold any collective participation for them. The wife of the Filipino has lost her family support. Even her female relatives ignore her, treating her like an outcast. She no longer has the social life of work in the fields. Instead, she stays at home, or if she goes to town she is accompanied by her husband. Since the wives of the Filipino men no longer earn their own money, they are totally dependent upon their husbands. The money is given to them rather freely, but the traditional economic independence is lost to them. The Filipinos are often seen helping their wives make purchases. In the Pomo society today there are two patterns of family life that exist side by side. The first is of longer standing, here we find the Indian man married to the Indian woman, where the woman is the mainstay of the family. The second pattern is that of the Indian woman married to the Filipino man, where the women lives a life of ease with few responsibilities. The re-emergent culture of male domination places more power in the hands of the men, which they are known to have had in aboriginal days. Unfortunately the data did not permit predictions to be made on the developments of the situation, because only a few cases of intermarriage have occurred. CLARITY RANKING: 1
Aginsky, Burt W. & Ethel G. The Process of Change in Family Types: A Case Study. American Anthropologist 1949. Vol. 51: 611-614. In their article
on Pomo Indian society in northern The Aginskys begin with a description of labor (pre-WWII) and the self-sufficiency of the Pomo women who worked with the men in the fields. While Pomo women were accustomed to working outside the home and bringing their children into the fields, Filipino men preferred wives stay at home. The intermarriage of Filipino men with Pomo women created tensions in Pomo society, as exogamy was considered "a disgrace upon the Pomo." The authors state that young Pomo women speak with disapproval and envy of women who marry Filipinos. In these mixed marriages, Pomo women play minor roles in culturally important celebrations, lose familial support and economic independence, and break Pomo cultural drinking patterns. The Aginskys conclude that their observations in Pomo society reveal that "there is present in every population the possibility of more than one type of social organization, and that both of these, or some combination of them, can fuse into a functioning system." CLARITY RANKING: 5 Andrews, Alfred. The Bean And Indo-European Totemism. American Anthropologist. April-June, 1949. Vol. 51 (2): 274-292 Alfred discusses in his article whether or not the bean has any totemic significance among the Indo-Europeans. He uses a number of hypotheses made by others to try to strengthen the idea that the bean did not have some kind of totemic significance. The role of the bean in religion, philosophy, magic, and dietetic are studied in both sides of the argument. Andrews, however, is against the bean having any totemic significance. The author first
notes that the field bean belonged to the Neolithic age, and that it
was concentrated around the Mediterranean region. He says the oldest
finds in Frazer opposed this view, saying that if totemism was common among the Indo-Europeans, it must be shown not only how it was lost, but also how they lost the institution of exogamy and the classification system of relationship as well. Totemism is commonly associated with clans and Delatte does not show any evidence that a bean clan existed. Frazer also stated that beans were regarded as homes for the souls, not as reincarnated beings. He then implies that there isn’t any belief in a common ancestry in the cosmogenic notions during the historic period. The author then sums up the general development of the bean: the field bean grew in the wild area where the Indo-Europeans lived and was used by them as food, but probably nothing more because they were not actively cultivated. The flatulence caused by beans lead to the conviction that they were occupied by human souls. This would lead to the belief that they took on the character of human flesh and possessed great powers. This development of the bean among the Indo-Europeans has little in common with totemism. The big idea that is usually associated with totemism is the belief in a common ancestor. The author concludes by saying that if totemism existed among the Indo-Europeans that one would expect to find evidence of it in connection with the bean because of the many ideas and beliefs associated with it. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NIKIA REAVES
Andrew, Alfred C. The Bean and Indo-European Totemism. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol. 51: 274- Alfred Andrews comes to the conclusion that one has to skeptical of wither Totemism existed among the Indo-Europeans. He provides a careful study of how beans could have been treated as totemic objects for both the Greeks and the Romans. With the use of linguistics analysis he points out the bean in Roman society the bean " played a role in magic rites conducted in connection with Tacita or Muta, a goddess of the dead." The bean was associated with reproduction and cultivation thus given feminine goddess. On the other hand, to Greek society "beans belonged in the category of object possessing both mana and taboo." Beans held a supernatural force that could be occupied by the souls of the dead; and, thereby take on the qualities of human flesh. He provides different interpretations of Greek and Latin scholars to show the most valid interpretation of why, if it all, the Indo-Europeans worshipped the bean. He continues to argue that " the flatulence induced by the beans gave rise to a conviction that they were occupied by human souls." This led to the notion that the bean took on the character of human flesh and carried dynamic powers. Since the beans were bits of the life principal, beans were eaten on occasion’s closely associated with death. Thus, he points out that this interpretation of the bean with dynamic power has little in common with totemism. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Berndt, R. M.
and C. H. Secular Figures of This article is about two Australian artifacts, a ’wur mu and a ’Baijini, which are wooden figurines developed by the Murngin culture as a result of foreign contacts. The ’wur mu is hand painted and carved, most of which represents men, and are no bigger than forty-two inches tall. The Indonesians were inspired to make the ’wur mus settle on their land and collect goods by Dutch contact. The figurines represented Dutch custom officials. The figurines also represented wild natives who would come into the village and steal items that they needed. The ’wur mu is a symbol for a crook or collection man and is used in ceremonies, where the carver of the artifact will go through the village with his group and take any unsecured items. The ceremony is a reenactment of the custom officials or wild natives who would come to the Macassan towns to and take what they wanted, claiming it was payment. The icon is used during burials and the goods are collected by the carver as his form of payment for his burial services. The "crook" figurine has no arms, but instead has feathers that are held out while a parade marches through town symbolizing a man swooping up any unprotected items, like the custom officials. After the ceremony, the ’wur mu becomes a part of a grave stone, or is placed outside the village and is destroyed by natural causes. The erasing of this image represents the officials after they have collected the items they wanted, and sailing back home never to return. The ’Baijini is
a wooden representative of the first foreign visitors to the Although no one knows for sure where the foreign people descended, we do know through archaeological evidence that the Murngin culture came into contact with outside people. Through this relationship, the Murngin culture developed and incorporated that part of their history by creating figurines in the image and behavior of these visitors. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Berndt, R. H.
and C. H. Secular Figures of This article is
a second of a series on unrecorded carved human figures of northeastern ‘Wuremu figures are associated with the Masscan burial, the post is placed on the grave, carved to represent the deceased and to signify the spirit. The burial dance is then initiated with men placing their buttocks on the pole bent forward with their eyes closed, then they open their eyes and begin to sing. Clothes, food, and tobacco are collected for the services of the carver of the figure. After the goods are collected and the singing is over the figure is placed in the center of the camp or hidden to deteriorate in the bush. ‘Baijini figures are important because of their totemic designs, they are made in the same way of the ‘wuremu and their function is similar. The song used in the ceremony is actually a combination of ‘Bajini and Macassan, and there are several forms of dancing. An "outside" ceremony is danced by women who are reenacting the behavior of ‘Bajini women of the past. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Caudill, William. Psychological
Characteristics of Acculturated Caudill uses Dr.
A. Irving Hallowell’s research on the Indians of the Caudill recognizes a methodological problem in his research: defining what was aboriginal and what was attributed to Western influences, something he reiterates throughout the paper. The data was focused on the results of the Thematic Apperception tests (the same as used by Hallowell) on Ojibwa children. The TAT is administered by showing the children a series of pictures in which they are then asked to describe in detail what is happening in the picture, what the characters are feeling, and what the results of the scenario will be. A story emerges that is indicative of the individuals culture and personality. Caudill describes the different components of his analysis and the specific data from the children. He is able to conclude based on his data in comparison with that of Hallowell’s that both are psychologically very close. He describes the results as a persistence of personality in Ojibwa, despite cultural changes and Western influences. He explains that the Indians of Flambeau live lives unbound to their cultures, where there is a lack of an adequate culture and functioning social organization. Caudill concludes that for individual personality development to occur, there is a necessity for a well-functioning culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4 De Laguna, Grace A. Culture and Rationality. American Anthropologist July-September 1949 Vol. 51 (3): 379-391. In this article, de Laguna explores the relationship between culture and the individual from a philosophical standpoint. De Laguna states that man is intrinsically rational, and that his social community and culture nurture this rationality. By breaking down the concept of culture into specific categories, De Laguna is able to explore different aspects of culture and rationality. The first aspect of culture that De Laguna explores is the intimate relationship between culture and the human mind. It is impossible to separate man from his innate rationality, just as it is impractical to define man apart from his cultural tradition. Man’s rationality is nurtured through the process of his enculturation. In the second part of this article, De Laguna contends that from birth, a conventionalized environment surrounds man, including traditional food, clothing and objects. This atmosphere produces a creature of habit that conforms to the dominant cultural standards. To prove her point, she explains how man’s sexual life is determined according to his cultural standards. Selection of a suitable sexual partner is based upon criteria deemed important and appropriate by one’s culture. Next, De Laguna expresses the idea that every child is the heir of a "cultural inheritance" that dictates and defines appropriate behaviors. Social status is complex, and contingent upon a number of variables. Each social status plays a specific cultural role, and each individual assumes a variety of statuses and roles throughout his lifetime. De Laguna asserts that this experience of playing a specific social role is "the prototype of thought in that it involves the idealizing of behavior." This thought is further elaborated in the fourth segment of the article, which describes how individuals come to associate themselves with certain statuses and roles. The fifth portion of this article explains that man is only able to act from the perspective that he is oriented to because of his culturally determined opportunities. De Laguna argues that the individual is a microcosm that functions in the greater macrocosm of culture. This idea serves as the foundation for the sixth portion of the article, which describes the relationship between culture and individual freedom. Here, De Laguna states that there is a reciprocal modification between the individual and culture. The final segment of the article addresses rationality and the integration of the personality, and De Laguna argues that complex cultures inspire complex personalities. CLARITY RANKING: 2
De Laguna, Grace A. Culture and Rationality. American Anthropologist July-September, 1949 Vol. 51: 379-391 In this article, Grace De Laguna explores how a human’s personality and rationality are the result of the culture in which one is born. De Laguna argues that culture determines a human’s desire for sex as well as their desire for certain foods. The point made is that culture outlines the "ideals" of the culture, the specific traits characteristic to a culture and that individuals at their different stages in life use these traits to outline their social roles. When an individual plays different roles in society, he or she is able to express different parts of his or her character. De Laguna examines how the "idealizations" of culture shape individuals, how the individuals take on varying roles at different stages in their lives, and how they use these varying roles and statuses to orient their lives in the outlined scheme culture lays out. However, De Laguna states that culture, although it outlines and restricts individuals, allows the individuals freedom to develop a personality. De Laguna concludes that an individual’s personality has a close relationship with rationality and that "it is only a rational being that can become a person". CLARITY RANKING: 4 Eggan, Dorothy. The Significance of Dreams for Anthropological Research. American Anthropologist. 1949 Vol. 51. 177-197. Dorothy Eggan focuses on the Hopi Indians in an attempt to prove the significance of dream analysis for anthropological research. She describes the necessity of dream research as a means of understanding cultural traditions that may not be represented in traditional research strategies; noting their effectiveness especially among research with nonliterate groups. Dreams are a universally meaningful element of culture, an indication of how a culture has manifest itself on each member of the society, not only as individual phenomena. In describing the necessity of dreams for the Hopi, Eggan describes fifteen dreams of one member, Don. The dreams are able to reveal an understanding of Dons personality as well as cultural pressures or traditions, as evident in his dreams regarding his mysterious behavior towards a woman he was never attracted to. Among the Hopi, dreams are considered imperative for ones fate in life. Dreams are remembered and elaborated to others, whether good or bad, as a means of accepting of denying what was seen. The dreams are seen as a pattern of the individual, which becomes clearer as more dreams are recorded. Dream research is unique in that it offers information to the researcher without requiring prior knowledge of the culture; the dreams (if one uses enough samples) contain evidence of socialization, specific to the culture in question. Eggan does not propose direct methods for using dreams in anthropological research, but introduces the idea, with a suggestion for cross cultural dream field work to be collected. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Upon conclusion
of the work in the Faiyum and Sinai, the members of the Expedition
reassembled in Wadi Halfa to cross the In Wadi Halfa, they were invited by Oliver H. Myers to examine the rock drawings discovered recently at Abka, ten miles south of Wadi Halfa. On basalt boulders over a wide area Myers has excavated and recorded forty groups of rock drawings. Remains from the Neolithic and Christian were found. Since no anthropometric data had been recorded on the Nubians in the Wadi Halfa area, Mr. Field measured twenty-seven men in Abka. They speak their own language, as well as Arabic. From Wadi Halfa to Abu Hamed the following sites were found: a low range of black, crystalline rock, a small white quartz handaxe, and a few flakes were found. A large gray fragment of an ostrich egg was also found. Three miles northeast of this station there were two hills about 125 ft. above level. On top of these hills flaked quartz and rhyolite flakes were obtained. Several ostrich egg fragments lay on the northwestern slope. On Hezirat el-Mograt, the island opposite of Abu Hamed they found a ruined building believed to be a late Christian building. Many pottery fragments lay on a gravel bank. Continuing westward they collected some flint nuclei, choppers, scrapers, and flakes. About thirty miles south of Abu Hamed is a rock known as Hagar el-Mirwa. On the northeast face of the rock is the life size figure of an Egyptian god. About 2.5 miles southwest of Hagar el-Mirwa is a site known as El Koneisa. Here thousands of sherds cover the continuous low mounds. The pottery here has been identified as third or fourth century Meroitic. The author was only
able to spend three weeks in Kenya Colony. While there he visited the The study collections
contain series from Olduvai, Olorgesailie, Elmenteita, Naivasha, and
other sites in In From July to November
1947, the In 1948, Dr. and
Mrs. Leakey will excavate the Neolithic cemetery at Kijabe just of
the Nairobi-Naivasha road. It is necessary to salvage the skeleton
before flooding destroys them. Mrs. Leakey will excavate a Late Neolithic
opal mine in the Molo area in order toe determine the mining methods.
Dr. Leakey will search for additional Mocene apes on CLARITY RANKING: 3
This article covers
the highlights of the expedition across the The Nubian people, in the nearby range of Shellal, and Abu Fatneh, own camels, donkeys, cattle, and sheep. They do not practice tattooing, however they do cut themselves to relieve pain and many have cuts and scars on their cheeks and temples. Sites between the
Wadi Halfa and Abu Hamed were tracked along the railroad and several
surface sites were found with interesting excavations, artifacts and
old ruined buildings. At umm Disa eight miles south of The second part
of the article focuses on The last portion
focuses on physical anthropological data on the Masai or Kikuu, who
live near CLARITY RANKING: 1 Gregory, W. K. Franz Weidenreich, 1873-1948. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol 51 (6): 85-90. Doctor Franz Weidenreich
was a man rejected in his motherland of Throughout his lifetime
Weidenreich held such titles including, but not necessarily limited
to: Professor of Anatomy, President of the Democratic Party of Alsace-Lorraine,
Professor of Anthropology, honorary Director of the Cenozoic Research
Laboratory of Geologic Survey of China, and as an honored Guest Researcher
at the Hundreds of his papers written on the origin of man and man’s anatomy advanced our world of science. Dr. Gregory, author of this obituary is also the author of a full bibliography of Weidenreich’s publications. Gregory gives us a condensed list of Weidenreich’s major contributions and presents him as a priceless member of early physical anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gregory, W. K. Franz Weidenreich, 1873-1948. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol. 51: 85-90. Franz Weidenreich,
a man of science, made contributions not only to the fields of science,
but to anthropology as well. He attempted to uncover and explain the
science and evolution of man. Franz was born June 7, 1873, in Franz Weidenreich began his studies in hematology but gradually moved toward studies of tissues, ligaments, bone, teeth, and dentine to name few. These studies led him to his studies of jaws, skeletons and the importance of man’s motion and the appendages that allow it. During World War I and after, Franz took a seven-year hiatus. When he returned to his work, his focus was on human evolution and problems of human race. His most notable work, in collaboration with Dr. Von Koenigswald, was the discovery of a new Pithecanthropus skull, which was later determined to be older than the Sinanthropus. Dr. Weidenreich and Dr. Von Koenigswald continued their work together until 1946. Franz died July 11, 1948, leaving behind his loving wife of forty-four years and his three daughters. Franz survived the hardship of two world wars and stove to discover the "fundamental principles of human evolution". CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hallowell, Irving. The
Size of The hunting territory system in the Northern Algonkian region has undergone several stages of analysis. First, when the anthropology was coming out of being primarily based evolutionary theory, people began to ask the question whether or not the system was aboriginal or not. Land tenure was looked at with response to the fauna, ecology and food supply. This makes one look at evidence from a non-cultural slant that looks into the geography and the history. The article goes into depth about the size of and structure of these territories. The density of the population gives a comparative analysis and elucidates the population dynamics and the function of the tenure system in relation to it. The research is also looks into the relationship to the active hunters; this shows how the size of hunting grounds and the correlative demographic data effects the controlling factors. Which are looked at within a background of linguistic, cultural, technological factors. The data collected is in the Grand lake Victoria group in 1926 and the Berens River Indians between 1932 and 1934. The table elucidates the size of Hunting Grounds, the size of Hunting Groups, the Density of Population, and the ratio of active hunters to other persons. The size of the hunting groups bears an inverse e relation to the size of the hunting grounds. The Berens River Indians are three times larger than the Grand Lake Victoria Indians. Is the density of the populations the controlling factor in the size of hunting territories? One cannot explain this, according to Hallowell, in terms of cultural standards. The size of the territory then, is not as crucial as the abundance of game in such land. He hypothesizes at the end of the article that the white trapping competition may have an influence. The purpose of the article is to give a systematic analysis to the system of the hunting territories. CLARITY RANKING: 1 Keesing, Felix M. Some Notes On Bontok Social Organization. American Anthropologist. Oct-Dec. 1949 Vol. 51(4):578-602 This article is
concerned with a group called the Bontok living in the Philippine mountains.
The Bontok comprise one of roughly ten ethnic groups of the Igorot
mountain peoples of the Cordillera Central in In 1902 the Americans established a protectorate for the non-Christian peoples of the mountain province. American and Filipino administrators were then able to develop peace pacts between the Bontok and their neighbors, thus causing the virtual elimination of headhunting as a major practice. Marked acculturation took place among the mountain peoples, but the Bontok remained very conservative. For them changes were voluntary and highly selective, resulting in the Bontok culture remaining very much unchanged. The most obvious change in Bontok culture was the end of feuding and headhunting. Other changes include increased trading, greater education and the conversion of some to Christianity. Characteristic cultural elements of the Bontok include styles of houses, styles of dress, a body of tradition that included a myth of common descent from a brother and sister who survived a flood of the local mountains and a group of legends centering on the cultural hero Lumawig. Such cultural uniformities however did not involve any sense of a common identity or any inter-village cooperation. Even at the time of the article few would consider themselves "Bontok", rather they would refer to themselves by the name of their own village. This article details the Bontok "wards" in the villages, about the ceremonial stone platforms, the men's houses and their uses and the girl's houses and their uses. This article also discusses Bontok family and social organization and the three important principles of Bontok social structure- age/generation values, seniority among siblings, and rank/class distinctions. Overall this article gives a very good, in-depth look at Bontok social life. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Kroeber, A. L. Juan Dolores, 1880-1948. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol. 51: 96-97. This obituary provides a brief account of Juan Dolores’ life and describes his vital role in the preservation of the Papago language. A.L. Kroeber describes Dolores as a tolerant and observant man who was "always interested in his fellow-men." Born on June 24,
1880 in For the next fifteen
years Dolores continued his relationship with the University, until
1936, when he went to Dolores authored a series of texts on the Papago language, and is remembered for his exhaustive analysis of Papago grammar and syntax. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Kroeber, A. L. Obituary: Roy Franklin Barton, 1883 – 1947. American Anthropologist Fall, 1949 Vol. 51 (2): 91-95 This article is
a look at the life and work of the late ethnographer Roy Franklin Barton.
It begins with a short synopsis of Barton’s life before his work as
an ethnographer, including a summary of his high school career and
family. It discusses his career as a schoolteacher, which took him
to the Barton’s brief career
as a dentist took him to Next, the article
discusses Barton’s book Philippine Pagans. It stresses the importance
of this work for both methodological and theoretical reasons by stating
that to date no other ethnographic work has been so detailed in its
analysis and interpretation. It also mentions the work Barton did between
1938 - 1940 as the Curator of the Departments of India and In 1940 Barton left Barton published a number of books on the Ifugao, including a wordbook of 4000 Ifugao words, a description of Ifugao religion and a memoir on Ifugao mythology. A list of manuscript and book titles is given and the final paragraphs discuss Barton’s talents as an ethnographer. Overall the article praises Barton’s work with the Ifugao, discusses his ability and aptitude as a self-taught ethnographer and sums up his life’s work. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ROBERTSON,
Kroeber, A. L. Roy Franklin Barton, 1883-1947. American Anthropologist 1949. Vol. 51: 91-95. Roy Franklin Barton was an ethnographer that wrote on the physiognomy of institutions, and the had an intense curiosity in human motives. His most famous works were on the Philippine peoples. He was self taught, which gave him limits to his intellectual breadth but had a fresh attitude towards field work that can become dulled by the academic sphere. He had a gift at observing people, especially the unusual and in some cases even came to mimic them, which were early signs of his ethnographic mind. He taught school
in He came back to CLARITY RANKING: 2 Laurence, William Ewart and George Peter Murdock. Murngin Social Organization. American Anthropologist. Jan-Mar. 1949 Vol. 51(1):58-66 This article considers a group of native Australians, the Murngin, and is an attempt to correct W. Lloyd Warner's erroneous analysis of their kinship relations. Warner characterizes the Murngin kinship system as non-cycling, consisting of seven patriarchal lines of descent with an indefinite lateral extension of terminology. It has been found that the Murngin actually have eight patriarchal lines and that the system is a cyclic one. The Murngin have two unnamed exogamous matri-moeties that cycle through the eight patri-lines- bisecting each of them in later generations. It is also noted that the Murngin have two patri-moeties. Murngin society is made up of more than forty local groups or "hordes" consisting of males and unmarried females. Consistent adherence to the system, which rarely happens, has the effect of dividing the two matri-moeties into four semi-moeties and the two patri-moeties into eight semi-semi-moeities resulting in a possible thirty-two class system. The occurrence of a great number of undesirable and "wrong" marriages create a difficulty in discovering the cycling throughout the eight patri-lines. Having eight patri-lines instead of just seven connects the two extreme lines and creates a new cycling effect. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lawrence, William Ewert and George Peter Murdock. Murngin Social Organization. American Anthropologist 1949. Vol. 51: 58-65. The Native Australian
Civilization, the Murngin, are a group in North eastern CLARITY RANKING: 1 Lewis, Oscar. Husbands
and Wives in a In this article Lewis examines the social roles of Mexican husbands and wives. He defines what is considered the "ideal" for women’s behavior and discusses how they act in reality. He shows how the dichotomy between "ideal" and "real" results in a role conflict for women. Lewis begins by discussing what Mexicans consider the ideal behavior for a wife. The ideal wife is submissive and devoted, allowing her husband to dominate, control, and often times abuse her, without retaliation. She should work inside the home, be industrious and frugal and manage to make ends meet, regardless of the household’s economic situation. Furthermore, the Mexican wife should never question the husband’s activities outside the home or be critical of him in any way. However, although there are a few homes where this is the reality, the majority of Mexican women do not conform to this standard. Many women, while they say they prefer a daughter-in-law that is submissive, in actuality consider a weak woman a fool. Also, there is a strong inclination of women to work outside the home, against their husband’s wishes, selling corn and various other items to make their own income. The wife is the true authority figure of the household as well. Lewis reasons this is because the husband usually takes a job that keeps him away from the house for long periods of time and when he is present, he is not expected to take on any of the responsibilities of childrearing. Thus, the control of the children ends up in the hands of the women. Lewis concludes
by stating that there is a growing trend amongst the younger women
in CLARITY RATING: 5 ROBERTSON, PENELOPE. Little, K. L. The Role of the Secret Society in Cultural Specializaion. July, 1949 Vol. 51:199-212. For the Mende people
of The secret societies
are the main traditional ways left in The disapproval
of Christian Missionaries is not as strong as it used to be partially
because of the social functions of the Poro being better known and
appreciated by the Missionaries. Neither Christianity nor Islam have
had much direct effect on the Poro’s status. The European ideal in
the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Little, K. L. The Role of the Secret Society in Cultural Specialization. American Anthropologist, 1949. Vol. 51: 199-212. Little studies the
Mende and the groups associated with them in The text is divided into 4 sections that distinguish the different secret societies that Little has identified:
General education reveals the distinctions between the secret societies in the initiation rites. Each has a very specialized training process to transform the individual into a worthy member of the particular group. The regulation of sexual conduct varies in emphasis between the societies. The Poro and the Sande, for example, are only interested in establishing general rules in etiquette and social behavior. The Humoi, on the other hand, makes rules about marriage and mating. In the supervision over political and economic affairs the manifestation of the supernatural powers’ authority in ritual changes from one society to another. Finally, the differences in the operation of medical and other social services lie in ideological concepts that are constructed to explain and remedy physical and mental ailments. Little offers a
very organized and logical analysis that categorizes and dissects the
overriding factors that he perceives to be significant in the variations
of the secret societies in CLARITY RANKING: 4 Mead, Margaret. Benedict, Fulton Ruth, 1887-1948. American Anthropologist. 1949 Vol.51: 457-468. Ruth Benedict grew
up on a farm in Her first work in
anthropology was with Elsie Parsons at the Not until her trip to Pima in 1927, when she saw the possibilities of viewing culture and the rewards of using anthropological ways of thought. This gave her more personal interpretation of life. Patterns of Culture was published in 1934 and was translated into five different languages and used as a reference in hundreds of college courses. Giving the first glimpse of what anthropology could mean to psychological disciplines. This book gave a sense of how understanding culture could increase an understanding in life. At this time Boas was retiring she was devoted to writing Race: Science and Politics. It was part of the service she rendered to those social movements designed to remove all handicaps based on race or sex, and to build a world in which each human could act with dignity. The small pamphlet, Race of Mankind, went into millions of copies and was translated into film, and proved to be on of the most important contributions anthropologist have made towards the education on race differences. She made continuing contributions to interdisciplinary thinking. Two of her most influential works were "Anthropology and the Abnormal" and "Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Anthropology". As an Anthropologist interested in personality and culture her work was dependant upon a comparison of cultural forms, rather than upon the insights and findings of the biological and psychological sciences. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) was based on an intensive analysis of interview and literary material on themes in Japanese culture. During 1948 she
visited five countries, CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mead, Margaret. Ruth Fulton Benedict 1887-1948. American Anthropologist, 1949. Vol. 51: 457-468. Mead chronicles Benedict’s life from her humble beginnings to her years of hard work and dedication to anthropology. Along with significant dates in Benedict’s career, the text also shapes her character as a determined, persistent, and committed practitioner of cultural studies. The text reports on her intellectual endeavors, beginning with her graduation from Vassar in 1909. She did not get her first taste of cross-cultural experience until after she graduated from college. Mead leads up to her experience with Boas by describing her growing interest in understanding the different facets of culture. Importantly, Mead proceeds to explain full commitment to anthropology did not appear until Benedict realized that she would not have children. The anthropological contributions that followed are captured in her years of teaching the interrelationships between anthropology, psychology, and psychiatry. Mead also acknowledges Benedict’s interest in religion, philosophy, and applied anthropology. This obituary gives a quick glance over the nature of contributions that Benedict made to anthropology. By the time she died, she left a path on which anthropology was to continue to apply anthropology to contemporary cultural dynamics. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Milke, Wilhelm. The Quantitative Distribution Of Cultural Similarities And Their Cartographic Representation. American Anthropologist. Volume 53: 1949:237-. Observers have always agreed that there is a connection between geographical proximity and the cultural similarity of ethnic units. Using statistics as a form of measure, researchers can use numerical methods to measure the similarities between cultures. The first person to use numerical methods in the analysis of cultural similarity was Keiter, who applied these methods to the Tupi. Keiter’s research
included two factors, s and G. G refers to the Qsub6 formula, which
is a sine curve, and s refers to the geographical proximity between
cultures measured in kilometers. He compared the curve of the Tupi
to a curve of the However, what Keiter
forgot to take into account was that the Tupi culture derived from
one single culture along with the other cultures within Milke takes Keiter’s
analysis of the Tupi and compares it to other cultures within Milke’s argument throughout this article was concerned with applying common statistical formulas to the analysis of cultural similarities based on geographical proximity. He used certain
coefficients, such as barrier zones, actual geographic proximity, and
the lists of similarities, to create graphs or curves showing relations
between the cultures. After comparing Keiter’s study of the Tupi with
the cultures of CLARITY RANKING: 4 NO Reichard, Gladys A. The Navaho and Christianity. American Anthropologist. American Anthropologist, 1949. Vol.51: 66-71. This article examines the contradictions between Christianity and Navaho religion, which make the Navaho resistant to the conversion efforts of missionaries. She explains the differences in dogma and culture between the Navaho and the Christians. These differences, according to Reichard, create oppositional cultures, one not ready to be assimilated into the other. The differences come in both theory and cultural practice. Any contact with death or the dead is both prohibited and feared among the Navaho making the Christian concepts of the Resurrection and the need to bury the dead repulsive. Navaho concepts of reciprocity make the concept of sins and penance difficult to understand. Mistakes and wrong-doings are dealt with by reciprocal acts with the living and not erased through penance or empty communication with God. The roller coaster of wrong and rights exists in life and has little to do with the after-life as it does in Christianity. Within the concept of reciprocity comes the idea that for each gift given, a gift is expected and received, which runs contrary to the Christian concept of charity. Reichard also points to conflicts between cultural manifestations of the family. The Navaho are by tradition polygynous, something which is prohibited in Christianity. The rapid change required by Christianity, from polygamy to monogamy resulted in underground polygony and/or many wives and their children abandoned by their former spouse and father. Another point of contention is the rigidity of Christianity. For the Navaho, authority figures are expected to learn and challenge the pre-existent ideologies, whereas the Christians are expected to follow static rules. The somber nature of Christianity is also in contradiction to the Navaho’s more relaxed and joyful ceremonial practices. The Navaho do not see a problem with the Christians staying Christian and the Navaho following their own traditions, while the Christians intend to convert as many as possible to Christianity. Reichard concludes that, in order to reach a compromise, the Christians need to understand the reasons behind such strong resistance. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Pollenz, Philippa. Method for the Comparative Study of the Dance. American Anthropologist 1949 Vol. 51: 428-435. One of the most expressive and elaborate forms of art created by human beings is that of dance. Dancing can be done with nothing more than a single person. Dancing can express so much about emotion, love, life, hardships, and more. Dancing is found nearly universally among all people. Due to these reason anthropologists value data collected about dance, especially in primitive societies. Anthropologists have been interpreting dance since the beginning of the profession and it has taught us much. The problem anthropologists have come up against is how to record the data they interpret. There is no standard to follow although some have tried to create them. In addition the intricacies of a dance are so great that it is nearly impossible to record them accurately. Philippa Pollenz describes the different recording methods and compares them to one another seeking the best method. Letter Substitution is the earliest known form of recording dance. It was created in 1588 to describe the steps of different dances to facilitate teaching. This method is only reliable when a complete vocabulary of every single dance move is known. It cannot be used in the field with unrecorded peoples. The Lacuisse system used dotted lines to trace the paths of dancers on the floor. It also indicated the gender of the dancer and contact between multiple dancers. Latter a third system was developed that was able to express the fluid motions of the body as well as the steps. Stick Figures were drawn for each move that the dancer performed. While the figures were good at showing details they were limited as well. Floor pattern was hard to distinguish, intricate steps required much detail, and multiple dancers made the task overwhelming. Pollenz decides in the end that a new method created by a German named Rudolf von Labon is the best method to use. It is based on the five line notation most often used in music. Each column represents a section of the body and which side is in motion. Dots and lines of various shapes indicate every other motion the dancer is involved in, direction of movement, and floor pattern, and height from floor. With the great amount of detail to be recorded the Von Labon system is difficult to learn and has not been proven to work with all dances. The author concludes that despite the drawbacks of each system, the Von Labon system works the best. CLARITY RANKING: 4 WERNER, DAMIAN UNC Sankalia, H.
D. and Karve, I. Early Primitive Microlithic Culture
and People of Sankalia and Karve
report on archeological findings to associate the found human and animal
remains with the microlithic man. Their main objective is to gain more
knowledge of the prehistoric culture of the They authors describe, in detail, the context in which these bones were found. They argue that these were contemporary human skeletons belonging to the microlithic period by explaining that the layering of the different soils found on the remains indicates that the core layer was the real microlithic layer. This article outlines the methods and strategies of archaeology that are useful in associating remains of humans to a particular time period and understand how they responded to their environment. Such strategies included looking at the stratigraphy of several area sites, digging through the soil’s contents to locate the paths and populations of this prehistoric culture. They detail the steps it takes to identify the material, and determine when/how it was deposited. Sankalia and Karve
are not content with giving descriptions on their findings. They made
connections to understand the culture of the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Schmitt, Karl and Slotkin, J. S. Studies of Wampum. American Anthropologist January, 1949 Vol.51: 223-234. The two main points of this article are to show that wampum was used by the Indians before the "white" man, and that with the contact of "white" man, Indians started to use wampum as a type of money. The authors begin
with a summary of archaeological evidence pertaining to tubular shell
beads. The main question asked is whether there were any tubular shell
beads that predated white contact in the eastern |
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