American Anthropologist
1948

Adams, Inez.    Rice Cultivation in Asia. American Anthropologist April – June 1948 Vol. 50: 256 - 282.

Adams feels that because of the terminology used in rice cultivation throughout different Asian countries there is some confusion as to how many categories of types of rice and ways of growing different types of rice that there truly are. There is "wet" rice, "dry" rice, "dryland" rice, "lowland" rice, "upland" rice, "mountain" rice, and so forth. There are different, but similar definitions in each country that grows rice agriculturally. In Java, for instance, there is "marsh" rice that is sown in nurseries and then transplanted to flooded fields. Here also is the "mountain" rice, which describes dry cultivation with minimal irrigation.

Some agronomists feel that the point is moot since all rice does best when grown in very wet soil, however, not everyone agrees with that assessment. Many others feel that different varieties grow better in different types of environments. Apparently, different varieties of rice fare better depending on the altitude, which might account for a preference for "wet" or "dry" cultivation.

Adams uses extensive examples to describe rice agriculture terms from Sumatra, to India, to China, to West Africa and on into Japan and Korea. There seem to be terms similar to "wet" and "dry", with "lowland" and "upland" being the more updated terms, in virtually every area of rice culture. Still, the author feels that, without taking the different varieties, the different altitudes and climates into account that these terms are too much of an oversimplification of the agriculture of rice.

Frankly, I found this paper to be verbose and confusing as it jumped back and forth from one country to another. All of the information seemed to repeat itself in almost every instance.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LISA SEILER University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Adams, Inez.  Rice Cultivation in Asia.  American Anthropologist. 1948 Vol. 50:256-282.

According to Adams, the descriptions of rice cultivation in Asia have been over-simplified in literature. Terms such as “wet” and “dry,” “dryland,” “lowland,” “upland” and “mountain” rice are discussed because he considers them too vague to be used in comparative work and in historical reconstructions. By describing these terms in detail, Adams hopes to make clear what these terms are referencing.

Adams explores literature as early as 1820 with John Crawfurd's "History of the Indian Archipelago." Lowie (1938), Wagner (1926), Forde (1934), Wissler (1946), Loeb (1935), Keesing (1937), Du Bois (1944), Scott (1911), Cole (1945) and Wickizer (1941) are just some of the other writers whose work he discusses. He includes works written by botanists, and agronomists whose descriptions are the clearest.  Adams also uses works from The Indian Department of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics, and The Philippine Department of Agriculture and Commerce.

With excerpts, Adams is able to show that the terms are used very generally and they often overlap each other. For example, writers Elwin, R.F. Barton, and Krieger all use the terms "upland" and "lowland" rice in their literature; however, they each use them differently to describe the Philippines.  Agronomists who use them include Camus and Jacobson in the Philippines. Pelzer, in his "recent" geographical study, considers them convenient, and Wickizer likewise. Camus adds "mountain" rice to "upland" rice, observing that the same varieties can be grown in both habitats, though some varieties adapt best under the methods of cultivation in the mountains. His separation of "upland" and "lowland" rice is complicated by the fact that some of the Philippine "lowland" rice that is grown under irrigation is raised in non-irrigated nurseries or dry farmed previous to transplanting.

Besides showing how terms overlap, Adams provides detailed ethnographic accounts of the varieties and the methods of cultivation. He describes the kinds of rice, adaptability, altitudinal limits, dates of sowing and harvest, number of crops grown per year, kinds of soil used and their preparation, with other details of cultivation within specific regions of Asia.  The following is a short example of the descriptions Adams uses: "In Hokkaido the growing season is short, ‘upland’ rice is not cultivated, but quick-maturing ‘lowland’ varieties have been established. Rice cultivation is only a recent development on the island, and the northern limit is set by a 90-day growing season" (269).

Adams points out that rice may have thrived in central Africa before being cultivated in Asia, however, there are no studies to prove this. It is only known that rice was cultivated in Africa from ancient times, and that Africa has its own varieties grown from wild species. The question where wild rice was first introduced into cultivation remains unsolved.

Adams concludes that the transitions between the methods employing irrigation and dry farming are too numerous to justify the continued use of the terms "wet" and "dry." Classifications according to habitat, as "upland," "lowland," "mountain," and "swamp" are useless because the plant adapts so readily to varied environments. 

CLARITY:5

KARI HIETANEN    University of Minnesota – Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Bascom, William R.    West Africa and The Complexity of Primitive Cultures. American Anthropologist. January-March, 1948 Vol.50(1):18-22

William Bascom disagrees with the assumption that primitive cultures can be characterized by simplicity and attempts to prove their culture complexities through anthropological fieldwork, gaps in literature, and errors and unknowns in fieldwork.

The article examines components of culture such as political, social, and economic institutions, religion, art, and kinship to accurately prove various cultures’ complexities. Focusing on the Yoruba, we learn of their complex political authority and economy. Yoruba is highly urbanized, including nine of the ten largest cities in Nigeria. Their political authority consists of kings that rule through chiefs, who in turn rule over districts, sub-districts, cities, armies, and opposing colonial powers. Much like the American law system, which we could all agree to be complex, Yoruba civil and criminal cases are tried before courts of law and chiefs. Yoruba is commercially dependent on arts and craft markets, which are run through four levels of middlemen. Traders deal with guilds, which also have separate offices, meetings, and names. The kinship groups and political units of Yoruba people are also very complex. Kinship status depends on age; terms of family seniority are based on first-to-marry and patrilineal descent. Equally complex is the number of deities considered in the Yoruba culture. Some Yoruba believe there are 401 deities while others believe there are 601. This adds confusion between the people and furthers the complexity of their religion. All examples in this article were merely used to indicate the need for further research and better understanding.

Although examining cultural components proves to be the most accurate way to prove primitive cultures as complex, Bascom admits the total understanding of the culture cannot be achieved in a usual year of fieldwork, and only mere outlines of culture can be achieved. Consequently, complexities previously analyzed still require research. Bascom also notes that the size and regional variation of tribal cultures often blur cultural characteristics. As a result "the degree of complexity that exists among these people who are labeled ‘primitive’" is lost.

This article is interesting and eye opening to anyone guilty of generalizing about "primitive" cultures and offers insight to the confusing and in depth fieldwork of an anthropologist.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

MOLLY SCHINGER University of Montana (John Norvell)

Bascom, William R.  West Africa and the Complexity of Primitive Cultures.  American Anthropologist  January-March, 1948 Vol. 50(1):18-23.

The purpose of this article is to "indicate the degree of cultural complexity" exhibited by many African societies.  Bascom stresses that it is hard to convince students and scholars of anthropology of the complexity found among African groups which have traditionally been labeled as primitive.   Bascom bases his argument on multilinear evolution.

Bascom claims that the high population of many cities in Nigeria, the use of formal courts of law, and complex folklore, music and dancing of many West Africans are all necessary components of a complex society and therefore, their cultures should not be referred to as primitive.

Bascom argues that the use of true money, far-reaching authority, and direct taxation are also complex features found within African societies.  For example, the Yoruba have over 5,000 stories, the Ibadan has 387,000 people, and the Dahomey society has thirteen forms of marriage.  It is important to note that he believes that when a culture is missing a specific complex feature it makes up for it with another complimenting feature such as a different cultural tradition, ideology, or innovation.  For example; if a society lacks far-reaching authority it makes up for it by having a large number of folklore, stories, or myths.

However, Bascom states that writing is essential to a complex society. Although these societies have many complex characteristics they cannot be complex without a written language.  Since some of the Africans he writes about do not use a written language his argument contradicts his multilinear approach.  Therefore, his idea that African societies are complex is undercut because they do not have a written language.

CLARITY: 3

BETTINA KEPPERS    University of Minnesota Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Benedict, Ruth.    Anthropology and the Humanities. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948 Vol.50(4):585-593.

The author does an excellent job of revisiting the birth of anthropology and its later split from the humanities. She professionally addresses the necessity of science in anthropology without neglecting the importance of the humanities. At first it appeared the author was attempting to draw a line right between the two, but later she noted the symbolic and cultural importance of the humanities and common ground shared.

Most of what the author wrote suggests much better results are obtained when the humanities and anthropology work together. The study of man and "the plight of man" focus directly on behavior. Behavior stems from the human mind, which historically, has been heavily influenced by the humanities. However, the author does note that the humanities are notoriously subjective and there must be a distinction. As the anthropologists’ most formidable tool is his open mind, and along with scientific analysis, the two just don’t go well together. However, when studying culture, you can’t focus on one and not the other. Humanities had an enormous role in the forming of society and culture, so dismissing them would be counterproductive. The author failed to address anthropology’s contribution to the humanities. She hinted at its significance, but then stated the information "not crucial" to anthropologists. I think biblical archaeologists might disagree. Overall this was a well thought out and interesting article to read.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

RYAN MINCKLER University of Montana (John Norvell)

Benedict, Ruth.   Anthropology and the Humanities.  American Anthropologist, 1948 Vol.50(4):585-593.

Within Benedict’s article the origin of anthropology’s historical split from the humanities to a science is analyzed.  The article opens by tracing the roots of anthropology back some hundred years to when explanations in anthropology were based solely on common biological concepts.  Sharing such commonalities with pre-established sciences set the basis for the development of anthropology into the science it is today.  The concern of this specific article is that this split, however needed, resulted in anthropologist simply overlooking the importance of the humanities as an immense tool that needs to be utilized to better understand others.     

Benedict discusses the function of the humanities as a primary source for knowledge in the western world from the renaissance on, thereby dwarfing science.  The humanities were used to explore distinctive cultures in a similar way as modern anthropologists would today.  They both offered insight into another person’s lifestyle and offered exploration in an alien environment.  With the onset of science, the humanities were disregarded as a viable source.  Scientific concepts that were valid for inanimate objects were now to hold true for humans.  Benedict explains that due to this assumption, emotions, ethics, rational insight,  and purpose were all being neglected.  

The author states that neither anthropology nor the humanities are the exact route to be taken in enlightening ourselves.  An adoption of both the scientific method and the literary canon are needed to holistically understand others.  The need to study the humanities is made clear as the author relates several critiques of Shakespeare and Santayana’s work in cultural anthropology as highly influential in shaping her career.  In studying classic works within the humanities the author believes that a better understanding of humans can be achieved; an understanding that is needed within anthropology and one that is currently lacking.  A unique blend of appreciation for the humanities, coupled with the rigorous methodology and techniques of  science, will result in a much more productive anthropological workforce.     

CLARITY RANKING: 5

DANIEL IRVINE    Indiana U of Penn  (Miriam Chaiken)

Cohen, Albert K.    On the Place of Themes and Kindred Concepts in Social Theory. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 436-443.

This article attempts to find the importance in studying theory and conceptual scheme of a society through the use of themes only, and the information that can be extracted from observing the themes. Opler is referred to for comparison, so the author may provide substance to the theory of the importance of themes in studying a particular society. The lack of support and clarity of the theory of themes is mentioned, leading the reader to conclude that there is much imagination and imposition that exists in attempting to describe and understand a particular society through the use of themes.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

TRACY BEACH   University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Cohen, Albert.   On the Place of “Themes” and Kindred Concepts in Social Theory.   American Anthropologist   July-September, 1948.   Vol.50(3):446-443.

The author of this article addresses the problem of anthropologists and sociologists applying “themes” and equivalents to develop theories of social behavior concerning specific societies.  His main argument is that it may be appropriate for social scientists to discover patterns or themes in societies, however when using these value systems only the implicit is being looked at, excluding the explicit.  He uses social scientists’ social theories, such as that of Opler, to prove that social systems cannot be restricted to specific value systems.  He goes on to state that arriving at general conclusions of social behavior offers no evidence for predicting feature behaviors.

Albert Cohen addresses what is assumed when taking this approach.  The first assumption is that “culture is logically integrated”.  He uses Ruth Benedict’s work to show that culture is not, at times, logically integrated and to apply such concepts on the field may be very risky.  In order to escape this approach Cohen suggests 4 main ways to view themes that take a broader contextual method.  He goes on to state that if themes are not oriented appropriately they will not hold true.  There is no such thing as a perfect society that follows a rigid pattern or plan, and therefore societies must be studied in context in order to discover what is allowable according to its rules that enable the society to function.

Cohen draws his conclusion by critiquing Galdwin’s views of how a themal approach can in fact give a true understanding of a society and states that this is simply an idealistic theory as explained by Whitehead.  Cohen rebuttals Opler’s rejoinder in order to prove that simply taking a themal approach to social behavior is inadequate and a greater system must be applied. 

CLARITY:  3

TIFFANY FERDERER     University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Eiseley, Loren C.    Early Man in South and East Africa. American Anthropologist January – March, 1948 Vol.50(1):11-17.

This article describes the hunt for the "missing link" and describes two finds by Dr. Louis Leakey. The author believes that the greatest evidence for this is found in Africa and believes there is not one but several "links".

The first find he writes about are what Leakey suggests are a direct ancestor to the human line. An almost complete mandible, some teeth and a maxillary fragment of the face were found on Rusingo Island in Lake Victoria in Miocene deposits. Eiseley goes on to describe why Leakey believes that it is different than Proconsul, which was believed to be ancestral to the modern chimpanzee and which someone (the author is not clear) named Hopwood identified the fossils as. After this description, Eiseley explains his problems with Leakey’s interpretations. He concludes his discussion of these fossils by stating that Proconsul shouldn’t be labeled as a definite human ancestor especially since dating of the Australopithecus with humanized dentitions have a close date to Proconsul.

Eisely then discusses evidence on whether Homo sapiens made the African hand axes and whether they were old enough to, which was a debate then. In 1942, Dr. Leakey discovered large amounts of Acheulian hand-axes near Lake Magadi, Kenya, which are associated with extinct animals associated with the early African Pleistocene. He believes that this evidence, as well as hand axes that are associated with bola balls found in the lowest strata of a cave site in northern Rhodesia at Mumba, could mean that a more primitive hominid than sapiens produced them. He suggests that perhaps it was a hominid from the rhodesiensis or Africanthropus lines.

This article is not useful in the current study of paleoanthropology. Many terms that he uses have been discounted or replaced. Also, some examples he uses for comparisons are outdated such as the Piltdown site before it was discovered to be a hoax. If the reader is interested in the progression of the history of paleoanthropology this might be beneficial to read since Eisely had some progressive ideas for that time.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

BECKY KIEFER University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Eisley, Loren C.    Early Man in South and East Africa. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948 Vol.50(1):11-17.

The author of this article takes the bold position of questioning Dr. Leakey’s interpretations of a set of Miocene era ape-like fossil remains and the paleo-cultural significance of the Rhodesian man find and the Broken Hill site. The remains in question included a very complete mandible, fragments of the maxilla, and various teeth from an early anthropoid. It seems the author felt Dr. Leakey must have been overcome with the adrenaline associated with such a significant find and prematurely categorized the anthropoid as a human ancestor. The author does recognize the scientific and biological data that Dr. Leakey uses to support his claim; however, Eisley confronts this data in a convincing way, which does justice to his point of view. The Rhodesian man find and possible link to the Broken Hill site is more complex. Not only is the evidence, and in particular the dating of that evidence, crucial to answering this question, the careless nature of the excavation of Broken Hill probably made all of this impossible.

Dr. Leakey bases his interpretations of the Miocene primate on four physiological aspects of the remains. The first points to the lack of a simian shelf. The simian shelf is present neither in the great apes nor the Dryopithicines, which are both believed to have close links to man. Eisley’s research of the symphyseal region of primates shows that many species of anthropoid also lack the simian shelf. This suggests Leakey’s interpretation is merely coincidental, not concrete. The second and third arguments made by Leakey pertain to the primate’s dentition. He stated the tooth wear is consistent with rotary human type mastication, not the differential wear of today’s great anthropoids. Eisley suggested that Leakey take into consideration the age of the specimen and possible weathering affects before coming to this conclusion. The fourth characteristic is the symphysis region itself, which is approaching the vertical arrangement seen in early man. Eisley argues this region is highly variable among the Dryopithicines and is often explained away by convergence. The author does an excellent job of respectfully disagreeing with Dr. Leakey and presenting a strong case that any number of Miocene apes showed similar characteristics to those seen in Dr. Leakey’s fossil remains.

The debate over the Rhodesian man being linked to the Broken Hill site is less interesting and a far less realistic topic. The excavation of the site appears to have been atrocious and the damage irreversible. The author attempts to place the link between this primitive ancestor of man and a Middle Pleistocene excavation on the sole appearance of perfectly rounded stones that he associates with the bola weapon of the Auchulean era. The author transitions from scientifically and professionally building a case with solid evidence and sound theory in the first topic of the article, to mere speculation which appeared to be heavily influenced by his own opinion in the second topic.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

RYAN MINCKLER University of Montana (John Norvell)

Elmendorf, William M.    The Cultural Setting of the Twana Secret Society. American Anthropologist Month of Issue, 1948 Vol.50: 625-633.

The Twana are an indigenous group of people living near the Hood Canal on the western coast of Washington. The Twana seasonally participate in a secret society ritual they refer to as "Growling of an Animal" which is thought to have originally descended from the Nootka’s wolf ritual. This secret society holds the same basic structures and features as the potlatch. In the secret society, male and female adolescents in upper class families of the sponsor’s community are encouraged to partake in the initiation of this ritual. Those being initiated are divided into sub-groups in accordance with the number of guest communities attending the ceremony. A select group of individuals in each guest community serve as the elected initiators. In each of these groups, an elderly man who earns the name "Supernatural Being of the Secret Society" is designated to transmit the secret society spirit into the new initiates once the ritual commences. The secret society is composed of seven main stages. The first stage is a community dance in the house where the ceremony takes place. In the second stage, the secret society spirit is transmitted into the initiates, resulting in an overall trance. The third stage is characterized by dancing throughout the night by the society members. The fourth stage engages the initiate’s revival from their trances. In stage five, the initiates are bathed in a ritual manner by their parents, dressed in new ceremonial clothes and taught the dance of a guardian spirit. The sixth stage involves the practice of controlling the new spirit each has acquired. The last stage of the ceremony is the payment by the initiate’s families, and a distribution of gifts to the guests by the host community.

The secret society holds two main functions. One function is to express the hierarchy of a family’s social economic status among the community. The second purpose is to ensure the acquirement of the society spirit, who will aid the adolescents in the quest of their guardian spirits in the future. Three other events that can be compared to the secret society are the winter guardian-spirit dance, the potlatch and the winter mass soul-recovery ceremony. The elements that are shared by all four of these ceremonies are ritual singing and dancing, inviting of guests, sponsorship and gift giving.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

TARA URBANIK University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Elmendorf, William M.   The Cultural Setting of the Twana Secret Society.   American Anthropologist   October-December, 1948   Vol.50 (4): 625-633.

My research paper is on a study that was done by an anthropologist named William W. Elmendorf. He studied the traditions and lifestyles of the Twana Secret Society. These people lived in a communal village west of Puget in the drainage area of the Hood Canal. They practice a type of ritual that is different to their surrounding areas.

The purpose of this ritual is an, “Expression of prestige in an inter-community setting according to social rank forms. Sponsors as gift donors initiates as children of wealthy families, guest member as ranked gift recipient all share in this expression the society is an institution validating high rank”(630). It also defined as “A religious function by which initiation and control of the society spirit insures future acquisition by the initiates of an individual guarding spirits, especially a powerful tutelary, one of the wealth power (s’iyalt) or one of the strongest shaman power (swa’dac)” (631).

 “Twana ceremony formed a society to extent of rigorously initiating new member was the only occasion which member acted in concert” (625). This ceremony consists of feasting and dancing for several days, which nearby villages are invited to. People of non-Twana origin bring gifts and will give them on the last day of the rituals. Each guest community ranks the gifts. To perform this ritual a person must be a guardian spirit known among the Twana as the (siyalt) guardian of (wealth power).

The supernatural ritual can only be performed by a transmission from a head into a body. This may last for 3-8 days and may be analyzed into seven main stages. In order to make this ritual work the people of Twana use two pieces of duck shaped wood rattle. They would dance around the house from group to group; this was done to demonstrate the power of the society’s spirit.

The morning of the ritual begins with shouts of spiritual words into the house that was assigned to the head initiator, though the night’s members performed in-group and individual dances, and conjured performances of levitating objects. This demonstrates individual guardian spirits.

The next stage is no different from the first stage; this stage also begins in the morning. However, the second stage takes place outside the house, with loud noises led by the head initiator; he then spits blood from his mouth on each of the initiates then they are bathed by their parents.

The next stage takes place at night indoors. They go dancing and the novice becomes possessed by the society spirit. Blood pours from their mouths. In this ritual when that occurs this was a sign of control.

CLARITY: 5  

CARL SAUVEUR    Indiana U of Penn  (Miriam S. Chaiken)

Fenton, William N.    The Present Status of Anthropology in Northeastern North America; A Review Article. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948 Vol. 50: 494-515.

In this article, Fenton reviews a volume of work entitled Man in Northeastern North America, which is comprised of papers that were presented at the Andover Symposium of 1941. The symposium represented a collaborated effort to quantify data on the Northeastern region of North America. Fenton focuses on areas of discussion pertaining to physical characteristics, linguistics, ethnography, mythology and culture and personality of the various northeast Indians. His main objectives are to establish how different fields within anthropology assess the overall relationship, correlation and origins among the northeastern peoples and cultures. In the process of his evaluation, Fenton incorporates the significance of the Iroquois Indians to the region. Fenton evaluates the methodologies of the various authors to demonstrate where investigation and knowledge are both lacking and well conceived in theory. Furthermore, Fenton offers suggestions in distinct areas of study in hopes future scholars will fill in gaps which he feels needs to be addressed.

Fenton begins by reviewing Hrdlička’s anthropometric analysis of cranial shapes concluding that the Algonquian and Iroquois show no significant difference in cranial characteristics. Next, he theorizes on tribe movements and locals based on Voegelin’s three tier arrangement of Algonquion languages. Fenton concurs with the overall assessment based on physical and linguistic evidence that the northeast region is generally considered an area of "refuge" that hosted three migrations of people from the southwest to the northeast. Fenton is in complete agreement with Cooper that ethnographically the northeast region is easily categorized into a northern taiga-hunting economy and a southwest farming area. Mythological connections among the tribes with respect to culture-hero and trickster tales lend regional Algonquian distinctions dividing the region into Eastern and Central geographic groups. Finally, interrelationship of culture and personality prove the Iroquois are quite similar among the Saultreaux with only minor distinctions.

Fenton is thorough in his evaluation of the five areas of discussion. He makes his argument for further study by pointing out areas where research lacks in verification of historical evidence and/or collaboration with previous studies. Ultimately, Fenton champions the use of comparative method of cultural analysis and classification and urges continuing study among the Indians.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

VIRGINIA MONROE University of Central Florida (Dr. David E. Jones)

Fenton, William.     The Present Status Of Anthropology In Northeastern North America; A Review Article. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948 Vol.50(3):494-515.

This article had a lot of main points in it, but the main focus was a regional summary of northeast North America and its natives. There are five reviews included in the article and each focuses on a different topic pertaining to the northeastern region that makes the area unique and its natives widespread and influential on each other.

The first make reference to the physical aspects of the people in the area. The main focus is on the craniums of the natives that have been collected and studied by scientists. Although there are some questions about the data because many of the specimens that were studied had vague descriptions of where they had been found. There are specific places that define the regions and separate distinct physical types of natives, some being the Connecticut River and the St. Lawrence River.

The second review focuses on the languages of the area. They state that there is one grand family, Algonquian, that is the genotype of the area and five other families that have been identified in the area. There are some dialects that are still unknown and may never be known. Many of the dialects are regional linked and have many things in common leading researches to group them into a level of Indo-European, which helps in the system of classifying the dialects.

The third review is in the ethnography of the Northeast. The hunting culture of the area is the way people obtain all their substance and is unrestricted in the whole area. There are some differences that do define the region into distinct sub-areas, some being political organization and warfare, which seems to be influenced by the Iroquois. This is known because in pre-contact times the Iroquois were expanding and influencing the natives in other areas.

In the forth summary the basis is the religion and mythology of the natives. There are many similarities in the native myths that link many different tribes together. These links are mainly seen in the cosmogony, trickster, and hero myths that are abundant in the myths of the natives. There is a defined family likeness in the myths and different influences on all the native myths.

The fifth is centered on the cultural studies being done in the area. The natives seem to suppress their emotions, a defense mechanism for anxiety. This suppression leads them to discharge the pent-up emotion in many different forms, even retaliation. When they retaliate the main focus is in sorcery and witchcraft, which is universal through out all the tribes. Other releases that the natives turn to are alcohol and warfare.

In conclusion, there have been many different aspects that have influenced the natives of the area before contact with them, and after contact the need to study them lead to many different changes in the society that they knew. There was a drift of tribes to other areas and this drift also led to a lot different changes in the cultures. The cultures were changing with many outside influences and many tribes were assimilated and not studied, which caused their past and beliefs to be lost for the whole world.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LAURA KOSKOVICH University of Montana (John Norvell)

Field, Henry.    The University of California African Expedition: I, Egypt. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948 Vol.50(3):479-493

This article was about a group of anthropologists and archeologists searching in Egypt for many ancient remains in the Sinai Peninsula. The three groups they were looking for were Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic settlements and proof that there was an ancient intercontinental migration across the Sinai Peninsula into Egypt and other ancient civilizations. Another focus of the expedition was on the people who inhabit the area now and how they relate to other cultures. The group focused on anthropometrical data when sampling the inhabitants. They took great detail in measuring the people's skulls, height, and many other determinate factors.

On the first part of their expedition the group discovered many different places that indicated early man had travel through the area and had even established settlements and mines in the mountains. The group found lots of flint flakes that indicated early man passing through. In one area they found evidence of all three groups including scrapings and flakes of flint in the area. The group covered a lot of area in the Sinai and found many instances in which early man had lived in the area. The group found a site thought to be inhabited by the ancient Egyptian miners, and by finding the lowest part of this site only a few meters above sea level the men proved that the Red Sea had not risen over the past 3,400 years. This discovery proved that other bodies of water also hadn't risen, causing the land to be unconnected.

The second part of their expedition focused on the native people of the Sinai. The men had some problems in studying the people because the Bedouin encampments were very spread out. They found little resistance by the people, however . The main focus was the men of the groups, so no women were studied in this observation. The men concluded that the Bedouins were true descendants of the early Mediterraneans.

The article had many different insights into the early exploration of Egypt and the Sinai Peninsula. Also it had a lot of information on the early settlements and migration habits of early man.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

LAURA KOSKOVICH University of Montana (John Norvell)

Field, Henry.  The University of California African Expedition: I, Egypt. American Anthropologist  1948 Vol.50(3):479-493

Field wrote of his team's findings from a five week expedition to Egypt, where they searched for evidence from the Paleolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic periods.  The focus of his research was to prove the theory that early humans migrated from Africa across the northern Sinai. The article gives evolutionary insights about the movement and activity of ancient humans and physical data from samples of modern inhabitants to show biological differences within the Sinai.

The team found sites on the surface from all three time periods and artifacts such as flakes, scrapers, cores, flint blades, spearheads, pottery or inscriptions.  Stone monuments, individual graves, and cemeteries were also recorded.  Stone heaps in the area were previously thought to be shelters because of a lack of bones inside.  But Field and his team inferred that because turquoise beads were likely buried with the dead, looters robbed the graves in antiquity.  One other stone structure may have been used as a storehouse for tools or as a temporary resting place for a prominent figure.  Inscriptions found during the project included animals, human figures, and written graffiti. 

Anthropometric records were made of 718 modern men of Sinai.  The Beduins were described as typically short, small headed, with a narrow forehead, and dark brown hair and eyes.  According to Field this proved they were close to the ideal basic Mediterranean type.  He noted slight variations across the peninsula, some people having lighter hair and fairer complexions and some having fuzzier hair.

Field argued that the archaeological and anthropological evidence recovered by his team confirmed that early humans moved out of Africa across the Sinai.  

CLARITY: 4

JANELLE STAUFF    University of Minnesota Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Gladwin, Thomas.    Comanche Kin Behavior. American Anthropologist, April-June 1948. Vol.50: 73-94.

In this article, Thomas Gladwin follows a general outline of kinship systems initially formulated by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown in order to study relationships among the Comanche. Radcliffe-Brown:

Kinship systems vary in different forms of social organization all over the world in respect of three characters; (1) the extent to which genealogical relationships are recognized for social purposes, (2) the way in which relatives are classified and grouped, (3) the particular customs by which the behavior of relatives, as so recognized, classified and grouped, is regulated in their dealings with each other.

Among the Comanche, kinship terms are used to establish and maintain relationships.

A span of six generations exists in the kinship terminology of the Comanche, usually two above and three below that of the speaker. A Comanche will always refer to another Comanche by a kinship term. Referring to someone by his or her name when there is no necessity is only done in anger. "During peyote meetings, the participants are always required to address each other by appropriate kinship terms."

There are many possible terms to be applied to one individual, however, one relationship will represent a closer one, and that one is generally used. A stranger is usually called "father" or "mother’s father", depending on his age.

The relationship between siblings of the same sex is generally considered to be one of the closest and strongest. A man’s brothers are usually more important to him than his wife. Polygynous relationships are most common and sensible.

Joking relationships occur among siblings-in-law. Brothers in law will be insulting, calling each other "tale?cI" (spider) and "pi’hire?cI" (tarantula). This is the most common type of relationship among siblings in law in the Comanche as well as other Plains tribes. Another derived custom of other Plains tribes is the custom of the organized friendship between men of the same age. This practice had its origins in warfare.

"The use of kinship terms for the Comanche is never a one-way affair; the relationship which the application of a term signalizes always demands that the person addressed reciprocate with the appropriate complementary term, and generally also with the behavior thus implied. Otherwise the initial usage is meaningless."

CLARITY RANKING: 4

NATHAN JONES University of Central Florida, (David Jones)

Gladwin, Thomas.  Comanche Kin Behavior.  American Anthropologist 1948 Vol.50:73-94.

Thomas Gladwin argues that the ways people communicate with their kin are symbols for patterns of behavior and attitude and that there has not been enough research into how kin terminology is a way to study behavior.  He states that “any system of kinship consists of a number of more or less rigid, culturally determined patterns of attitude and behavior toward certain categories of individuals in one’s community or tribe; these patterns are symbolized on a verbal level” (73).  Gladwin states how we give meaning to our family and friends and the terms we use for them tell everyone a general idea of the relationship, the status of the individuals, and guide us in dealing with each other.

Gladwin’s uses evidence from the kinship system of the Comanche.  He examines the terminology of close kin and the meanings that can be arrived at about behavior, attitudes, and the structure of the Comanche society.  Gladwin uses informant’s stories to carefully explore the social status terminology.  One example was of a woman who was related to her new husband through an old marriage and he called her haipia or “sister.”  When she and her husband are joking with each other and the wife starts to get the best of her husband then he calls her “sister” to remind her she is lesser and she must stop teasing.  Also, Gladwin gives a detailed account of the Comanche’s kin relationships from parent-child to close friends.  He proves that through a closer analysis of the kinship of a culture you can learn aspects of their cultures behaviors and attitudes.  

The intellectual background that frames Gladwin’s argument is his European bias toward women and other cultures.  He brings in the western idea’s of how a women should behave and be treated.  Also, his view and interpretation of the Comanche is romanticizing the Indian.

CLARITY:3

RIVER URKE    University of Minnesota-Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Goldschmidt, Walter.    Social Organization in Native California and the Origin of Clans. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50:444-454

The article from the American Anthropologist "Social Organization in Native California and the Origin of Clans" by Walter Goldschmidt focused on a tribe in Central ,California in the Sacramento Valley called the Nomlaki, foot hill Wintun. The author studied the tribe in 1936, and found out that one of the interesting facets of their culture was that they were not quite a clan, but at the same time not just a normal band society. Goldschmidt makes concessions to the reader of the possibility of error in his wisdom when he makes clear to the reader that he realizes that he is attacking a well-worked problem when he goes into the whole business of talking about clan social organization. The author also makes clear that the previous research has utilized too much fortnulae and definition, failure to appreciate sociological aspects of social organization, and has been governed by a council of timidity, so he feels justified in adding his own ideas to the collective conscience.

The author plans on analyzing the issues of clan origin through the window of the Nomlaki's culture by first describing the social organization of the Nomlaki, second describing and comparing their social organization to the social organization of the neighboring California tribes, and third he plans to develop an implication of the data for the development of social systems of the Nomlaki. He shows that the Nomlaki do consider themselves a group, but unlike many groups, they don't recognize political leaders or take tribal actions together. The Nomlaki really don't have any social unity. At the same time they consider themselves part of the same tribe because the have common ceremonials, and would operate common land together as a group. Compared to other tribes in the California area the Nomlaki tribe is very similar in organization. At the same time all these tribes are varied with some consisting of both patrilineal and matrilineal organization. The contribution to the idea of clan origin the Nomlaki’s culture made was that they were organized very near the structure of a clan not by population or by agriculture, but by being in a situation where large numbers of the tribe were organizing because of trade and contact with neighboring agricultural tribes, and taking on many clan society ideals.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

C. REIDER HOWE University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Goldschmidt, Walter.  Social Organization in Native California and the Origin of Clans.  American Anthropologist 1948 Vol.50(3):444-457.

This article deals with the issue of clan origin for the Nomlaki in the Sacramento Valley, California.  The goal of the article is to explain and describe the Nomlaki social society, to compare the Nomlaki clans with other potential clans in California, and to clarify the definition of a “clan.”  

The information and data is gathered from Goldschmidt’s fieldwork among the Nomlaki and other California native groups.  While doing his fieldwork, he discovered that the Nomlaki have no political systems, and yet, they still considered themselves a tribe.  Also, most of the Nomlaki villages are primarily made up of people that are patrilineally related.  These villages are therefore called Olkapna. 

In order to understand if the Olkapna were clans or not, the term “clan” needs to be defined.  So he researches Morgan’s, Lowie’s, and Rivers’ ideas.  Goldschmidt argues and concludes that kinship is a necessity to having a clan.  Also he argues that social groups need to have a common feature, ancestor, territory, or totem in order to be classified a clan.  From these characteristics of clans, the author believes that the Olkapna are a clan since they show all the criteria of a clan except for the belief in a common ancestor. 

The conclusion of the paper is that clan organization may be needed if a social group’s population rises past a certain size.  Having clans is positive, if the population rises too much, as they split the community into separate beneficial social organizations.  Also, the author states that the social organizations of central Californian tribes are on the verge of becoming clans, but the Nomlaki is a clan by definition since they display most of the characteristics of this particular social unit.  

CLARITY:3

JAY MORRISON    University of Minnesota-Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Green, Arnold W.    Culture, Normality, And Personality Conflict. American Anthropologist. April 1948, Volume 50, 2: 225-237.

This article examines a shift in cultural configurations as entities in which the standards of normality are relevant only within a given cultural system. The role stressed is not to criticize fundamental assumptions about differing cultures, but to use those differences in applying reforms to our own culture. The extent which any given culture imposes roles, goals, and self-conceptions that are internally inconsistent, create causes of personality conflict.

A significant number of cases find the inconsistency in a chronological context: at different stages in life-history mutually contradictory roles are to be enacted. The thesis under consideration is demonstrated in native cultures with economic, political, and philosophical bases different from the west, yet have been subjected to considerable acculturation. It argues five main points. First, early life conditioning is not the source of personality conflict, but between earlier and later self-incorporated cultural elements is predictive of personality conflict. Second, goals and roles must be distinguished as realization, seeking the assurance of a desirable future state that will ensue. A form of compensation for one’s present condition and conflicting roles has varying degrees, and in such cases offset much personality conflict expected to ensue. Third, deviation, in and of itself, is not linked in any one-to-one relationship with personality conflict. The assumption of deviation where conflict is found is likely to confuse the issue. Fourth, the degree of identification fostered during the period of maximum socialization of the child is important. The lesser identification engendered, the failure to attain desired roles and goals can be assimilated, precisely because failure elicits less guilt. Finally, the implication of residence in megalopolis is not a sufficient explanation of personality conflict. The allegation that the swift pace, filth, noise, and hustle-bustle of modern urban living causes "neurosis" is false. Studies have shown that extreme personality conflict is endemic in societies with simple technology.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

DAVID CARTER University of Central Florida, (Dr. David Jones)

Green, Arnold W. Culture, Normality, and Personality Conflict. American Anthropologist 1948 N.S.50: 225-237.

Personality conflict within cultures is a result of inconsistent messages on roles, goals, and self-conceptions based on social categories. Using the field research of other anthropologists, Green shows that individuals of society are given contradictory expectations of goals and self. The evidence cited focuses on personality conflict within males. Whether this is due to Green’s own focus being on male roles, or that evidence available through others’ field results was based principally on males is unclear. Green proposes a tool of analysis- the role, goal, and self-conception formulation to look at the personality conflicts in various cultures.

Contradiction of messages usually occurs during changes in life stages. According to Green personality conflict is demonstrated best in nonwestern cultures, for example Ojibwa Indians of Southeastern Ontario, Hopi of Northeastern Arizona, Alorese of the Netherlands East Indies, Fijians of Kambara, Java, and Omaha.

Individuals of a society, particularly males, are given contradictory expectations of goals and self. An example is the males of the Ojibwa Indians of Southeastern Ontario where personality conflict occurs at the point that Ojibwa males are no longer surrounded by their siblings and parents, and instead are expected to individuate themselves as hunters. The conflict occurs as the male Ojibwas are expected to exert power over others.

CLARITY:2

LILA E. KAHMANN University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Greenberg, Joseph H.    The Classification of African Languages. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948. Vol.50(1):24-30.

The hundreds of languages found in Africa make it extremely difficult to classify and trace the relationships between them. There is a wide array of linguistic groups, which seem to have as many similarities as they do differences and hence make classification complex and disputable. Greenberg attempts to evaluate five different linguists’ classification systems: Meinhof, Westermann, Klingenheben, Drexel, and Delafosse.

Under Meinhof’s theory there are five basic African linguistic families: Semitic, Hamitic, Bantu, Sudanese, and Bushman. Weaknesses in Meinhof’s classification stem from lack of objective and complete analysis. Meinhof, who receives the most attention in this article, is used as a comparison for other theories of classification.

African language classification is widely based on the use of class prefixes and suffixes. Westermann, originator of the Sudanese language class, believes that the wide use of class prefixes and suffixes is inherited from the Sudanese rather than borrowed. Klingenheben argues that the last sound of the suffix is directly related to the first sound of the noun to which it is attached. The importance of this argument is Meinhof’s acceptance of it, which discredits his own theories on the origins of the Fulani language as Hamitic. Kligenheben believes Fulani originated from Sudanese family.

Greenberg discusses Drexel’s classification, which is based around culture and ethnology as much as it is linguistic analysis. Drexel’s classification is largely based on population movements as well as linguistic material and leads to and "irresponsible" classification without ample linguistic data. Greenberg seems to prefer Delafosse’s "sober and accurate" classification of non-Bantu and non-Hamitic with sixteen subgroups, although this is not specific enough for adequate analysis. Finally Greenberg himself classifies African language families as Semito-Hamitic and Sudanese but does not clarify his justifications outright. He does note that the amount of research left to be done at this point is considerable and theories will continue to change with the availability of new information.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ANN SULLIVAN University of Montana (John Norvell)

Greenberg, Joseph, H. The Classification of African Languages. American Anthropologist, 1948 Vol.50:24-30.

In this article, Joseph H. Greenberg disputes how attempts to classify many African languages have not been studied to their fullest.  Greenberg describes in detail how this applies to the Meinhof methodology, though he doesn't attempt to explain how this system works exactly.

Languages of the African continent are divided into five families in Meinhof methodology: Semitic, Hamitic, Bantu, Sudanese, and Bushman.  Using other systems of classification, Greenberg points out the weaknesses of the Meinhof system.  He explains how languages are placed in the Hamitic speech family on very tenuous evidence.  The languages of Sudanic and Bantu background are classified as a result of incomplete and one sided appraisal of the linguistic materials.

Greenberg argues that Meinhof classified languages that attracted his attention because they were important or had an abundance of data, rather than looking at obvious connection between neighboring languages.  Greenberg concluded saying we lack data on hundreds of African languages.  Leaving out the doubtful groups and those lacking necessary data, there are two distinct language families on the African continent: Semito-Hamitic and Sudanese.

CLARITY:3

AMANDA LAMBERT    University of Minnesota-Duluth  (Jennifer Jones)

Greenman, E. F.    The Extraorganic. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol. 50(2): 181-198.

Author E.F. Greenman wrote this article as a sequel to a previous paper he had written which explained how the invention, manufacture and use of tools played an important role in the development of a more complex human brain. After the initial paper was published, Greenman found an alternative process that he argues is a better explanation for this particular problem. His new explanation is known as neurobiotaxis. In its simplest terms, the process of neurobiotaxis involves the changing use of external organs. In this case, Greenman uses the example of the new emphasis on the use of hands in response to tool usage. This new action will change the direction of messages being sent through the body; as a result, the new pathways involved are strengthened over time. Ultimately the connections in the brain itself will also become stronger, and a more complex brain will develop. He uses this theory of neurobiotaxis rather than the theory of random mutation within genes, however he also admits that this could be just one of the many processes that caused the overall phenomena known as evolution. Meaning, that we eventually became what we are today due to a number of different processes including neurobiotaxis, gene mutation and many others. Greenman does present proof that neurobiotaxis was in fact an important process and that humans probably wouldn’t evolve beyond apes without it. He suggests that none of the behavior patterns seen now in apes and monkeys could cause the brain to form the more complex structure that exists in us humans today. Two main facts are suggested as proof: First, with the arrival of tool making, the human brain was able to develop. Secondly, the nervous system is not affected by random mutations, however slight changes due to neurobiotaxis are plausible. These two factors prove the directive role of neurobiotaxis in brain evolution. Another important factor in neurobiotaxis is that the changes are inherited by the next generation, then processed further through the child’s own experiences. Greenman also argues that with the making of tools came the need of memories and a more complex language, in order to efficiently teach the new generation- thus again, the brain became ever more complex.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

LAUREN BUTARIC University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Greenman, E.F. The Extraorganic. American Anthropologist April, 1948 Vol.50(2): 181-199.

E.F. Greenman seeks to articulate the evolutionary process by which humans separated and evolved from apes because of their interactions with material objects such as rocks, bones, sticks, and animal skins. He believes that the relationship between the organic (human and animal) and the cultural (material or extraorganic) can be scientifically explained by the psycho-biological process of neurobiotaxis; a process (first described by C.U. Ariens Kappers) that occurs in the brain. When specific brain cells are stimulated in a certain way they accumulate at a particular point in the brain. These stimuli are created when an animal interacts with its environment. The animal's brain thus evolves as it adapts to the environment. The author feels that neurobiotaxis takes place along with other evolutionary mechanisms; such as random mutation and genes. He feels that neurobiotaxis has a particularly important role in evolution since it is constantly operating.

Greenman declares that the extraorganic (tools, material culture) provided stimuli which were the same as the organic (natural environment) influences. He feels that the extraorganic objects held in the hands of man's ancestors played a significant part in their evolution. This article seeks to further prove on a more factual basis the thesis of a previous paper: "the manufacture and use of tools by proto-human ancestors of man resulted in the evolutionary improvement of both brain and extraorganic implement in a recipro-causal manner." Thus brachiation is a cause of simian intelligence, involving estimates of distance and precise coordination and dexterity; swinging from branch to branch is much the same as using a primitive tool. This paper asserts that the human brain evolved because of the use of extraorganic tools.

CLARITY: 2

LOWELL EVANS University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)

Gregg, Dorothy and Elgin Williams.    The Dismal Science of Functionalism. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 594-611

In this article, Gregg and Williams criticize and compare functionalism in anthropology to economic theories. Functionalism and economics are similar in that, they both, describe social behavior only in symbolic terms, believe in a natural order and desire to explain the positive purposes of all major institutions of society. The authors start the article by explaining how functionalism and economics share the concept of hedonism which is the view that humans are psychologically constructed in such a way that we exclusively seek gratification and avoid pain. Functionalists in general view institutions of culture as essential mechanisms that contribute to the basic needs of the individual, making all social institutions appear right and good. Both authors disagree with this point of view by pointing out that "wants" are not inborn physical mechanisms but they are social habits that can be, and should be, modified in the process of social change. Gregg and Williams also illustrate how economics shares the concept of hedonism, by explaining that economists think that capitalism is human nature. Economists also go a step further and add that modern social structure despite its wars, imperialism and depressions, are fitting since they stem from the basic needs of humans.

In the article, Gregg and Williams argue against the theory of equilibrium. Typically economists believe that there is a tendency toward equilibrium in the economic system, while functionalists consider that each culture adjusts to its particular habitat and maintains its natural order. The economic system consists of price movements, which when unaided, can maintain balance between production and the needs of the community. Concurrently, functionalism assumes all societies are functioning as harmonious wholes and with status, religion, taboos and ceremonials acting as necessities for the society’s very survival. However, the reality is that there is no evidence toward the tendency of equilibrium in human affairs on the contrary; there is a tendency toward disequilibrium and rapid change. History has given us many instances of such sort.

Gregg and Williams explain the concept of "organic approach" giving the following example. Functionalists believe that acculturation results in the disappearance of one of the cultures, because they hold the erroneous concept that cultures are only made up of their structural parts. Functionalists also assume most of the time, that if a part of society disappears, the whole society has vanished, and similarly to economists, the removal or alteration of capitalism indicates the death of civilization.

In their final argument, Gregg and Williams introduce cultural dichotomy as the solution that will complete functionalism in anthropology. Cultural dichotomy would pass negative as well as positive judgments on some aspects of culture, and not assume that all modern institutions are just. This new concept, the authors explain, is an important guideline to dealing with current problems modern societies face.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ANA C. BERNUY University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Dorothy Gregg and Elgin Williams. The Dismal Science of Functionalism. American Anthropologist, July, 1948.  Vol.50: 594 -611.

 The idea of this article was to make a comparison between the functionalist school of thought and the economist school of thought.  The ways in which each school viewed and interpreted peoples actions were linked together and compared.  Both functionalist and economist study how women and men are motivated to be attracted or driven away by positive and negative rewards.  An additional similarity between the two schools concerns how colonialism and western cultures harm the cultures of the non western world.   One of the most outstanding points of this article stresses the way functionalist pertain an interest in psychological aspects of culture.  Both schools of thought see that the “individual” acts as an “economic man”.  “Needs” are created through culture as well as “wants” and both stimulate behavior to satisfy these needs and wants. 

The most important principal following from functionalist and economist is the doctrine of “cultural relativism”. It is more important to understand how a culture needs and wants things than just trying to satisfy those with superficial resources.   What a people want and need creates all their actions and that differs from person to person and must be taken into consideration when applying any theories to their mechanics.  There are problems only in industrialized countries that economist can not apply and relate too. Economists have a problem with price systems which lead to monopoly and loses much significance as it becomes a source of value.  Functionalist understand fascism and imperialism the same way.  Both of these types of thought, the functionalist and economist, have a mutual understanding many aspects of thinking.  Wants and needs are expressed in prices and the price world is data for this study.  The price world is an institution which fulfills these wants and needs.  Comparing these two schools of thought is difficult because they do not seem to have much in common, when in fact they do. 

CLARITY: 3

AMBER AYERS    Indiana U of Penn  (Miriam Chaiken)

Harrison, Margaret W.     Lila Morris O'Neale: 1886-1948.   American Anthropologist   October-December, 1948   Vol.50(4):657-665.

This is a biography of Lila Morris O'Neale who was born November 2, 1886, in Buxton, North Dakota, and died February 2, 1948, in Oakland, California, after an outstanding career.  She was a pioneer in applying the study of culture to "a rare technical knowledge of one of man's primal and universal employments: weaving." (p. 657)  The author describes Lila Morris O'Neale as an anthropologist as well as a teacher of decorative art in that she applied technology, art and science to her research practices.  She analyzed textiles in their structural and decorative designs and evaluated them as cultural traits.

Miss O'Neale attended San Jose State College and then graduated in English from Stanford in 1910.  She taught in public schools in Oakland, California.  She then attended Columbia University and received her B.S. in 1916.  She then taught at San Jose State College, University of Southern California, University of California Los Angeles and Berkeley in household art from 1916 to 1926.  She received her Master of Arts from Berkeley in 1927 and later a Doctorate in 1929.  She was involved in many archaeological surveys such as a basketry survey for University of California and Bureau of American Ethnology, Klamath River, 1929; Archaeological Peruvian textiles survey, Lima, 1931-1932; textile survey for Carnegie Institution of Washington, Guatemala, 1936; as well as the representative for the University of California at the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, London, 1934.  Her accomplishments in anthropology were very significant.

The author describes Lila Morris O'Neale's knowledge of textiles was "largely an inference based on contemporary fabrics." (p. 658)  She believed that many of the textile fibers, tools, and techniques developed and became perfected from prior periods.  Any display of intricate artistic technique and style of modern textiles exhibit superior skill in the past.  Miss O'Neale was able to learn from contemporary weavers and establish an eye for dating a textile product as well as the antiquity of its tribal origin.

The remainder of the article discusses Lila Morris O'Neale's style and talent.  She was an articulate and accomplished writer, an enthusiastic teacher, and a distinctive pioneer in her field.

The article is very informative and well understood.  The author obviously had a passion for textile anthropology as did Miss O'Neale.  I enjoyed the article and recommend it to any inquisitive anthropology student.

CLARITY:  4

HEIDI HILL   University of Montana (John Norvell)

Harrison, Margaret W.   Lila Morris O’Neale Obituary. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 657-663.

Lila Morris O’Neale extended her affection of textiles and fabrics into the field of anthropology, casting light onto historic weavings and aesthetic art.  Born in Buxton, North Dakota on November 2, 1886, O’Neale went on to attend college at San Jose State College and graduated from Stanford University in 1910. She decided to further her studies and gained a degree in the Bachelor of Science of household art at Columbia University in 1916 where her love of textiles grew as she taught numerous courses in dress design, costume history, textile history and analysis in the departments of household art at various colleges and universities across the U.S.

As O’Neale grew older, she became bored teaching textiles as a home economist.  She decided to go for a Master of Arts thesis on lace at Berkeley in August of 1926.  Fortunately for her, she arrived at the same time Dr. A.L. Kroeber returned with ancient fabrics excavated from Peru.  Coincidentally, he needed someone with O’Neale’s  expertise to analyze them.  This became her first experience in anthropology and she went on to write a thesis on “Design, Structural and Decorative, with Color Distribution Characteristic of Ancient Peruvian Fabrics.”  She furthered her new career from 1931-32 in Peruvian weavings as Fellow of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation.

Lila Morris O’Neale didn’t look at textiles as just historic relics, she analyzed the structural and decorative approaches and looked at them as traits of different cultures.  She found variations of standard techniques and innovative tricks Peruvians used to make their fabrics.

On February 2, 1948 O’Neale died of a brief illness in Oakland, California.  At the time she was a Professor of Decorative Art and Associate Curator of Textiles in the Museum of Anthropology, University of California.  One of her greatest assets in class, as told by her students, was her ability to hold the attention and excite the minds of the students.

CLARITY RANKING:  4

TRISTAN MANN Indiana U. of Penn. (Miriam Chaiken)