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American
Anthropologist
Adams, Inez. Rice
Cultivation in Some agronomists feel that the point is moot since all rice does best when grown in very wet soil, however, not everyone agrees with that assessment. Many others feel that different varieties grow better in different types of environments. Apparently, different varieties of rice fare better depending on the altitude, which might account for a preference for "wet" or "dry" cultivation. Adams uses extensive
examples to describe rice agriculture terms from Sumatra, to Frankly, I found this paper to be verbose and confusing as it jumped back and forth from one country to another. All of the information seemed to repeat itself in almost every instance. CLARITY RANKING: 2 .gif){kind=small} Adams, Inez. Rice
Cultivation in According to Adams,
the descriptions of rice cultivation in With excerpts, Besides showing
how terms overlap, Adams points out
that rice may have thrived in central Africa before being cultivated
in CLARITY:5 KARI HIETANEN .gif){kind=small} Bascom, William
R. William Bascom disagrees
with the assumption that primitive cultures can be characterized by
simplicity and attempts to prove their culture complexities through
anthropological fieldwork, gaps in literature, and errors and unknowns
in fieldwork. The article examines
components of culture such as political, social, and economic institutions,
religion, art, and kinship to accurately prove various cultures’ complexities.
Focusing on the Yoruba, we learn of their complex political authority
and economy. Yoruba is highly urbanized, including nine of the ten
largest cities in Although examining
cultural components proves to be the most accurate way to prove primitive
cultures as complex, Bascom admits the total understanding of the culture
cannot be achieved in a usual year of fieldwork, and only mere outlines
of culture can be achieved. Consequently, complexities previously analyzed
still require research. Bascom also notes that the size and regional
variation of tribal cultures often blur cultural characteristics. As
a result "the degree of complexity that exists among these people
who are labeled ‘primitive’" is lost. This article is
interesting and eye opening to anyone guilty of generalizing about "primitive" cultures
and offers insight to the confusing and in depth fieldwork of an anthropologist. CLARITY RANKING:
5 Bascom,
William R. The purpose of this article is to "indicate the degree of cultural complexity" exhibited by many African societies. Bascom stresses that it is hard to convince students and scholars of anthropology of the complexity found among African groups which have traditionally been labeled as primitive. Bascom bases his argument on multilinear evolution. Bascom claims that
the high population of many cities in Bascom argues that
the use of true money, far-reaching authority, and direct taxation
are also complex features found within African societies. For
example, the Yoruba have over 5,000 stories, the However, Bascom states that writing is essential to a complex society. Although these societies have many complex characteristics they cannot be complex without a written language. Since some of the Africans he writes about do not use a written language his argument contradicts his multilinear approach. Therefore, his idea that African societies are complex is undercut because they do not have a written language. CLARITY: 3 BETTINA
KEPPERS Benedict, Ruth. Anthropology
and the Humanities. American Anthropologist October-December,
1948 Vol.50(4):585-593. The author does
an excellent job of revisiting the birth of anthropology and its later
split from the humanities. She professionally addresses the necessity
of science in anthropology without neglecting the importance of the
humanities. At first it appeared the author was attempting to draw
a line right between the two, but later she noted the symbolic and
cultural importance of the humanities and common ground shared. Most of what the
author wrote suggests much better results are obtained when the humanities
and anthropology work together. The study of man and "the plight
of man" focus directly on behavior. Behavior stems from the human
mind, which historically, has been heavily influenced by the humanities.
However, the author does note that the humanities are notoriously subjective
and there must be a distinction. As the anthropologists’ most formidable
tool is his open mind, and along with scientific analysis, the two
just don’t go well together. However, when studying culture, you can’t
focus on one and not the other. Humanities had an enormous role in
the forming of society and culture, so dismissing them would be counterproductive.
The author failed to address anthropology’s contribution to the humanities.
She hinted at its significance, but then stated the information "not
crucial" to anthropologists. I think biblical archaeologists might
disagree. Overall this was a well thought out and interesting article
to read. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Benedict, Ruth. Anthropology and the Humanities. American Anthropologist, 1948 Vol.50(4):585-593. Within Benedict’s article the origin of anthropology’s historical split from the humanities to a science is analyzed. The article opens by tracing the roots of anthropology back some hundred years to when explanations in anthropology were based solely on common biological concepts. Sharing such commonalities with pre-established sciences set the basis for the development of anthropology into the science it is today. The concern of this specific article is that this split, however needed, resulted in anthropologist simply overlooking the importance of the humanities as an immense tool that needs to be utilized to better understand others. Benedict discusses the function of the humanities as a primary source for knowledge in the western world from the renaissance on, thereby dwarfing science. The humanities were used to explore distinctive cultures in a similar way as modern anthropologists would today. They both offered insight into another person’s lifestyle and offered exploration in an alien environment. With the onset of science, the humanities were disregarded as a viable source. Scientific concepts that were valid for inanimate objects were now to hold true for humans. Benedict explains that due to this assumption, emotions, ethics, rational insight, and purpose were all being neglected. The author states that neither anthropology nor the humanities are the exact route to be taken in enlightening ourselves. An adoption of both the scientific method and the literary canon are needed to holistically understand others. The need to study the humanities is made clear as the author relates several critiques of Shakespeare and Santayana’s work in cultural anthropology as highly influential in shaping her career. In studying classic works within the humanities the author believes that a better understanding of humans can be achieved; an understanding that is needed within anthropology and one that is currently lacking. A unique blend of appreciation for the humanities, coupled with the rigorous methodology and techniques of science, will result in a much more productive anthropological workforce. CLARITY RANKING: 5 DANIEL Cohen, Albert K. On the Place of Themes and Kindred Concepts in Social Theory. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 436-443. This article attempts to find the importance in studying theory and conceptual scheme of a society through the use of themes only, and the information that can be extracted from observing the themes. Opler is referred to for comparison, so the author may provide substance to the theory of the importance of themes in studying a particular society. The lack of support and clarity of the theory of themes is mentioned, leading the reader to conclude that there is much imagination and imposition that exists in attempting to describe and understand a particular society through the use of themes. CLARITY RANKING: 2 TRACY BEACH Cohen, Albert. On the Place of “Themes” and Kindred Concepts in Social Theory. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948. Vol.50(3):446-443. The author of this article addresses the problem of anthropologists and sociologists applying “themes” and equivalents to develop theories of social behavior concerning specific societies. His main argument is that it may be appropriate for social scientists to discover patterns or themes in societies, however when using these value systems only the implicit is being looked at, excluding the explicit. He uses social scientists’ social theories, such as that of Opler, to prove that social systems cannot be restricted to specific value systems. He goes on to state that arriving at general conclusions of social behavior offers no evidence for predicting feature behaviors. Albert Cohen addresses what is assumed when taking this approach. The first assumption is that “culture is logically integrated”. He uses Ruth Benedict’s work to show that culture is not, at times, logically integrated and to apply such concepts on the field may be very risky. In order to escape this approach Cohen suggests 4 main ways to view themes that take a broader contextual method. He goes on to state that if themes are not oriented appropriately they will not hold true. There is no such thing as a perfect society that follows a rigid pattern or plan, and therefore societies must be studied in context in order to discover what is allowable according to its rules that enable the society to function. Cohen draws his conclusion by critiquing Galdwin’s views of how a themal approach can in fact give a true understanding of a society and states that this is simply an idealistic theory as explained by Whitehead. Cohen rebuttals Opler’s rejoinder in order to prove that simply taking a themal approach to social behavior is inadequate and a greater system must be applied. CLARITY: 3 TIFFANY FERDERER Eiseley, Loren
C. Early Man in South and This article describes
the hunt for the "missing link" and describes two finds by
Dr. Louis Leakey. The author believes that the greatest evidence for
this is found in The first find he
writes about are what Leakey suggests are a direct ancestor to the
human line. An almost complete mandible, some teeth and a maxillary
fragment of the face were found on Eisely then discusses
evidence on whether Homo sapiens made the African hand axes
and whether they were old enough to, which was a debate then. In 1942,
Dr. Leakey discovered large amounts of Acheulian hand-axes near This article is not useful in the current study of paleoanthropology. Many terms that he uses have been discounted or replaced. Also, some examples he uses for comparisons are outdated such as the Piltdown site before it was discovered to be a hoax. If the reader is interested in the progression of the history of paleoanthropology this might be beneficial to read since Eisely had some progressive ideas for that time. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Eisley, Loren
C. Early Man in South and The author of this
article takes the bold position of questioning Dr. Leakey’s interpretations
of a set of Miocene era ape-like fossil remains and the paleo-cultural
significance of the Rhodesian man find and the Broken Hill site. The
remains in question included a very complete mandible, fragments of
the maxilla, and various teeth from an early anthropoid. It seems the
author felt Dr. Leakey must have been overcome with the adrenaline
associated with such a significant find and prematurely categorized
the anthropoid as a human ancestor. The author does recognize the scientific
and biological data that Dr. Leakey uses to support his claim; however,
Eisley confronts this data in a convincing way, which does justice
to his point of view. The Rhodesian man find and possible link to the
Broken Hill site is more complex. Not only is the evidence, and in
particular the dating of that evidence, crucial to answering this question,
the careless nature of the excavation of Broken Hill probably made
all of this impossible. Dr. Leakey bases
his interpretations of the Miocene primate on four physiological aspects
of the remains. The first points to the lack of a simian shelf. The
simian shelf is present neither in the great apes nor the Dryopithicines,
which are both believed to have close links to man. Eisley’s research
of the symphyseal region of primates shows that many species of anthropoid
also lack the simian shelf. This suggests Leakey’s interpretation is
merely coincidental, not concrete. The second and third arguments made
by Leakey pertain to the primate’s dentition. He stated the tooth wear
is consistent with rotary human type mastication, not the differential
wear of today’s great anthropoids. Eisley suggested that Leakey take
into consideration the age of the specimen and possible weathering
affects before coming to this conclusion. The fourth characteristic
is the symphysis region itself, which is approaching the vertical arrangement
seen in early man. Eisley argues this region is highly variable among
the Dryopithicines and is often explained away by convergence. The
author does an excellent job of respectfully disagreeing with Dr. Leakey
and presenting a strong case that any number of Miocene apes showed
similar characteristics to those seen in Dr. Leakey’s fossil remains. The debate over
the Rhodesian man being linked to the Broken Hill site is less interesting
and a far less realistic topic. The excavation of the site appears
to have been atrocious and the damage irreversible. The author attempts
to place the link between this primitive ancestor of man and a Middle
Pleistocene excavation on the sole appearance of perfectly rounded
stones that he associates with the bola weapon of the Auchulean era.
The author transitions from scientifically and professionally building
a case with solid evidence and sound theory in the first topic of the
article, to mere speculation which appeared to be heavily influenced
by his own opinion in the second topic. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Elmendorf, William M. The Cultural Setting of the Twana Secret Society. American Anthropologist Month of Issue, 1948 Vol.50: 625-633. The Twana are an
indigenous group of people living near the The secret society holds two main functions. One function is to express the hierarchy of a family’s social economic status among the community. The second purpose is to ensure the acquirement of the society spirit, who will aid the adolescents in the quest of their guardian spirits in the future. Three other events that can be compared to the secret society are the winter guardian-spirit dance, the potlatch and the winter mass soul-recovery ceremony. The elements that are shared by all four of these ceremonies are ritual singing and dancing, inviting of guests, sponsorship and gift giving. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Elmendorf, William M. The Cultural Setting of the Twana Secret Society. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948 Vol.50 (4): 625-633. My research paper
is on a study that was done by an anthropologist named William W. Elmendorf.
He studied the traditions and lifestyles of the Twana Secret Society.
These people lived in a communal village west of Puget in the drainage
area of the The purpose of this ritual is an, “Expression of prestige in an inter-community setting according to social rank forms. Sponsors as gift donors initiates as children of wealthy families, guest member as ranked gift recipient all share in this expression the society is an institution validating high rank”(630). It also defined as “A religious function by which initiation and control of the society spirit insures future acquisition by the initiates of an individual guarding spirits, especially a powerful tutelary, one of the wealth power (s’iyalt) or one of the strongest shaman power (swa’dac)” (631). “Twana ceremony formed a society to extent of rigorously initiating new member was the only occasion which member acted in concert” (625). This ceremony consists of feasting and dancing for several days, which nearby villages are invited to. People of non-Twana origin bring gifts and will give them on the last day of the rituals. Each guest community ranks the gifts. To perform this ritual a person must be a guardian spirit known among the Twana as the (siyalt) guardian of (wealth power). The supernatural ritual can only be performed by a transmission from a head into a body. This may last for 3-8 days and may be analyzed into seven main stages. In order to make this ritual work the people of Twana use two pieces of duck shaped wood rattle. They would dance around the house from group to group; this was done to demonstrate the power of the society’s spirit. The morning of the ritual begins with shouts of spiritual words into the house that was assigned to the head initiator, though the night’s members performed in-group and individual dances, and conjured performances of levitating objects. This demonstrates individual guardian spirits. The next stage is no different from the first stage; this stage also begins in the morning. However, the second stage takes place outside the house, with loud noises led by the head initiator; he then spits blood from his mouth on each of the initiates then they are bathed by their parents. The next stage takes place at night indoors. They go dancing and the novice becomes possessed by the society spirit. Blood pours from their mouths. In this ritual when that occurs this was a sign of control. CLARITY: 5 CARL SAUVEUR Fenton, William
N. The Present Status of Anthropology in In this article,
Fenton reviews a volume of work entitled Man in Northeastern North
America, which is comprised of papers that were presented at the
Andover Symposium of 1941. The symposium represented a collaborated
effort to quantify data on the Northeastern region of Fenton begins by reviewing Hrdlička’s anthropometric analysis of cranial shapes concluding that the Algonquian and Iroquois show no significant difference in cranial characteristics. Next, he theorizes on tribe movements and locals based on Voegelin’s three tier arrangement of Algonquion languages. Fenton concurs with the overall assessment based on physical and linguistic evidence that the northeast region is generally considered an area of "refuge" that hosted three migrations of people from the southwest to the northeast. Fenton is in complete agreement with Cooper that ethnographically the northeast region is easily categorized into a northern taiga-hunting economy and a southwest farming area. Mythological connections among the tribes with respect to culture-hero and trickster tales lend regional Algonquian distinctions dividing the region into Eastern and Central geographic groups. Finally, interrelationship of culture and personality prove the Iroquois are quite similar among the Saultreaux with only minor distinctions. Fenton is thorough in his evaluation of the five areas of discussion. He makes his argument for further study by pointing out areas where research lacks in verification of historical evidence and/or collaboration with previous studies. Ultimately, Fenton champions the use of comparative method of cultural analysis and classification and urges continuing study among the Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Fenton, William. The
Present Status Of Anthropology In This article had
a lot of main points in it, but the main focus was a regional summary
of northeast The first make reference
to the physical aspects of the people in the area. The main focus is
on the craniums of the natives that have been collected and studied
by scientists. Although there are some questions about the data because
many of the specimens that were studied had vague descriptions of where
they had been found. There are specific places that define the regions
and separate distinct physical types of natives, some being the Connecticut
River and the The second review
focuses on the languages of the area. They state that there is one
grand family, Algonquian, that is the genotype of the area and five
other families that have been identified in the area. There are some
dialects that are still unknown and may never be known. Many of the
dialects are regional linked and have many things in common leading
researches to group them into a level of Indo-European, which helps
in the system of classifying the dialects. The third review
is in the ethnography of the Northeast. The hunting culture of the
area is the way people obtain all their substance and is unrestricted
in the whole area. There are some differences that do define the region
into distinct sub-areas, some being political organization and warfare,
which seems to be influenced by the Iroquois. This is known because
in pre-contact times the Iroquois were expanding and influencing the
natives in other areas. In the forth summary
the basis is the religion and mythology of the natives. There are many
similarities in the native myths that link many different tribes together.
These links are mainly seen in the cosmogony, trickster, and hero myths
that are abundant in the myths of the natives. There is a defined family
likeness in the myths and different influences on all the native myths. The fifth is centered
on the cultural studies being done in the area. The natives seem to
suppress their emotions, a defense mechanism for anxiety. This suppression
leads them to discharge the pent-up emotion in many different forms,
even retaliation. When they retaliate the main focus is in sorcery
and witchcraft, which is universal through out all the tribes. Other
releases that the natives turn to are alcohol and warfare. In conclusion, there
have been many different aspects that have influenced the natives of
the area before contact with them, and after contact the need to study
them lead to many different changes in the society that they knew.
There was a drift of tribes to other areas and this drift also led
to a lot different changes in the cultures. The cultures were changing
with many outside influences and many tribes were assimilated and not
studied, which caused their past and beliefs to be lost for the whole
world. CLARITY RANKING:
4 This article was
about a group of anthropologists and archeologists searching in On the first part
of their expedition the group discovered many different places that
indicated early man had travel through the area and had even established
settlements and mines in the mountains. The group found lots of flint
flakes that indicated early man passing through. In one area they found
evidence of all three groups including scrapings and flakes of flint
in the area. The group covered a lot of area in the Sinai and found
many instances in which early man had lived in the area. The group
found a site thought to be inhabited by the ancient Egyptian miners,
and by finding the lowest part of this site only a few meters above
sea level the men proved that the The second part
of their expedition focused on the native people of the Sinai. The
men had some problems in studying the people because the Bedouin encampments
were very spread out. They found little resistance by the people, however
. The main focus was the men of the groups, so no women were studied
in this observation. The men concluded that the Bedouins were true
descendants of the early Mediterraneans. The article had
many different insights into the early exploration of CLARITY RANKING:
3 Field wrote of his
team's findings from a five week expedition to The team found sites on the surface from all three time periods and artifacts such as flakes, scrapers, cores, flint blades, spearheads, pottery or inscriptions. Stone monuments, individual graves, and cemeteries were also recorded. Stone heaps in the area were previously thought to be shelters because of a lack of bones inside. But Field and his team inferred that because turquoise beads were likely buried with the dead, looters robbed the graves in antiquity. One other stone structure may have been used as a storehouse for tools or as a temporary resting place for a prominent figure. Inscriptions found during the project included animals, human figures, and written graffiti. Anthropometric records were made of 718 modern men of Sinai. The Beduins were described as typically short, small headed, with a narrow forehead, and dark brown hair and eyes. According to Field this proved they were close to the ideal basic Mediterranean type. He noted slight variations across the peninsula, some people having lighter hair and fairer complexions and some having fuzzier hair. Field argued that
the archaeological and anthropological evidence recovered by his team
confirmed that early humans moved out of CLARITY: 4 JANELLE
STAUFF Gladwin, Thomas. Comanche Kin Behavior. American Anthropologist, April-June 1948. Vol.50: 73-94. In this article, Thomas Gladwin follows a general outline of kinship systems initially formulated by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown in order to study relationships among the Comanche. Radcliffe-Brown: Kinship systems vary in different forms of social organization all over the world in respect of three characters; (1) the extent to which genealogical relationships are recognized for social purposes, (2) the way in which relatives are classified and grouped, (3) the particular customs by which the behavior of relatives, as so recognized, classified and grouped, is regulated in their dealings with each other. Among the Comanche, kinship terms are used to establish and maintain relationships. A span of six generations exists in the kinship terminology of the Comanche, usually two above and three below that of the speaker. A Comanche will always refer to another Comanche by a kinship term. Referring to someone by his or her name when there is no necessity is only done in anger. "During peyote meetings, the participants are always required to address each other by appropriate kinship terms." There are many possible terms to be applied to one individual, however, one relationship will represent a closer one, and that one is generally used. A stranger is usually called "father" or "mother’s father", depending on his age. The relationship between siblings of the same sex is generally considered to be one of the closest and strongest. A man’s brothers are usually more important to him than his wife. Polygynous relationships are most common and sensible. Joking relationships occur among siblings-in-law. Brothers in law will be insulting, calling each other "tale?cI" (spider) and "pi’hire?cI" (tarantula). This is the most common type of relationship among siblings in law in the Comanche as well as other Plains tribes. Another derived custom of other Plains tribes is the custom of the organized friendship between men of the same age. This practice had its origins in warfare. "The use of kinship terms for the Comanche is never a one-way affair; the relationship which the application of a term signalizes always demands that the person addressed reciprocate with the appropriate complementary term, and generally also with the behavior thus implied. Otherwise the initial usage is meaningless." CLARITY RANKING: 4 Gladwin, Thomas. Comanche Kin Behavior. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol.50:73-94. Thomas Gladwin argues that the ways people communicate with their kin are symbols for patterns of behavior and attitude and that there has not been enough research into how kin terminology is a way to study behavior. He states that “any system of kinship consists of a number of more or less rigid, culturally determined patterns of attitude and behavior toward certain categories of individuals in one’s community or tribe; these patterns are symbolized on a verbal level” (73). Gladwin states how we give meaning to our family and friends and the terms we use for them tell everyone a general idea of the relationship, the status of the individuals, and guide us in dealing with each other. Gladwin’s uses evidence from the kinship system of the Comanche. He examines the terminology of close kin and the meanings that can be arrived at about behavior, attitudes, and the structure of the Comanche society. Gladwin uses informant’s stories to carefully explore the social status terminology. One example was of a woman who was related to her new husband through an old marriage and he called her haipia or “sister.” When she and her husband are joking with each other and the wife starts to get the best of her husband then he calls her “sister” to remind her she is lesser and she must stop teasing. Also, Gladwin gives a detailed account of the Comanche’s kin relationships from parent-child to close friends. He proves that through a closer analysis of the kinship of a culture you can learn aspects of their cultures behaviors and attitudes. The intellectual background that frames Gladwin’s argument is his European bias toward women and other cultures. He brings in the western idea’s of how a women should behave and be treated. Also, his view and interpretation of the Comanche is romanticizing the Indian. CLARITY:3 RIVER URKE University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Goldschmidt,
Walter. Social Organization in Native The article from the American Anthropologist "Social Organization in Native California and the Origin of Clans" by Walter Goldschmidt focused on a tribe in Central ,California in the Sacramento Valley called the Nomlaki, foot hill Wintun. The author studied the tribe in 1936, and found out that one of the interesting facets of their culture was that they were not quite a clan, but at the same time not just a normal band society. Goldschmidt makes concessions to the reader of the possibility of error in his wisdom when he makes clear to the reader that he realizes that he is attacking a well-worked problem when he goes into the whole business of talking about clan social organization. The author also makes clear that the previous research has utilized too much fortnulae and definition, failure to appreciate sociological aspects of social organization, and has been governed by a council of timidity, so he feels justified in adding his own ideas to the collective conscience. The author plans
on analyzing the issues of clan origin through the window of the Nomlaki's
culture by first describing the social organization of the Nomlaki,
second describing and comparing their social organization to the social
organization of the neighboring California tribes, and third he plans
to develop an implication of the data for the development of social
systems of the Nomlaki. He shows that the Nomlaki do consider themselves
a group, but unlike many groups, they don't recognize political leaders
or take tribal actions together. The Nomlaki really don't have any
social unity. At the same time they consider themselves part of the
same tribe because the have common ceremonials, and would operate common
land together as a group. Compared to other tribes in the CLARITY RANKING: 3 C. Goldschmidt,
Walter. Social Organization in Native This article deals
with the issue of clan origin for the Nomlaki in the Sacramento Valley,
California. The goal of the
article is to explain and describe the Nomlaki social society, to compare
the Nomlaki clans with other potential clans in The information
and data is gathered from Goldschmidt’s fieldwork among the Nomlaki
and other In order to understand if the Olkapna were clans or not, the term “clan” needs to be defined. So he researches Morgan’s, Lowie’s, and Rivers’ ideas. Goldschmidt argues and concludes that kinship is a necessity to having a clan. Also he argues that social groups need to have a common feature, ancestor, territory, or totem in order to be classified a clan. From these characteristics of clans, the author believes that the Olkapna are a clan since they show all the criteria of a clan except for the belief in a common ancestor. The conclusion of the paper is that clan organization may be needed if a social group’s population rises past a certain size. Having clans is positive, if the population rises too much, as they split the community into separate beneficial social organizations. Also, the author states that the social organizations of central Californian tribes are on the verge of becoming clans, but the Nomlaki is a clan by definition since they display most of the characteristics of this particular social unit. CLARITY:3 JAY MORRISON University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Green, Arnold W. Culture, Normality, And Personality Conflict. American Anthropologist. April 1948, Volume 50, 2: 225-237. This article examines a shift in cultural configurations as entities in which the standards of normality are relevant only within a given cultural system. The role stressed is not to criticize fundamental assumptions about differing cultures, but to use those differences in applying reforms to our own culture. The extent which any given culture imposes roles, goals, and self-conceptions that are internally inconsistent, create causes of personality conflict. A significant number of cases find the inconsistency in a chronological context: at different stages in life-history mutually contradictory roles are to be enacted. The thesis under consideration is demonstrated in native cultures with economic, political, and philosophical bases different from the west, yet have been subjected to considerable acculturation. It argues five main points. First, early life conditioning is not the source of personality conflict, but between earlier and later self-incorporated cultural elements is predictive of personality conflict. Second, goals and roles must be distinguished as realization, seeking the assurance of a desirable future state that will ensue. A form of compensation for one’s present condition and conflicting roles has varying degrees, and in such cases offset much personality conflict expected to ensue. Third, deviation, in and of itself, is not linked in any one-to-one relationship with personality conflict. The assumption of deviation where conflict is found is likely to confuse the issue. Fourth, the degree of identification fostered during the period of maximum socialization of the child is important. The lesser identification engendered, the failure to attain desired roles and goals can be assimilated, precisely because failure elicits less guilt. Finally, the implication of residence in megalopolis is not a sufficient explanation of personality conflict. The allegation that the swift pace, filth, noise, and hustle-bustle of modern urban living causes "neurosis" is false. Studies have shown that extreme personality conflict is endemic in societies with simple technology. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Green, Arnold W. Culture, Normality, and Personality Conflict. American Anthropologist 1948 N.S.50: 225-237. Personality conflict within cultures is a result of inconsistent messages on roles, goals, and self-conceptions based on social categories. Using the field research of other anthropologists, Green shows that individuals of society are given contradictory expectations of goals and self. The evidence cited focuses on personality conflict within males. Whether this is due to Green’s own focus being on male roles, or that evidence available through others’ field results was based principally on males is unclear. Green proposes a tool of analysis- the role, goal, and self-conception formulation to look at the personality conflicts in various cultures. Contradiction of messages usually occurs during changes in life stages. According to Green personality conflict is demonstrated best in nonwestern cultures, for example Ojibwa Indians of Southeastern Ontario, Hopi of Northeastern Arizona, Alorese of the Netherlands East Indies, Fijians of Kambara, Java, and Omaha. Individuals of a society, particularly males, are given contradictory expectations of goals and self. An example is the males of the Ojibwa Indians of Southeastern Ontario where personality conflict occurs at the point that Ojibwa males are no longer surrounded by their siblings and parents, and instead are expected to individuate themselves as hunters. The conflict occurs as the male Ojibwas are expected to exert power over others. CLARITY:2 LILA E. KAHMANN University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Greenberg, Joseph H. The Classification of African Languages. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948. Vol.50(1):24-30. The hundreds of
languages found in Under Meinhof’s
theory there are five basic African linguistic families: Semitic, Hamitic,
Bantu, Sudanese, and Bushman. Weaknesses in Meinhof’s classification
stem from lack of objective and complete analysis. Meinhof, who receives
the most attention in this article, is used as a comparison for other
theories of classification. African language
classification is widely based on the use of class prefixes and suffixes.
Westermann, originator of the Sudanese language class, believes that
the wide use of class prefixes and suffixes is inherited from the Sudanese
rather than borrowed. Klingenheben argues that the last sound of the
suffix is directly related to the first sound of the noun to which
it is attached. The importance of this argument is Meinhof’s acceptance
of it, which discredits his own theories on the origins of the Fulani
language as Hamitic. Kligenheben believes Fulani originated from Sudanese
family. Greenberg discusses
Drexel’s classification, which is based around culture and ethnology
as much as it is linguistic analysis. Drexel’s classification is largely
based on population movements as well as linguistic material and leads
to and "irresponsible" classification without ample linguistic
data. Greenberg seems to prefer Delafosse’s "sober and accurate" classification
of non-Bantu and non-Hamitic with sixteen subgroups, although this
is not specific enough for adequate analysis. Finally Greenberg himself
classifies African language families as Semito-Hamitic and Sudanese
but does not clarify his justifications outright. He does note that
the amount of research left to be done at this point is considerable
and theories will continue to change with the availability of new information. CLARITY RANKING:
2 Greenberg, Joseph, H. The Classification of African Languages. American Anthropologist, 1948 Vol.50:24-30. In this article, Joseph H. Greenberg disputes how attempts to classify many African languages have not been studied to their fullest. Greenberg describes in detail how this applies to the Meinhof methodology, though he doesn't attempt to explain how this system works exactly. Languages of the African continent are divided into five families in Meinhof methodology: Semitic, Hamitic, Bantu, Sudanese, and Bushman. Using other systems of classification, Greenberg points out the weaknesses of the Meinhof system. He explains how languages are placed in the Hamitic speech family on very tenuous evidence. The languages of Sudanic and Bantu background are classified as a result of incomplete and one sided appraisal of the linguistic materials. Greenberg argues that Meinhof classified languages that attracted his attention because they were important or had an abundance of data, rather than looking at obvious connection between neighboring languages. Greenberg concluded saying we lack data on hundreds of African languages. Leaving out the doubtful groups and those lacking necessary data, there are two distinct language families on the African continent: Semito-Hamitic and Sudanese. CLARITY:3 AMANDA LAMBERT University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Greenman, E. F. The Extraorganic. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol. 50(2): 181-198. Author E.F. Greenman wrote this article as a sequel to a previous paper he had written which explained how the invention, manufacture and use of tools played an important role in the development of a more complex human brain. After the initial paper was published, Greenman found an alternative process that he argues is a better explanation for this particular problem. His new explanation is known as neurobiotaxis. In its simplest terms, the process of neurobiotaxis involves the changing use of external organs. In this case, Greenman uses the example of the new emphasis on the use of hands in response to tool usage. This new action will change the direction of messages being sent through the body; as a result, the new pathways involved are strengthened over time. Ultimately the connections in the brain itself will also become stronger, and a more complex brain will develop. He uses this theory of neurobiotaxis rather than the theory of random mutation within genes, however he also admits that this could be just one of the many processes that caused the overall phenomena known as evolution. Meaning, that we eventually became what we are today due to a number of different processes including neurobiotaxis, gene mutation and many others. Greenman does present proof that neurobiotaxis was in fact an important process and that humans probably wouldn’t evolve beyond apes without it. He suggests that none of the behavior patterns seen now in apes and monkeys could cause the brain to form the more complex structure that exists in us humans today. Two main facts are suggested as proof: First, with the arrival of tool making, the human brain was able to develop. Secondly, the nervous system is not affected by random mutations, however slight changes due to neurobiotaxis are plausible. These two factors prove the directive role of neurobiotaxis in brain evolution. Another important factor in neurobiotaxis is that the changes are inherited by the next generation, then processed further through the child’s own experiences. Greenman also argues that with the making of tools came the need of memories and a more complex language, in order to efficiently teach the new generation- thus again, the brain became ever more complex. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Greenman, E.F. The Extraorganic. American Anthropologist April, 1948 Vol.50(2): 181-199. E.F. Greenman seeks to articulate the evolutionary process by which humans separated and evolved from apes because of their interactions with material objects such as rocks, bones, sticks, and animal skins. He believes that the relationship between the organic (human and animal) and the cultural (material or extraorganic) can be scientifically explained by the psycho-biological process of neurobiotaxis; a process (first described by C.U. Ariens Kappers) that occurs in the brain. When specific brain cells are stimulated in a certain way they accumulate at a particular point in the brain. These stimuli are created when an animal interacts with its environment. The animal's brain thus evolves as it adapts to the environment. The author feels that neurobiotaxis takes place along with other evolutionary mechanisms; such as random mutation and genes. He feels that neurobiotaxis has a particularly important role in evolution since it is constantly operating. Greenman declares that the extraorganic (tools, material culture) provided stimuli which were the same as the organic (natural environment) influences. He feels that the extraorganic objects held in the hands of man's ancestors played a significant part in their evolution. This article seeks to further prove on a more factual basis the thesis of a previous paper: "the manufacture and use of tools by proto-human ancestors of man resulted in the evolutionary improvement of both brain and extraorganic implement in a recipro-causal manner." Thus brachiation is a cause of simian intelligence, involving estimates of distance and precise coordination and dexterity; swinging from branch to branch is much the same as using a primitive tool. This paper asserts that the human brain evolved because of the use of extraorganic tools. CLARITY: 2 LOWELL EVANS University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Gregg, Dorothy
and In this article, Gregg and Williams criticize and compare functionalism in anthropology to economic theories. Functionalism and economics are similar in that, they both, describe social behavior only in symbolic terms, believe in a natural order and desire to explain the positive purposes of all major institutions of society. The authors start the article by explaining how functionalism and economics share the concept of hedonism which is the view that humans are psychologically constructed in such a way that we exclusively seek gratification and avoid pain. Functionalists in general view institutions of culture as essential mechanisms that contribute to the basic needs of the individual, making all social institutions appear right and good. Both authors disagree with this point of view by pointing out that "wants" are not inborn physical mechanisms but they are social habits that can be, and should be, modified in the process of social change. Gregg and Williams also illustrate how economics shares the concept of hedonism, by explaining that economists think that capitalism is human nature. Economists also go a step further and add that modern social structure despite its wars, imperialism and depressions, are fitting since they stem from the basic needs of humans. In the article, Gregg and Williams argue against the theory of equilibrium. Typically economists believe that there is a tendency toward equilibrium in the economic system, while functionalists consider that each culture adjusts to its particular habitat and maintains its natural order. The economic system consists of price movements, which when unaided, can maintain balance between production and the needs of the community. Concurrently, functionalism assumes all societies are functioning as harmonious wholes and with status, religion, taboos and ceremonials acting as necessities for the society’s very survival. However, the reality is that there is no evidence toward the tendency of equilibrium in human affairs on the contrary; there is a tendency toward disequilibrium and rapid change. History has given us many instances of such sort. Gregg and Williams explain the concept of "organic approach" giving the following example. Functionalists believe that acculturation results in the disappearance of one of the cultures, because they hold the erroneous concept that cultures are only made up of their structural parts. Functionalists also assume most of the time, that if a part of society disappears, the whole society has vanished, and similarly to economists, the removal or alteration of capitalism indicates the death of civilization. In their final argument, Gregg and Williams introduce cultural dichotomy as the solution that will complete functionalism in anthropology. Cultural dichotomy would pass negative as well as positive judgments on some aspects of culture, and not assume that all modern institutions are just. This new concept, the authors explain, is an important guideline to dealing with current problems modern societies face. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Dorothy
Gregg and The most important
principal following from functionalist and economist is the doctrine
of “cultural relativism”. It is more important to understand
how a culture needs and wants things than just trying to satisfy those
with superficial resources. What a people want and need
creates all their actions and that differs from person to person and
must be taken into consideration when applying any theories to their
mechanics. There are problems only in industrialized countries
that economist can not apply and relate too. Economists have a problem
with price systems which lead to monopoly and loses much significance
as it becomes a source of value. Functionalist understand fascism
and imperialism the same way. Both of these types of thought,
the functionalist and economist, have a mutual understanding many aspects
of thinking. Wants and needs are expressed in prices and the
price world is data for this study. The price world is an institution
which fulfills these wants and needs. Comparing these two schools
of thought is difficult because they do not seem to have much in common,
when in fact they do.
Harrison, Margaret W. Lila Morris O'Neale: 1886-1948. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948 Vol.50(4):657-665. This is a biography
of Lila Morris O'Neale who was born November 2, 1886, in Miss O'Neale attended
San Jose State College and then graduated in English from Stanford
in 1910. She taught in public
schools in The author describes Lila Morris O'Neale's knowledge of textiles was "largely an inference based on contemporary fabrics." (p. 658) She believed that many of the textile fibers, tools, and techniques developed and became perfected from prior periods. Any display of intricate artistic technique and style of modern textiles exhibit superior skill in the past. Miss O'Neale was able to learn from contemporary weavers and establish an eye for dating a textile product as well as the antiquity of its tribal origin. The remainder of the article discusses Lila Morris O'Neale's style and talent. She was an articulate and accomplished writer, an enthusiastic teacher, and a distinctive pioneer in her field. The article is very informative and well understood. The author obviously had a passion for textile anthropology as did Miss O'Neale. I enjoyed the article and recommend it to any inquisitive anthropology student. CLARITY: 4 HEIDI
HILL Harrison, Margaret W. Lila Morris O’Neale Obituary. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 657-663. Lila Morris O’Neale
extended her affection of textiles and fabrics into the field of anthropology,
casting light onto historic weavings and aesthetic art. Born
in As O’Neale
grew older, she became bored teaching textiles as a home economist. She
decided to go for a Master of Arts thesis on lace at Lila Morris O’Neale didn’t look at textiles as just historic relics, she analyzed the structural and decorative approaches and looked at them as traits of different cultures. She found variations of standard techniques and innovative tricks Peruvians used to make their fabrics. On February 2, 1948
O’Neale died of a brief illness in CLARITY RANKING: 4 TRISTAN
MANN Indiana U. of Hawley, Florence Hawley’s
article examines the problems of acculturation within the Malinowski critiques acculturation under five topics: "European influence, interest, and intentions" (pressure brought on by the whites), "Anthropological no-man’s land" (areas that aren’t purely one group or another), surviving indigenous institutions, remembered past, and finally, new forces or forms of spontaneous integration or reaction. Malinowski’s specific pressures, when applied to indigenous and white people, show various contrasts. The largest contrast can be seen in the "native values on age, experience, conservatism, and non-aggression, versus the White values on youth, education (and experience), adaptability, considered aggression, and individualism." Hawley attempts to diagram the structures of the social organization of a tribe (both simple and complex), a Spanish-American village, the American Urban system and the Indian in White American Urban system. Each diagram represents the unique structural pattern of a distinct culture, specifically the self, with regards to family, religion, and government. The diagrams stress the problems of an individual experiencing acculturation, the most confusing problem being the difference between positions of institutions in his own culture and in the new, and the changed standing of his position in relation to the new culture’s institutions. For instance, an Indian’s move into a white town generally limits and constricts him. He has been trained at a young age to think of himself as a participant and equal part of his town, but is now in the position of an individual in a new small universe, making him feel very alone instead of part of the community. Various pueblos
have marked differences in acceptance of the new cultures. Some have
an easier time acculturating whereas others have a difficult move into
the new culture. But, in none of the cases is the complete move easy
or the new position readily comprehended. Hawley also briefly looks
into the effects of an acculturated (or semi-acculturated) Pueblo Indian
returning to the pueblo. She finds that change in the Hawley ends the article by stating that in the future, Pueblos will either combat the outside pressures by retreating into their old system or they will have adjusted to the outside pressure so "that their institutions will be reevaluated in relation to the new stresses and the configuration of the whole structure changed." This article is easy to read and contains helpful diagrams to assist the reader in visualizing the different societal structures. It offers an interesting look into a topic that is still very much an issue today. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hawley, Through this article
Florence Hawley addresses the subject of the difficulties of individual
transition from one culture to another, as well as the constant acculturation
of minority cultures. She focuses on the Hawley begins her support by providing some background of how cultural comparison has been done in the past, using references to Malinowski and explaining how the attributes of cultures were compared using a chart. The comparison of all aspects differs from the new concept, comparing how institutions are structured within cultures to determine similarity. She clarifies the description of the new system by comparing the new view of culture to a molecule; a molecule is made up of atoms just as a culture is made up of institutions. Institutions can be arranged in different ways to create new cultures just as atoms can be rearranged to form different molecules. Additionally she supports her comparison by referring to another anthropologist, Robert Redfield, who has put forth the idea that as villages have increased contact with a cultural center, the youth will adopt aspects of that culture and gradual acculturation will occur (614). Hawley next addresses
the difficulty of individual acculturation to another culture. She
does this by first providing an overview of the structure of the various
institutions within the Keresan and the Tewa cultures. She
then goes on to state that due to the reconfiguration of the institutions
in the new culture the individual would experience confusion. She
supports this through description of the structures of the “ CLARITY: 4 ISAAC
MCKEEVER Herskovits, Melville J. The Contribution of Afroamerican Studies to Africanist Research. American Anthropologist January – March, 1948 Vol.50(1):1-10. The author of this article believes that through understanding the "New World Negro cultures" a better understanding will be reached of the corresponding African cultures. He also believes that this kind of study will benefit both Africanists and Afro-americanists. Herskovits focuses
on three hypotheses’ he derived from the study of Afro-American cultures
in order to provide a framework for his paper. The first is "cultural
tenacity", which is how the culture maintained traditions in spite
of enculturation. He comments on the fact that even though all base
of aboriginal life of The author proceeds
by pointing out some "methodological considerations" to help
students who have Afro-American materials and come to African data.
The first one he alludes to is that the New World "Africanisms" are
less complex than their corresponding tradition in CLARITY RANKING: 3 Herskovits, Melville. The Contributions of Afro-American Studies to Africanist Research. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948 Vol.50(1):1-10. Herskovits’s essay stressed the importance of studying the “New World Negro” in order to better understand African Culture. Through this Herskovits felt that Africanists could gain important insight of why and how African societies function. He started the essay by stating his three main hypotheses. The hypothesis of cultural tenacity was written about first. This states that it was assumed that African culture was being destroyed and would soon be lost, due to the increased pressures brought by the recent influx of Europeans. However, according to Herskovits, the Africans would never lose their culture. He argued that Afro-Americans still practice African cultures. Though they were completely immersed in European lifestyles, the African culture remained. Thus, the “New World Negro” was assumed to be, culturally, very similar to their African counter parts. The second hypothesis dealt with the idea of cultural focus. The idea is that because Afro-Americans have held onto their religious beliefs, the studying of these religious beliefs can provide a greater understanding of African religion. Herskovits’ final hypothesis is based on how the enculturation of the Africans will affect their lives. Through studying the Afro-Americans, it could be understood how the African’s lives would be altered and create measures to smooth this process. The remainder of the essay dealt with specific examples of the successes that could be gained through studying Afro-Americans. Overall this essay made a solid argument, despite many assumptions for the time period. It read smoothly and was not hard to follow. CLARITY:
4 STEPEHEN YATES Hewes, Gordon W. The Rubric "Fishing and Fisheries." American Anthropologist April, 1948 Vol.50(2):238-245. The beginning of this article sets the stage to use fishing as a means to examine classifications and categories. The author does this by pointing out that there is no real logical reason behind fishing being classified as separate from hunting since they use many similar techniques. The defining separation of the two is decisively the environment in which it takes place. Since fishing is done in an aquatic environment it makes it much easier to exploit. Land animals and hunters are on an almost equal basis with use of their sensory organs in their environment, whereas the fish are at a great disadvantage existing in a different dimension than our own. Analysis of fishing and hunting devices clarifies the distinction between the two. Not all the same techniques for capturing/hunting land animals are used for all sea animals, though sea animals, such as the seal, are treated almost the same as some land animals. The definition of fishing seems to be ecological and not taxonomic due to the dichotomy between the objects used in fishing and hunting/gathering. The predictability of the migrations of water dwellers adds to the ease of fishing with regular camp sites. It also takes fewer people and less effort to obtain an equal amount of edible food products as opposed to hunting. The author then goes on to state that even though migrations are predictable, they are still subject to changes and fluctuations in the environment. Further complications include over fishing and negative effects such as pollution from increased population of the land. Towards the end of the article the author seems to stray from what he originally set out to argue. He does this by discussing the dietary importance of fishery products. According to anthropological studies, the differential vitality of peoples is because of differences in diet. This are of discussion is never fully developed and leaves the reader with questions. The author states that a diet rich in fish could have led to a higher average vitality. This statement leads nowhere and the author’s original discussion of the differences between hunting and gathering is never brought to a clear conclusion. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hewes, Gordon W. The Rubric "Fishing and Fisheries." American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(2):238-245. Gordon Hewes’ article
compares the historical importance of fishing as a food source procurement
strategy with those of land-based hunter/gatherer techniques. Hewes
looks at the many varied inventions that result from an intensive fishing
procurement strategy, and he also looks at the role man has had on
the vitality of historic fish populations. He gleans information
from various ethnographies and draws conclusions as to the importance
of seasonal fish migrations, their predictability as a steadfast harvest
crop, and the underlying significance its stability brought to indigenous
peoples. Hewes is one of the first anthropologists to equate the stability
of annual fish migrations with that of seasonal on-land harvest techniques,
and discusses the predictability of aquatic harvests, their dietary
importance, the stability of various fishing sites over time, and the
difference between fishing and traditional on-land hunter-gatherer
techniques. He discusses whether fisheries outlast other natural or
cultivated food resources in a given region. Lastly, he discusses its
dietary importance in relation to other food sources. Hewes notes that
people used the land near waterways historically to travel from one
locale to the next. He reasons that following the river bottoms were
the easiest travel routes. However, he fails to consider other survival
strategies as a reason for being there, such as utilizing the river
as a significant source of food. I believe this reveals Hewes’ findings
to be somewhat antiquated. His eurocentric views and "armchair
anthropologist" technique taint this otherwise informative review.
Its usefulness, however, stems from a blend of early ethnographies.
It is informative and can be useful for people studying how early anthropologists
understood the history of fishing as a resource procurement strategy. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Jeffreys, M.
D. W. The Diffusion of Cowries and Egyptian Culture
in M. D. W. Jeffreys’ article
seeks to prove the influence of Egyptian trade and culture within Jeffreys begins
by describing the cowry and its origins—the East Indies, Next, Jeffreys goes
into great detail about various counting notations used in the surrounding
areas. Within the cowry counting system in use within the Ibo, a sexagesimal
system was used, and this is linked to a similar system used in He goes further
to explain concepts dealing with diffusion to strengthen his claim,
finally putting forth the idea that within the Ibo, the sexagesimal
system of notation for the cowry originated from CLARITY RANKING:
2 Kroeber, A. L. White’s
View of Culture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948
Vol.50(3):405-415. A.L. Kroeber’s article
studies an earlier paper by Leslie A. White concerning culture and
its phenomena. In the article Kroeber has pulled out some of White’s
key points and rewords and reconstructs them for further clarification
and limitations. By looking at the finer points of the piece, Kroeber
is able to concentrate his own intellect on the subject and further
resolve White’s theory of cultural phenomena and its sub levels, a
somewhat cloudy area in cultural anthropology. The first few excerpts
of White’s paper that Kroeber includes talk about how cultural phenomena
can be broken down for deeper examination. He says that looking at
and understanding the separate levels on which the phenomena depend
upon helps us to better understand the phenomena as a whole. He states
that culture and its phenomena are not independent, but lie upon a
foundation of separate sub-levels that may be variable, and when put
together make up culture and its events as a whole. Kroeber incorporates
other anthropologists’ work to further strengthen the body of his thesis
and neglects certain points that White had previously made. Also included in
Kroeber’s work are some of the passages in White’s article that appear
to be his opinions. Kroeber does not condemn these notions, but questions
how stable they are. Turning to other anthropologists, such as J. Richardson,
he restructures these opinions and turns them into solid principles.
Kroeber concludes his piece with one of White’s more ridiculous notions
where White had blamed the regression of the independent science of
culture on our obsolete capitalist system. Simply by stating a few
historical points, Kroeber proves this statement, among others, irrelevant
and pushes them aside to provide a clear, intellectual thesis on the
subject of cultural phenomena. Kroeber’s article
shows the reader cultural anthropology in action. The heart of this
field bases itself on anthropologists taking another’s theory or idea
and not refuting it but cleaning it up and building upon its foundation
to further clarify and solidify it so that other anthropologists are
not reluctant to recognize it but instead observe it as a tool to build
their own studies on. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Kroeber, A.L. White’s View of Culture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948 Vol.50:405-415. Kroeber analyzes Leslie A. White’s article, “The Expansion of the Scope of Science.” White’s paper focuses on a scientific approach to culture. He believes that culture is like energy in that it is always in constant motion. Kroeber agrees with much of White’s analysis, but feels he needs to reexamine and clarify the report. In the end, even though he supports the logic behind White’s argument, Kroeber believes that a historical approach is a better way of understanding culture, rather than a scientific approach. Culture cannot be as easily explained by “laws” as compared to “laws” used to explain scientific ideas. CLARITY:3 SUZANNE PLETSCHETT MacGregor, Gordon. H. SKUDDER MEKEEL 1902-1947. American Anthropology, 1948. Vol. 50(1): 95-100. This is an obituary
for H. Scudder Mekeel (1902-1947). Mekeel was a leader in integrating
cultural anthropology with psychoanalysis. He was devoted to
understanding minority groups in order to further their rights so that
they could participate in a democratic nation. His primary interests
lay in understanding social action and social improvement based on
research and knowledge derived from science. His interests in
these fundamentals led him to increase his interest in the links between
psychoanalysis and child development. Makeel was a contributor
to the Walapai Ethnography (1935), which focused on the Sioux
American Indians in this country and in CLARITY: 5 Macgregor, Gordon. H. Scudder Mekeel, 1902-1947. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol. 50(2): 95-99. This article pays
respects to Haviland Scudder Mekeel, who was not only an anthropology
professor, but also a beloved father and husband. Mekeel died of a
sudden heart attack on July 23, 1947. Mekeel was a leader in the integration
of the two fields of cultural anthropology and psychoanalysis. He was
intensely devoted to the understanding of the social and psychological
problems of minority groups in hope of social betterment. Mekeel attended
a number of colleges and universities, which included Princeton, the Mekeel’s interest
in helping minorities took him to many new places and offered him many
career opportunities. Mekeel worked with the Indian Service beginning
in 1935. He was able to advise on many problems that usually went unnoticed
and is also credited for laying down the base foundation of ideas that
have become part of the general thinking in Indian Service work. Other
jobs included Director of the Laboratory of Anthropology at CLARITY RANKING: 5 McCown, Theodore D. George Grant MacCurdy, 1863-1947. American Anthropologist, 1948 Vol. 50 (2): 516-521. On November fifteen of 1947 the world of anthropology lost a major contributor. George Grant MacCurdy was a founding member of the American Anthropologists Association, serving as secretary from (1903-1916) and President in 1931. He was also a member of twenty different American and international scientific societies. George Grant MacCurdy
was born to William J. and Margaret Smith MacCurdy in 1863 at It was in 1889,
while attending a conference at After studying in Before becoming
an Emeritus Research Associate and the Emeritus Curator of Anthropological
Collections in 1931, Dr. MacCurdy worked part time at the Dr. MacCurdy also contributed to the anthropological scene through literary means. He started the Bulletin in 1926, which first appeared as a four-page leaflet. For the first fifteen years Dr. MacCurdy served as the editor. For forty years he provided his colleagues with reports and accounts of significant discoveries of ancient humans and their culture. All of his discoveries were presented in the two volumes of Human Origins. On November 15, 1947 as Dr. George MacCurdy and his wife were heading south for the winter, when he got out of his car and crossed a street to ask for directions. As he crossed the street he was truck and fatally wounded by an oncoming car. His death was greatly felt in the scholarly community, and he is remembered as a loving man who was unwilling to believe ill of people. CLARITY: 5 ANGELA L. MOLINAR Murdock, George Peter. Clark Wissler, 1870-1947. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(2):292-304. This article is
a brief biography of Clark Wissler. Wissler was born on September 18,
1870 in Wayne County, Indiana, and passed away on August 25, 1947.
Wissler received a B.A. degree in psychology from At Columbia University
Wissler was introduced to anthropology while studying psychology under
James McKeen Cattell, who had an adjacent office with Franz Boas. Wissler
took anthropology courses with Boas and Livingston Farrand. In 1902,
he began working at the At the Wissler was a faculty
member at Wissler has made
large contributions to the field of anthropology, although not many
have been in the field of theory. His name is often associated with
the culture-area concept, and he is largely responsible for the scientific
productivity of the This short article is easy to read, and provides basic information on who Wissler was and why he is an important figure in anthropology. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Murdock, George Peter. Clark Wissler, 1870-1947. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(2):292-295. This is a brief
biography of Clark Wissler, who was born September 18, 1870, in Wissler because
involved in the During the early
1900's Wissler spent much of his time doing field work with the Blackfoot
and Siouan tribes of Montana as well as North and South Dakota. He
devoted many monographs and papers to his interest in Native American
ethnography. Wissler was a professor
at Wissler used his
psychology background to help develop the prospect of culture within
anthropology as well as cultural factors associated with sociology.
Wissler is probably most famous for developing this pathway from anthropology
to the social sciences. The article is plentiful
with specific dates and associates of Clark Wissler as well as his
academic accomplishments. It superbly summarizes Wissler's life as
a psychologist as well as an anthropologist and ethnographer. Wissler
was a true developer of cultural anthropology as well as cultural sociology. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Oberg, Kalervo. Terena Social Organization and Law. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(2):283-291. The author’s objective
is to describe the changes in Terena social organization. The Terena
are a Native American group. They lived in the Paraguayan Chaco until
the middle of the nineteenth century, when they migrated to southern The article first
gives a detailed account of Terena social organization as it was approximately
one hundred years ago, before the migration. This section covers their
moiety system, marriage rules, social classes, economics, kinship terminology,
law, warfare practices and military organization. The author then describes
how and why their political and social organization started to change
once they arrived in The author notes
four stages of readjustment that the culture of the Terena has had
to go through. First, in The article reads
rather easily, it is well organized, and it provides a good deal of
interesting information. The author accomplishes his objective of describing
the changes in Terena social organization that resulted from their
migration from Paraguayan Chaco to CLARITY RANKING: 4 Osberg, Kalervo. Terena Social Organization and Law. American Anthropologist June, 1948 Vol.50:283-291. In this descriptive
paper, Kalervo Osberg deals with changes in Terena Indian social organizations. The
Terena Indians, originally of Paraguayan Chaco, were agriculturalists. However, like other tribes in the area, the
Terena came under the domination of the Guaricurũ speaking Mbayã,
a warlike tribe, and adopted their raiding characteristics. Osberg says it is unknown, based on the history,
to what extent that Terena social organization is authentic. He also
establishes four stages of cultural re-adjustment: the military and
class organization in the Chaco; the resettlement into The Terena were divided into four social classes; chiefs, warriors, commoners and slaves. Their villages were divided into two moieties; the Sukerikono (gentle people) the Shumono(wild people). The moieties shared equal status and it was only during ceremonies that there were differences. Each moiety had a chief, whose only power was that of councilor and mediator. The selection of moiety chiefs were both based upon ascribed and achieved statuses. The moieties were a social controlling force, nevertheless the group as a whole was the presiding power. Terena economy involved the entire family; husband, wife, and children. It was based on hunting and gathering, and the cultivation of crops. Terena law gave authority to the extended family. Although crimes could also be dealt with by the group, it was thought that there was minimal crime due to the honorable authority of the moiety chiefs and the constant threat of external danger. The Terena abandoned
the CLARITY: 4 JEANNE PETERSON University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones Pelzel, John C. Japanese Ethnological and Sociological Research. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 54-72 This article addresses
the history and use of anthropology and its related fields in The author notes that several branches of Japanese ethnology exist. The ethnography of Japanese culture is primarily concerned with the folk (pre-Western) culture. Emphasis is also placed on the study of Far Eastern cultures. The branch of Social Anthropology examines the operations of a society. The field of sociology was mainly theoretical until World War I. It was only after the war ended that research started. The main influence for Japanese sociology was from English and American methodology. Ethnology and sociology
is frequently used to study the infrastructure of In an attempt to
better understand their neighbors, the Japanese have conducted research
in CLARITY RANKING: 5 Pelzel, John. Japanese Ethnological and Sociological Research. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948 Vol.50(1):54-72. The author challenges
the notion that there is a lack of Japanese ethnological and sociological
research in the first half of the twentieth century. He demonstrates
that the Japanese had a large volume of high quality research that
was largely unknown to Westerners at the time because it had been inadequately
translated. Three main branches of Japanese ethnology Pelzel discusses
are (1) ethnographies of Japanese culture, (2) ethnographies of non-Japanese
cultures, and (3) Japanese sociology. The article primarily
displays an historical overview of sociological research in While the author
doesn’t go into detail about what the implications of specific studies
might be, he does provide a wealth of information about Japanese researchers,
dates and the areas dealt with by Japanese researchers. Some of the
researchers cited in the article are Yanagida, Tsuboi, Torii, Takebe,
and Suzuki. Pelzel’s footnotes also provide useful information for
anyone wishing to pursue Japanese ethnological and sociological research
prior to 1948. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Pollenz, Philippa. The Puzzle of the Hula. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 647-655. The author of this
article speculates on the origins of the popular Hawaiian dance, the
Hula. The introduction of his argument includes a detailed description
of common Polynesian dances from The basic argument
made is that the hulas of do not conform to
the generalized Pacific patterning. It is pointed out that the "sitting
dances" in This examination does not produce a definite relationship between the two dances in regards to origins. It does however make the reader ponder the possibility. The author seems to suggest an intention to further investigate the similarities. It is an engaging article, which can be enjoyed by anyone who has an interest in the origin of various cultural practices. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Pollenz, Philippa. The Puzzle of the Hula. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948. Vol.50(4):647-655. The primary focus
of Pollenz’ article, "The Puzzle of the Hula" is an attempt
to determine where hulas, dances from Pollenz doesn’t
altogether discount the similarities, for she notes there are many
of importance; the differences are what intrigue her. These differences
that she finds are found especially among the standing hulas (as opposed
to the sitting hulas, which is a different kind of dance). Of importance
are the hand gestures which have symbolic meaning and actually tell
a story of the dance. Although the use of mime is common throughout To get a better
understanding of where these aspects of the Hula might have originated,
Pollenz looked outside of CLARITY RANKING:
5 Quimby, George
I. Culture Contact on the In this article,
Mr. Quimby wants to inform us about contact with the natives of the
Northwest Coast of America, other than with European people, between
the years of 1785 – 1795. There were apparently many European ships
that landed in this area in that time period. He shows us a table that
lists as few as one ship in 1785 to as many as thirty ships in 1792.
Most of these visits were for exploration and/or fur trading. The crew
usually consisted of a mostly European group (Spanish, Italian, Austrian,
Swedish, Portuguese, French, English, and, what the author calls, New
England-American) but frequently included a handful of Chinese, Polynesians,
Negroes and natives of the Mr. Quimby gives
examples such as in 1788 when Captain John Meares arrived in his schooner,
actually named the North West America, to trade in furs with
the Nootka. There were supposedly fifty Chinese on board who served
as carpenters and smiths when a base was constructed on the shore.
One of the episodes when Hawaiians, or Polynesians, also came into
contact with the Nootka was when a young Sandwich Island boy who was
part of the crew of the ship Columbia Rediviva managed to escape
and hide among the natives. The captain of the ship held the chief,
Tootiscoosettle, hostage until the young man was returned to him. In
1788 – 1789 the ship Iphigenia Nubiana, sailing under a Captain
Douglas is said to have hired on a man from Manilla in the The author wants us to be aware that, since there have been reports of many of these ships crew members who "interbred freely" with native women, these facts should be taken into account whenever physical anthropological studies, or even cultural studies, are being done on the natives of the Northwest Coast Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Quimby,
George I. Culture Contact on the In this article, Quimby presented information showing contact between non-Europeans and Natives of the Northwest Coast of America from 1785 to 1795. Material objects, people, and ideas were exchanged between these groups. His data were taken from journals kept by European ship captains and historical records found at the Massachusetts Historical Society (MHS) of voyages made by one particular ship. Based on the historical
records, Quimby produced an account of the various non-European groups
that had contact with natives on the Quimby implies that one must take into account non-European contact when studying Northwest Coast Natives. Europeans were not the only cultures to have contact with Northwest Coast Indian Groups. Physically, due to intermarriage, there are some natives that have Chinese, Negro, or Philippine ancestry. Materially, the non-Europeans introduced new materials, like iron, which changed the nature of the tools used. CLARITY: 4 EMMA
BISSONETT Smith, Marian W. Synthesis And Other Processes In Sikhism. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(3):457-462. Marian W. Smith’s
article is concerned with the development of Sikhism. The article takes
a look at northwest India’s history religiously and culturally. Sikhism
was formed during a time of war between the Hindus and the Muslims;
it was developed in the region where these two great cultures met.
This geographic location allowed for the synthesis of aspects of the
two religions. Interestingly enough the synthesis was motivated by
a dislike for many aspects of Hinduism and Islam by the founder of
Sikhism, Nanak. Nanak was opposed to Muslim rule and the Hindu caste. This paper displays
well the points at which Sikhism has borrowed from Hinduism and Islam.
In addition Smith gives other possible factors for the development
of Sikhism like historical circumstance. For instance, the original
Sikhs largely consisted of the lowest Hindu caste. The Sikhs have no
caste and believe in the dignity of all individuals; even the sexes
are seen as more or less equals. This principle was not synthesized
from either Islam or Hinduism. The equality notion probably is a result
of living in a world of complete inequality. The purpose of this paper
is largely to show that Sikhism is not simply a fusion of ideals from
both Islam and Hinduism but that some aspects of Sikhism exist because
of social and historical events. Smith offers insight
into the development of Sikhism. This paper is interesting and anyone
stands to benefit from reading it. It serves as a reminder of the interconnectedness
of things, and that all avenues must be explored to gain the best understanding
attainable. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Smith, Marian W. Synthesis and Other Processes in Sikhism. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol.50(13):457-462. Marian Smith’s article is a historical account that examines the development of Sikhism. Her article was read before the American Oriental Society, an audience rooted more in policy and history, in 1947, and helps explain the absence of overall anthropological material and accounts for the historical nature of her article. Smith states, “This paper limits itself to an investigation of the processes by which the [Sikhs] identity was formulated”. These processes include: religious synthesis, reaction to historical circumstance, intellectual consistency, and influence from social factors not included in their written or spoken word. Smith begins the
article by looking at the intellectual and political atmosphere of
the Although we see
a very detailed historical account of the development of Sikhism, Smith
does return to anthropology, suggesting that anthropologists should
that Sikhism holds true to its tenets, yet in practice, the group has
not fully achieved these tenets as social ends. In explaining how Sikhs have worked toward
their beliefs, Smith states, “One must allow for some process
by which intellectually conceived ideas are translated into social
action, their full implication gradually realized and consistently
followed.” In the end, Smith raises questions that are
left to be answered in possible future research. Questions include: Are women of the The clarity of this article is given a four. Although it is very easy and a thorough text to read, Smith does not give us background information of whom or where she receives her information from. However, in the footnote, Smith thanks her ‘Sikh friends for their help and constant generosity of time and energy’. This lends me to believe that the source of her information is less bias and a reliable historical text. CLARITY:4 CREE HOLTZ University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones) Snowden, Frank
M. Jr. The Negro in Ancient The author of this
article tries to convince us that the notion of racism in ancient He presents his
data by mentioning each one and basing it on historical facts. First
of all he tells us that there is proof the Greeks were acquainted with
the Ethiopian people. Through their ancient writings Greek authors
fully describe the physical characteristics of Ethiopians and appear
to pay more attention to their skin color. The Negro is presented in
Greek writings, by people such as Aristotle, Plutarch, Menander, and
Theophrastus, in art, mostly on vases, in mythology, and in theater.
Snowden explains that Ethiopians were found in the army at high positions,
in the palace as guards, and in plays as actors and dancers. They excelled
in battle and were pronounced as great warriors, were heroes and won
respect by being shown on coins and shields, had statues erected in
their honor and were seen daily in common places, like the agora and
palestra, among other people. In many cases an Ethiopian was part of
someone’s genealogy. Snowden argues against scholars who say that the
Negro was thought of as comical and ugly. He comes up with the example
of Philostratus who wrote that these people of strange coloring were
charming. Their lives and background were never presented as comical. Snowden presents
all this evidence with detail. He does a fair job with arguing and
proving that an Ethiopian was in many cases admired, honored, and judged
by his nobility and not his coloring in the ancient Greek society.
He mentions many names, historical details, uses the Greek lexicon
for wording, and bases his data on many books listed in the bibliography
at the end of the article. CLARITY RANKING:
4
Spencer, Robert
F. and S. A. Barrett. Notes on a Bachelor House
in the In this article, Spencer and Barrett discuss the purpose of the bachelor houses in the south Chinese areas. The authors begin by giving a general overview of the Ah Kong clans. This background information is necessary to set up the discussion of the bachelor house. Spencer and Barrett then discuss the three purposes of the bachelor house. The first purpose of the bachelor house is for the use of the unmarried men of the clan. Boys of the village attend school until the age of twelve. At that time, they move into the bachelor house and stay there until married. Though it is not a requirement to live in the bachelor house, it is usually done to relieve congestion in the family home. If there are no female children, and if there is enough room, the boy may stay at their own home. In some cases, the eldest son stays home and the younger brothers move to the bachelor house. The second purpose is the temporary use of the house by married men whose wives are in confinement associated with childbirth. They move into the house during the fifth month of pregnancy and stay there until the child is one hundred days old. The third and final purpose for the bachelor house is its use as a guesthouse for male visitors that need to stay overnight. There are few visitors to the area, but the few that do visit have to conduct some form of business with one of the clans. Under these circumstances, they would be allowed to spend the night in the bachelor house of that clan. At the time of the
writing, Spencer and Barrett are questioning why there are not a significant
number of bachelor houses in CLARITY RANKING: 5 LAURIE VAN SCHAICK University
of Central Spencer,
Robert F. and This article is
a description of bachelor houses in a village in Each family unit has an ancestral hall that the extended family revolves around. The ancestral hall is ceremonial and houses tablets with the names of the deceased family members. Tablets are kept in order of generation and serve as the family record of genealogy and relationship. Large family gatherings, or clan councils (a group composed of male clan elders) take place in the hall. Women cook and to serve at tables but do not otherwise participate in activities in the hall. Adjacent to each ancestral hall is a long and narrow building, called a bachelor house, where the south section is used as a quarters for a number of unmarried (and some married) men of the clan. Women are rigidly restricted from this men’s domain. In Ah Kong, the bachelor house is used for three functions. It serves as a recreational center and sleeping area for young, unmarried men in the clan. It also serves as a temporary sleeping quarters for married men with wives in confinement (during the last 4 months of pregnancy and for the first 100 days of the newborn’s life). Bachelor houses also serve as guesthouses for male visitors who stay overnight in the village. A boy will live in the bachelor house after he finishes local schooling, usually at the age of twelve or thirteen. He will stay there until marriage, which usually takes place when the males are between eighteen and twenty-six. The sole purpose of the men staying in these bachelor houses from puberty to marriage is to relieve congestion in the home. Boys are seen as working members of the clan as soon as schooling is completed and they are expected to help their fathers with rice cultivation while living in the bachelor houses. Married men also live here when their wives are beyond five months in pregnancy (it is seen as harm to the baby to have sexual intercourse beyond the fifth month of pregnancy), and for the first 100 days of the baby’s life (men are to check up on village gossip should a husband of a pregnant woman be seen with her too much). The bachelor house strengthens ties between men in the extended family. CLARITY: 5 ANNIE
DRESSEN Strong, Edward W. The Question of Interpretation. American Anthropologist April- June, 1948 Vol.50 (2 ):216-224. Professor Kroeber,
in his "Review and Conclusions" (Chapter XI), assesses the
correlations between culture patterns and clusterings of genius throughout
history. Culture patterns include the rise, florescence, and decline
of various societies throughout history. This essay analyzes his examination
of aesthetic and intellectual endeavor, in clusterings seen in a certain
time and cultural area, to see what impact and involvement they have
had on the overall trend. Then specific character and style in the
philosophies of one possible genius, Kroeber emphasizes that cultures do not necessarily progress, but that they undergo changes of values constructed. The fluctuation in great achievement presupposes adherence to any set of patterns. For successful new development to occur, the old norms must break down. Periods of flowering include the highest values occurring together. Cultural cultivation goes hand and hand with flourishing philosophy, science, and the arts. If the number of high contributors tends to be the same from generation to generation, what accounts for the movements of genius in one time frame, and the absence of them in another when they go unrecognized? This is part of his search. He analyzes what the right conditions are for socio-cultural performance. The author questions Kroeber’s interpretation of "growth" in societies, in his published work, "The Growth of Nations" (Chapter X). Kroeber states that growth has definite meaning, and refers to political development in the western world. He is quoted as admitting that there can be great national changes without cultural ones, but they are rare. The author concludes that a better examination of the relationship between patterns and cultural accomplishments would include more than just cultivational achievement. Examples are cited
in the Greek philosophers with their Stoic, Epicurean, and Skeptic
school. Also mentioned is the Later Mediterranean Philosophy and Neo-Pythagoreanism,
with the Christian Apologists. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Strong, Edward W. A Question of Interpretation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol.50(2):216-224. Edward Strong looks
at the significance of Professor A. L. Kroeber's paper "Configurations
of Cultural Growth." Kroeber focuses on those major cultures which
are undergoing a growth in its cultivation and political development.
Edward Strong analyzes Kroeber's book, specifically questioning his
theories. Strong has three
main questions about Kroeber's paper. The first are the questions of
time and place. Time covers the beginning, culmination, growth, decline,
and ending of growth, while place covers geography. The second are
questions of valuation or rating. This explains that when there are
high values, there are also geniuses. The problem of high cultivation
and culture patterns is the third main question. This question shows
the relationship with cultural growth and the arts and sciences such
as philosophy, drama, and literature. This last question seems to be
at the center of Kroeber's paper: what conditions will serve to account
for socio-cultural performance? He also explains his alignment with
the Spenglerian principles: one, the fundamental characteristics of
major cultures and two, that these occur in partial development. Kroeber divides
philosophy to explain his theories. Philosophy is separated into two
main parts by Professor Kroeber: Greek philosophy and Later Mediterranean
philosophy. There are two main divisions in Greek philosophy: a productive
period (lasting about three centuries) and a period of nonproductive
contributions (continuous). The Later Mediterranean philosophy began
with Christian Apologists and divided soon after into non-Christian
and Christian groupings. One real growth took place on the pagan side
during Neo-Platonism. Kroeber compares most cultural growth to these
two groups. One example of this is the belief of American growth beginning
where the Greeks left off. Although Edward
Strong has many questions about interpreting Professor Kroeber's paper,
he does finally come to the conclusion that Kroeber justified his beliefs
on cultural growth. CLARITY RANKING:
3 Thompson, Laura. Attitudes and Acculturation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1948 Vol. 50 (2): 200-215. This article discusses
results found by the Indian Education Research staff, concerning the
views of Native American children toward the idea of immanent justice.
The Research staff was a large cooperative project, then six years
old, supported by the U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, the Children from ages six through eighteen years were tested. Well-known child psychological experiments of a similar nature were done by Piaget and Lerner; and these results showed that in white children, there is an all-encompassing trend for children to stop believing in an immanent justice as they age. However, in Native American young people, the facts show just the opposite. The need to believe in such a guiding supernatural force only strengthens over time for Indians. In this article, Thompson examines the history of certain tribal beliefs in order to present logical explanations for the acceptance of such an idea. She examines the beliefs of the such peoples as the Dakota Sioux, the Ojibwa, the Topawa, the Shiprock, the Oraibi, the Navaho, and the Papago. In contrast to American cultural views, Native American Indians see man as below animals in the natural world order. As hunting has long been an essential aspect of culture, a deep reverence for this concept appears to grow in children as they approach this cultural role with age. In relation to this, the Indian male sees his role as protector and guardian of animals, and this enhances the idea of keeping a sort of natural justice intact. However, also increasing is the amount of sickness and stress experienced in living up to "keeping a good heart." Even with increasing participation in American agricultural industry, and therefore an increasing awareness of individual power of will, Native Americans hold on to their ideas of a just a guiding force in the universe. Thompson presents that when the concept of man’s place in the universe, and how he should interact in relation to all things –moral codes- are entrenched in the development of a culture, these ideas become indispensable to that society. She concludes that certain patterns encompassing all aspects of culture tend to endure because they are spread over the symbol systems developed. She asserts that students of man and culture should not concentrate on how particular culture is transmitted through generations. Thompson is concludes that studying the nature and process of culture creation, culture stability, and culture change can students of culture and man learn about psycho-cultural change on a grand scale. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Thompson, Laura. Attitudes and Acculturation. American Anthropologist January-March, 1948. Vol.50(1):200-215. The author uses previous studies conducted by various anthropologists, as well as tests administered by the Indian Education Research staff to demonstrate how adolescents of five different tribes held similar and yet various beliefs of an immanent justice even after being acculturated into white America. The author sets out to prove that if government officials desire to implement various programs it is imperative for the government administration to understand what these beliefs are, specific to the tribe, and they should then build on Native beliefs in order for their programs to be effective. The tests described in Laura Thompson’s opening paragraph were given to a thousand native children between the ages of 6 and 18 including 13 different groups and 5 various tribes: Dakota Sioux, Northern Ojibwa, Navaho, Papago, and Hopi. She uses the test results to further explain the basic orientations of these 5 tribes by combining the results with previous anthropological research done regarding each tribe’s specific world-view. The world-views included in this article deal with what each tribe perceives their universe to be as well as their conception of the roles both humans and non-humans play in regards to the nature of the universe. Because all 5 cases clearly differed in their subsistence patterns as well as their world-views the conclusion was drawn that at one time they perhaps all held a hunting world-view. By this the author means a view regarding man as a helpless being made subject to a superhuman (of which animals are often included). As subsistence patterns began to change so did Natives view of the world. The author notes that as a more “systematic control of food supply” was implemented Indians began to view humans as having more control over the universe and a switch in what they saw as the source of power moved from non-humans to humans. However, basic orientations of the source of power remain a part of Native world-view despite their acculturation into mainstream American culture. This point is supported by the test results of the children. Tests were administered to both acculturated and non-acculturated communities of the same tribes with regards to weather or not the adolescent believed in immanent justice. There was a small decrease in the belief when becoming acculturated, however the fact that the belief remained affluent in their society indicates that the belief has not disappeared and must be recognized by government officials when trying to work with Natives weather it be either economically or socially. CLARITY: 4 TIFFANY
FERDERER Voget, Fred. Individual Motivation in the Diffusion of The Wind River Shoshone Sundance to the Crow Indians. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948 Vol.50(4):634-646. Acculturation has afflicted the Native Americans with the hardships of striving to find familiarity within an alien culture. The regaining of Native American tradition provides individuals and peoples with a sense of liberation from the oppressive European culture. This article examines the pertinent roles of individuals in the distribution of the Shoshone Sundance to the Crow Nation. The historical diffusion of the Wind River Shoshone Sundance to the Crow agency is chronologically traced from 1941-1946. Similarities and differences of four individuals' motivations involved in the acquisition of leadership positions in the Crow agency were presented in the article as well as the primary source of knowledge for this divergent form of Shoshone Sundance, a Shoshone medicine man. The backgrounds of these key figures were individually accessed as to how each became and retained their involvement with this cross-tribal form of the Sundance, thus demonstrating the importance of individual motivation during the process of transferring cultural characteristics from one community to another. Similar explanations of the individualistic motivation that were given included the rejection of the American economic system, lack of faith in the modern medical system, oppression from the white Americans, and a rejection of the Christian faith for various reasons. Therefore, the revitalization of Native tradition has been beneficial for the Native Americans in dealing with the acculturation process. CLARITY: 5 KIMBERLY APRYLE: Voget, Fred. Individual motivation in the Diffusion of the Wind River Shoshone Sundance to the Crow Indians. American Anthropologist October-December, 1948 Vol.50 (4): 634-646 Native Americans
have faced many obstacles in their struggle to keep their cultures
and traditions alive. This article
tells the tale of four individuals of the Crow agency and their access
and involvement with the Wind River Shoshone Sundance. It also illustrates how oppressed Native
Americans were living in the During the years of 1942 through 1946 many Native Americans of the Crow nation were experiencing difficulties of being challenged by the “modern” world including the dominant Christian faiths and capitalist economic system. Many Crow also did not have much belief in the modern medical system. One Shoshone man and four Crow men are attributed with introducing the Shoshone Sundance to the Crow agency. Their involvement with the reservation and the Sundance has brought a new tradition to the Indian nation. Over the course of five years, four Crow men learned the Sundance from a Shoshone man, and subsequently introduced the dance to their extended family. At first, these men did not willingly believe in the dance and its powers. One particular man participated because he was asked to sing for the dance, which is held annually. Eventually, these men let this dance and its powers become a part of their traditions. Both culture and personal experience were factors in the decision and attitude of these men towards the Shoshone Sundance. CLARITY: 5 SUSAN
PUGH: White, Leslie A. The Definition and Prohibition of Incest. American Anthropologist 1948 Vol. 50: 416-434. In this article, White’s aim is to promote and propose the use of a culturological explanation for the existence of a universal prohibition of incest. To do this, he first examines popular anthropological explanations for this universal prohibition, including the explanation of incest prohibition as "instinctive," Lewis H. Morgan’s notion that inbreeding causes degeneration and is thus prohibited universally, and other theories purported by Freud, E. Westermarck, and Emile Durkheim. After refuting all such examples, White then suggests an explanation hinted at by E.B. Tylor in his 1888 essay, "On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, Applied to the Laws of Marriage and Descent." Tylor’s thesis was that primitive peoples faced "the simple practical alternative of marrying-out and being killed out." Thus, Tylor viewed exogamy as a necessary component for the survival of primitive peoples. The only fault in Tylor’s notion that White sees is that "the origin of incest tabus greatly antedates clan organization." With this in mind, White builds his culturological explanation for universal incest prohibition. His explanation proceeds from this premise: "Man, like all other animal species, is engaged in a struggle for existence." Because of this, cooperation becomes key to survival. The family was the first cooperative social group, and thus, larger families were more successful in obtaining food, protecting themselves, and various other tasks that were necessary to survival. From this, laws of exogamy were developed and strictly enforced to enable the formation of even larger, multi-family cooperative groups, increasing the productivity and efficiency of the group. Thus, in White’s view, incest taboos were created to enable economic benefits. To further defend his theory, White cites that among lower primates little cooperation is present, and that in these animal groups incest is common. His explanation for this, in support of his theory, is that in lower primate groups communication consists only of simple, symbolic gestures. Because of this, cooperative groups were inevitably limited to family groups. With the advent of language (and thus culture), these cooperative groups were finally able to expand to become multi-family groups through laws of exogamy. White finds the popular proclivity to seek psychological explanations for the universal prohibition of incest as the main cause of confusion regarding explanations of incest taboos. Because one is engaged in finding psychological explanations for incest taboos, one can easily miss "clues," such as that given by E.B. Tylor, which lead one to the solution to the problem—a solution derived culturologically. CLARITY RANKING: 4 White, Leslie A. The Definition and Prohibition of Incest. American Anthropologist July-September, 1948 Vol.50(3):416-435 "The subject
of incest has a strange fascination for man." This article attempts
to explain why incest is prohibited and why the definition of incest
varies from culture to culture. It begins by explaining and refuting
some of the most common explanations. These theories include Lowie’s
explanation of incest as instinctual, Morgan’s claim that incest is
prohibited because it causes biological degeneration, and Freud’s dramatic
theory of patriarchal overthrow by a dominant male’s sons and the resulting
submission that resulted from guilt and led to an aversion to the Father’s
mates. Also rejected are Westermarck’s thesis that there exist no erotic
feelings between people living very closely together, and the attribution
of incest prohibition to totemism supported by Durkheim. The author suggests
that all of these theorists "have been on the wrong track," even
though a sufficient scientific theory has existed for decades. The
search for the answer to the incest perplexity has concentrated too
much on psychological and sociological interpretations, instead of
on the more adequate culturological point of view. E. B. Tylor’s
culturological stand published in 1888 gives a wholly satisfactory
explanation: "Again and again in the world’s history, savage tribes
must have had plainly before their minds the simple practical alternative
between marrying-out and being killed out." This view suggests
that as the human species evolved and developed the ability to speak,
its capacity to communicate became limitless. As the family group could
now communicate, and thus "became a corporation," the economic
(survival) advantage of cooperation with other families became clear.
Cooperation between families cannot be established if individuals marry
within their own group; incest taboos ensured marrying into some other
family group, and the resulting alliance was advantageous to both groups.
Theories of internal discord caused by incest also support this science
of culture stance. Incest taboos initiated a form of social development
that promotes ways of life which economically benefit individuals and
the group. Variations in definitions
and prohibitions of incest vary from culture to culture according to
the range of situations under which cooperation takes place. Incest
and exogamy are defined in the terms of different, culturally determined,
modes of life of a people. CLARITY RANKING:
5
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