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Beals, Ralph L. and Carrasco, Pedro. Games of the Mountain Tarascans. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol.46: 516-522. In this article
Beals and Carrasco are focusing on parallels that were being discovered
between North and Beals and Carrasco attribute the majority of the similarities in the structure of the games and the particular dates on which they occur as a result of European contact. Thus there is a tendency to favor a diffusionist view of how and why these similarities occur. The information in the article, including the descriptions of the games, was gathered primarily by Carrasco under the direction of Beals and was centered on one town. Thus there was a limit to the amount of information gathered. Although there are mentions of associates who have heard of or seen proof of similar games in other regions, there is no material evidence. There are no real
attempts by either of the authors to show the correlations between
North and CLARITY: 4 .gif){kind=small} Benet-Tygel,
Sula. The Paleolithic Period in Sula Benet-Tygel’s
article examines how the Paleolithic material in Benet-Tygel’s sources
for her article were, all the published material from The problem with
material found from The main names used
for Polish Paleolithic research are, Leon Kozlowski, Ludwik Sawicki,
Stanislaw Krukowski, and Albin Jura. Besides Krukowski, they all explained
their material from the western point of view. Their little knowledge
of Russian lithics shows their western point of view. It is believed
that Polish Aurignacian came from the west, however when viewing the
material it is clear it comes from the east. The main outside lithic
cultures used for comparison are, This article was
written in 1944 and not much information was available or even published
on Paleolithic material. Due to lack of knowledge and published research
on Paleolithic material, the eastern influence was overlooked. Benet-Tygel
used this article to explain Poland’s significance and let the information
that was known about This article will
be of interest to those who are interested in European lithics from
the Paleolithic Period. It is a material-rich filled article summarizing
the lithic distribution on CLARITY RANKING: 3 Benet-Tygel,
Sula. The Magdalenian Culture in Investigating cultural
remains in Stone and bone implements,
flora and fauna, and climactic changes of various stages of the development
in Although this article is a rather dry read for those with greater interest in other cultural areas, the details and descriptions given would most likely prove extremely useful to those who are researching this time and area. While a few conclusions are drawn, this article is largely a descriptive account of the findings. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Benet-Tygel,
Sula. The Magdalenian Culture in This article provides
a review of previous archaeological studies of Stone Age Magdalenian
culture in pre-war CLARITY RANKING: 3 Bennett, John W. The Development of Ethnological Theory as Illustrated by Studies of the Plains Sun Dance. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46: 162-181. John Bennett opens the article discussing the work of Boas and his followers; in particular, Bennett conveys the trends of Boas’ writing, his ideas, and his areas of focus, as well as what his students chose to take away from his teaching. For example, Bennett notes that Boas clearly concentrated on empiricism and believed in the use of great detail when gathering data. Bennett comments that Boasian followers took away some aspect of his Anthropological philosophies and applied it to their studies of cultures; the cultures studied during this time, Bennett remarks, were those of the American Indians. In his article, Bennett chooses to highlight the past and, at the time he wrote the article, present studies of the Plains Sun Dance. Bennett comments
on the input of certain anthropologists into the Plains study. First,
he mentions at length the contribution of Spier. Bennett calls Spier’s
analysis broad and thorough, but somewhat masking of important components.
Bennett states that Spier took a historical and functional approach
to his analysis. Next, Bennett criticizes two authors, Wissler and Lastly, Bennett discusses the different problems that anthropologists encountered in their research, from difficulties in studying the dances to somewhat contradictory findings. Regardless of the problems, Bennett seems to praise Spier’s study for being a good historical account of the Sun Dance and for following the Boas custom of ethnological theory. Bennett’s account is also very thorough itself; he portrays both positive and negative aspects of the studies and is seemingly unbiased in his presentation of the material. CLARITY: 4
Bennet, John W. The Development of Ethnological Theory as Illustrated By the Studies of the Plains Sun Dance. American Anthropologist 1944 vol. 46: 162-181 This piece written by John W. Bennet attempts to trace the developments of ethnological theory and method through time. He chooses the Plains Sun Dance as his base from which he collects his data. Apparently, there had been several attempts at recording and studying the ceremony. Data on the Sun Dance had been collected since 1883. Bennet attempted to retrace the methodology used by each researcher at a particular point in time. Bennet focused on L. Spier’s work most of all. This work seemed to confirm a relatively smooth movement of theoretical approaches from the teachings of Boas to the reworking of the data by Kroeber and Driver. Bennet identifies Boas as creating the style that innovated "empirical techniques and the systematic study of cultural microcosms," which led to the development of the "Historical School." However, within the paper there is evidence of multiple theoretical approaches. It would seem that ideas of evolution were at odds with ideas of diffusion and of psychic unity. Bennet concludes that functional analyses must be reinforced by history and that techniques must compliment one another. These statements express a struggle to align, or fuse different and separate approaches to acquire the best results - an extremely optimistic view, for the time, because historical particularism clearly became the status quo, for a while. The different schools were at great odds and this article seems to illustrate the dynamics between the arguments of the time. Bennet admits that Boas's teachings led to an eclectic diffusion of ideas but, the fundamental problems in all approaches remained. The article is loaded with ethnographic data. At times, this data becomes overwhelming to deal with in regards to tracing changes in methodology. For this reason, the article isn’t always so clear. CLARITY RATING: 2 Bennett, John. The Interaction of Culture and Environment in the Smaller Societies. American Anthropologist. 1944. Vol. 46: 461-478. While writing to bring about the re-alignment of ecology and sociology, Bennett attempts to repair the damage done to the study of cultural-environmental relationships by the historical school of ethnology during the 1920’s. In this article, Bennett compares cultures from the past and the present to show how certain cultural traits can be favorable or not favorable in particular temperate or hospitable environments. Moreover, he is searching for a set of universal hypotheses that would enable others to foresee whether or not a particular society has the capability to properly adapt to it’s full potential in any given environment. In The Interaction
of Culture and Environment in the Smaller Societies, Bennett
uses a method of "constructive typology." The geographical
region of the southern tip of Towards the end of his article, Bennett comes to several conclusions. Mainly, he states that both culture and environment are responsible for determining cultural variability. Another result of his analysis is that a culture can fail to completely exploit their environment, yet be able to achieve a somewhat successful settlement. In short, he believes that when one is interested in the interaction of culture and environment from an ecological perspective, it is necessary to view the two sets of phenomena on the same level of thought. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MICHAEL FISCHER The
Bennett, John W. The Interaction of Culture and Environment In the Smaller Societies American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46:461-478. In this article,
John W. Bennett addresses the long-standing debate of culture versus
environment. For many, the question seems to have been answered by
Kroeber’s extensive study of a great many aboriginal cultures of Bennett begins his methodological approach by laying out three alternative answers: "(1)Environment has had no effect upon culture, in which case the cultural variability must be accounted for on the basis of culture alone. (2)Environment had had an effect upon culture, but in relatively subtle and devious ways. (3)Both culture and environment have shared responsibility in determining cultural variability, and the processes of interaction have been complex." Bennett then describes
in detail the region (the tip of southern CLARITY RANKING:4 Bidney, David. On the Concept of Culture and Some Cultural Fallacies. American Anthropologist 1944 Volume 46 (2): 30-44 In this article, Bidney explains culture and its properties. Ideas and patterns are what make culture. Materials and artifacts are products of culture, not culture itself. Gathering data and artifacts without studying the culture of theorizing does not contribute to any knowledge of the culture because artifacts are not defining cultural elements. Also, without theory, any information collected about ideas and patterns of a society are meaningless because data without theory does not progress knowledge. If cultural change is not studied, the culture is not being studied completely. Bidney seeks to define culture and makes his point by comparing various anthropological theories. He compares realists (Tylor, Boas, Wissler, Benedict, and Mead), who believed that culture was based on material artifacts and ideas, with idealists (Marett, Redfield, Osgood, and Krober), who believed that culture was a superorganic organism which was a separate entity from man and was inactively transferred through generations. Bidney wants to find a way to reconcile these different theses. Culture is an attained way of life. Humans are not born with the patterns in which they live. Bidney believes, contrary to Warden, that while invention and social habitation are essential to culture, communication is not. Culture is historic because it changes; it cannot be studied accurately without studying change. Culture is humanity’s way of adapting to our surrounding, thus there is a connection between rationality and culture. Theory is important because it allows anthropologists to observe the historical change of culture. Bidney points out the flaws in various cultural theories. A positivistic fallacy results when an anthropologist believes that ideas are facts. This means that they would assume that if a culture believes something then they will live and act on that belief, but that occasionally is no the case. A normative fallacy emphasizes that even though a few members in a society hold a belief; their beliefs are not necessarily representative of the entire society. Naturalistic fallacy is when unfair assumptions are made about a society based on the members’ race. Culturalistic fallacy results when culture is believed to be a separate entity from man. Bidney believes that humans’ lives are not completely determined by cultural patterns in society (we are not "cultural robots") and some anthropologists often ignore individual action. CLARITY RANKING:5 Bonafante, G. and Thomas A. Sebeok. Linguistics and the Age and Area Hypothesis. American Anthropologist. 1944 Vol. 46:382-386. In Linguistics and the Age and Area Hypothesis G. Bonafante and Thomas A. Sebeok discount Margaret T. Hodgen’s argument that the age and area hypothesis is not applicable to the history of languages world-wide. The authors set out to prove that the hypothesis is validated for most languages with very few exceptions. They claim that Hodgen did not have proper knowledge of the historical origins of linguistics or of linguistic geography to make this assumption. Through linguistic geography, the study of a language’s development in a given area, Bonafante and Sebeok are concerned with showing that languages do evolve at different rates in relation to the location of the regions where the language is spoken. They also want to open a road for ethnologists and social anthropologists to use the age and area method because linguistics is a cultural trait that diffuses and evolves like all other culture traits. Under this assumption, the authors retrace the step that linguistics has taken throughout history. In order to prove
their theory, the authors utilize the comparative method, specifically
targeting the romance languages’ descent from Latin. They show in each
provision of the age and area hypothesis that the branches of the Indo-European
languages evolve more slowly is more isolated areas and retain older
features than those branches in central regions. They construct tables
to show the comparison of the languages in four major regions –Iberia, In close the authors claim that this hypothesis can be applied without fail to other geographical regions. They admit that there will be exceptions but that mostly a majority will fit the norms. They feel that "the age and area hypothesis is a valuable tool of the social scientist which can be trusted" and used in all fields. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Bonfante, G. and Thomas A. Sebeok. Linguistics and the Age and Area Hypothesis. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46: 382-386 Bonfante and Sebeok wrote this article in response to Margaret T. Hogden’s article, Geographic Diffusion as a Criterion of Age, which states that there is no evidence that the age and area hypothesis is valid and that an exhaustive inquiry is necessary before it is accepted or rejected. Bonfante and Sebeok are making the argument that this exhaustive inquiry has been taking place for a while. Furthermore, an entire branch of linguistics has successfully used the age and area hypothesis for over fifty years. They argue that the elements of a language are cultural traits and therefore it is logical to assume that this may apply to other cultural traits as well. They feel that this could be of use to social anthropologists and ethnologists, to explain the diffusion of particular cultural traits, chronologically and geographically. Bonfante and Sebeok trace the principles of the age and area hypothesis to Matteo Bartoli. They demonstrate the validity of these principles with the Romance languages, because of the wealth of historical documentary evidence to verify the effectiveness of the technique. They have included illustrations to support each of the four principles. The first principle is that isolated areas retain older linguistic features than other areas. Second, lateral areas retain older linguistic features than central areas, in which change happens more quickly because of higher levels of interaction. Third, the older features are spread over the larger area, unless it is in an isolated region or is "the sum of both lateral areas". Fourth, the older features are spread to and retained in later occupied areas or colonies. Bonfante and Sebeok make the point that these rules or principles, although very useful, cannot be applied, successfully, in every case. There are always exceptions, but they feel that they are very valuable to the social scientist. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Densmore begins his article by stressing the importance of music in representing a "heritage of the past" and the "cultural entity" of a race. Using his emphasis on American Indian songs, he states that native melodies contain bits of historical information and cultural events cataloged in the words. He goes on to suggest that information found within songs may not be related to the race specifically, but through diffusion, contains themes from outside cultures as well. From this point, he stresses that Indian songs must be discovered and transcribed before they disappear; for unlike pieces of physical anthropological data, songs can never be resurfaced after they have been sung. During his fieldwork, Densmore noticed similar patterns and techniques in songs between various, unconnected cultures. He first emphasized a relation to historical themes found in the words of Indian melodies. He recognized verses within lyrics that were incorporated with historical data from hundreds of years past. Generally, the singer knew nothing of the events about which he sang, but repeated the words diligently as he had been taught by previous generations. Densmore noted additional references from other cultures as well. Some traces he detected were themes related to Biblical stories and a number of European fairytales. Singing styles were similar between societies also. Densmore observed the multicultural use of vocal drones and many leveled pitches. Though words didn’t change, the tune of a song would vary. Singers were free to improvise melodies with different singing styles as long as they sang the words verbatim. As a final similarity, Densmore found a range of like instruments amongst various races. The most striking comparisons he noticed were between the uses of pipes and whistles. This paper is an interesting collection of anthropological findings and cultural research, but there are no notes or references listed. Densmore’s technique is similar to Boaz as he emphasizes participant observation and the importance of history. However, he completely opposes Boasian Cultural Relativism by stressing a comparison of many cultures. The paper is speculative with no defined theory. Yet Densmore seems to follow the idea of diffusion with his emphasis of ideas spreading amongst cultures. The article is not very clear and the main ideas are difficult to follow throughout the paper. CLARITY: 2 Embree, John. Community Analysis--an Example of Anthropology in Government. American Anthropologist 1944 Volume 46: 277- 291 Embree chooses to
address anthropology in government by discussing the War Relocation
Authority (WRA), which was in charge of relocating Japanese nationals
and Japanese-Americans to internment camps during the war. One of the
problems that originally plagued the WRA was poor administration. He
uses two examples of preventable unrest in the camps: Poston and Manzanar.
In the Poston crisis, poor lodging and general settling process contributed
to the unrest, as did the establishment of young community leaders
instead of more respected and older residents. During the crisis, the
military was not called and the situation was peacefully resolved.
Manzanar had the same problems, but the space was much more cramped
(it was supposed to be a temporary housing center) and the surrounding
communities were very hostile. Unfortunately, the military was called
to resolve this crises and there were two deaths and numerous injured.
The administration was also transferring from After the riots, Embree, who was a writer at the WRA, proposed "a section of community analysis" to help gain a better understanding of the communities within the camps. His idea was welcomed, especially after the preventable casualties at Manzanar, and he then needed to think of the practical applications of the section. Embree discusses the problems experienced while setting up the section. For example, the administrative position was an important decision and was based on sensitivity to the evacuees’ needs. Embree discusses the jobs of the Community Analysis section. These included determining the reasons military force had caused such problems, the reasons behind unrest in the camps, and ways to segregate the camps without crises. By reviewing the administrative positions and duties, Embree tries to illustrate how anthropology has a place in government. CLARITY RANKING:4 Ewers, John C. The Blackfoot War Lodge: Its Construction and Use. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46:182-192. John C. Ewers’ article provides a detailed account of Blackfoot war lodges, their construction, how they were used, and why they were needed. He begins by showing references to these lodges made in the 1805 journals of Lewis and Clark. He then writes of the ingenuity of the Blackfeet in their construction and uses of their war lodges, where they were built and how they were repeatedly used. He writes how thelodges were constructed, the leader choosing the site and overseeing the construction. He goes on to showexactly how the lodge would be formed. The construction was a group project and Ewers explainswhat can happen to a person who is lazy and chooses not to help. Ewers then describes other types of warlodges and why they might be used. He writes of the uses for the war lodges mostly through the accounts of two informants who have taken part in war parties in the past. Publications in the past have stressed twouses of the lodges but according to his informants there are five, which he goes on the list anddescribe. He concluded that articles on this region in the past have focused too much on the individual inthe war party instead of the group activities during warfare. He also wished to contradict the idea ofPlains tribes as "incessant wanderers," instead believing that they were more dependent on the timberareas than previously thought. Throughout the article, Ewers appears to stick closely to the facts provided by his informants. Itis in his conclusion that his motivation for writing this article becomes clear. He wishes to dispelassumptions that are made about the Blackfeet Indians, including the nature of their war parties as well astheir more sedentary lifestyles. This article is written in a very straightforwardfashion, utilizing information provided by the informants with the only analysis by Ewers provided atthe end. Instead, a level of respect is evident toward the Blackfeet Indians. He speaks in one line ofpossible diffusion in the style of one type of structure, and the functionality of these lodges canbe seen throughout the article, but it is without any underlying theoretical perspective. Still, Ewersprovides a large amount of detail that would have won the approval of Boas himself. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Fenton, William N. Simeon Gibson: Iroquois Informant, 1889-1943 American Anthropologist 1944. Vol. 46:231-234. A description of Simeon Gibson and his contributions to anthropology as an Iroquois informant are given in this obituary. Simeon, the son of a Seneca chief, served as a key informant to most of the anthropologists visiting the area, while passing up the opportunity to obtain a leadership role of his own. Simeon served as an informant to such names as Goldenweiser and Saphir. He worked openly with researchers, helping them in any way possible, and in return, was highly respected in the field. Eventually, he became concerned with documenting and preserving his culture, which he realized was rapidly changing. Simeon was so accustomed to and understanding of his role as an informant that in his later years he was amused as he looked back at how he and his brother had introduced anthropologists into the field. The researcher-informant relationship is vital in ethnographies for a number of different reasons. For example, from a research perspective, this relationship is sought after for purposes of validity in data received. The greater the rapport, the more likely truthful information will be given. Further, from an ethical perspective, mutual respect seems to be the key. Beyond highlighting the importance of the researcher-informant relationship, the fact that an informant’s obituary is included in an authoritative journal brings attention to the importance of the informant in the research process. After all, the research is to some extent dependant on them. CLARITY RANKING: 5 BRIAN ARMENTA (bearmenta@csupomona.edu): Garth, Thomas R. Jr. Kinship Terminology, Marriage Practices and Behavior Toward Kin Among the Atsugewi. American Anthropologist 1944 vol. 46:348-361 Garth provides an example of high correlation between kinship terminology, marriage patterns and actual behavior in response to a paper published by W.L. Warner dealing with kinship terminology and marriage forms, but of the Australian Murngin population, where correlation between terminology and marriage forms was noted. Garth is concerned with the functional correlation of kinship terminology, marriage practice and its play in the actual behavior of the population. He discovers however, that the relationship is not perfect and that actual behavior varies. He does state that the relatives "(1) were aligned on generation levels, (2) that behavior toward parents-in-law, the joking relationship, and the relationship between a man and his sisters-in-law were general behavior patterns applied to large groups of relatives, (3) that there is a tendency toward reduction of terms in extended amital/avuncular and grandparental relationships and that (4) the forms of marriage correlate fairly closely with kinship terminology." He goes on to state that the kinship system record for American tribes is not complete and that genealogies should be obtained to understand the kinship relationships. The article is well-organized and clear, unlike many works that deal with kinship, where the over use of terms can make one become lost in a sea of mothers, brothers, cousins, great grand-parents, nieces, sisters, various in-laws and what not. While Garth is clearly a functionalist, he has Boasian qualities of acknowledging the need to document vanishing Native American society and does not definitively postulate anything, only giving an account, acknowledging his weaknesses and speaking only of possibilities. Clarity Ranking:5
Garth, R. Thomas. Kinship Terminology, Marriage Practices And Behavior Toward Kin Among The Atsugewi. American Anthropologist. 1944 Vol. 46:348-360 Thomas R. Garth, Jr., in Kinship Terminology, Marriage Practices, And Behavior Toward Kin Among The Atsugewi, states that the Atsugewi Indians used a bilateral system of kinship that aligned relatives on generation levels. He gives relationships within the family and how these relationships are molded through the use of kinship terminology. Garth concludes that there is a high correlation between kinship terminology, marriage practices, and relatives behavior toward each other. Garth sets out to prove that how one in the Atsugewi tribe is labeled may it be parent-child or parent-in-law and child-in-law of opposite sex dictated the treatment, respect, and closeness of the relationship. Garth uses relationships in the kinship structure to demonstrate the actions associated with the different relationships. He uses parent-child, brother and sister, brother and brother, sister and sister, grandparent and grandchild, husband and wife, parent-in-law and children-in-law of the same sex, and parent-in-law and child-in-law of the opposite sex. Garth wrote of the parent-in-law and child-in-law of opposite sex that if they were to meet walking down a trail they would yell "Grizzly" and one of them would get out of the way. This was a matter of respect towards the other. He also states that the brother and brother relationship is the strongest because of the patriarchal society. Garth states that these facts were acquired by direct questioning. His main point was to show how the terms of kinship directly related to the treatment of those involved. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Gifford, E. W. Miwok Lineages. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46:376-381. This article is Gifford’s rebuttal to an article written by Dr. Mischa Titiev in which Titiev states that the information in a previous article written by Gifford would prove that Miwok lineages are based on location and common residence instead of blood ties as Gifford had intended it to show. To this argument, Gifford replies that, in fact, the nature of his first article was too general for his point to be made clearly so he is now presenting a more detailed description of how he came to his initial conclusion that Miwok lineages are based on blood ties. Gifford goes on to give lists of the lineages for which he has collected information. He states that this information was collected for a study on Miwok ceremonies, not lineage. Still, it was able to prove his hypothesis, further establishes its credibility. Gifford then attacks Titiev’s paper saying his attempt to show co-residence as the basis for lineage is weak. Gifford asks, if co-residence is the basis for lineage, then what is the basis for co-residence? The answer would be blood relationships. Gifford goes on to show the rest of Titiev’s argument also to be weak. Gifford wishes to further establish his first hypothesis, that Miwok lineages are based on family relations, by providing the information he used to create the generalizations in his first article. Not only does he wish to further establish his own hypothesis but also to debase any other articles which attempt to refute his argument. To establish his argument Gifford lays out his information for the reader to see for him/herself, and therefore, Gifford believes, see the validity of his ideas. He then proceeds to discredit the opponent to his hypothesis, Titiev, by sequentially discrediting the arguments he makes. Gifford makes Titiev’s argument appear to be based on circular reasoning, making the "tail wag the dog," as he put it. In doing this Gifford further establishes the hypothesis that Miwok lineages are based on blood relationships rather than co-residence. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Gillen, John. Cultural Adjustment. American Anthropologist June, 1944 Vol.46:429-448. In this article John Gillen attempts to distinguish a "pure culture" from culture that has previously been studied by social scientists. Gillen is suggesting that social scientists have previously studied cultural phenomena and cultural factors which, when clearly analyzed are actually non-cultural. He deduces that cultures possess independent characteristics that can lead to discoverable laws or principles. If social scientists discover these generalities that result in a "pure culture", we can then have a set of tools to explain aspects of culture. Gillen takes the position that "culture in general is a type of patterning which applies to and is associated without exception with all types of customs". Through empirical observation Gillen identifies three types of customs: Actional, Representational, and Symbolic. He also states that a cultural system has within itself an adaptive or adjustment aspect and it is up to the culture whether the system is either well adjusted or maladjusted. Every cultural system has general conditions to which adjustments must be made and these components are a set of complex factors. These components include: Hominid, Social, Environmental, Psychological, and an Artifactual that includes material products. The test of a "good" cultural system is how it satisfies the desires of the human beings involved in the situation and how the system adjusts to the previously mentioned components. Other terms such as Gillen’s consistency form are elaborated to further test the success of a cultural system. All in all, the article has been written to invent some general theory of cultural adjustment to situational and internal requirements. This article is an attempt to develop a guide in which to analyze cultural systems. CLARITY: 1
Gillin, John. Cultural Adjustment. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46:429-447. John Gillin’s article states that culture is shown through the activities that the people in a given culture do and analyzes the system of culture. He discusses the adjustments and maladjustments of the patterns in customs, and his goal is to give a general guide of the system that can be applied to all societies and a better understanding of the pattern of culture. He admits that everything he says in the article is solely his hypothesis and has not been validly proven. Gillin argues that all customs are divided into three types –representational, actional, and symbolic- and each can be affected by and sometimes substituted with the others, e.g. symbolic activities can be related using the behavioral activities. According to the author, all social groups have these categories and a similarity in structure and content; although, the patterns of the customs can vary. Through these patterns, a society is governed and adapts to the conditions in which it lives. A culture whose patterns are adapted to their specific needs is adjusted, but one whose patterns are incompatible is maladjusted. This is what Gillin calls the Principle of Compatibility and the Principle of Consistency and discusses these principles in terms of the Hominid component, the Social component, the Psychological component, and the Environmental component and how each of these components contributes to the pattern. He then goes on to explain how the custom pattern are carried out in order to satisfy innate needs and requirements and to create, arouse, and satisfy the acquired desires of humans. Patterns are composed of a starting point, a course, and an end point and each has a goal and perhaps sub-goals. The formation of pattern series leads to a pattern train, which in turn forms an orientation. Orientations form trends, and trends form objectives. It is important for all of these parts to be consistent with one another in order for a culture to adjust and adapt. Gillin gives several specific examples to support his argument from the Western culture as well as foreign cultures and from past cultures as well as contemporary cultures. He provides outlines of the importance of the consistency of the patterns and the categories of the customs. He concludes that his overall goal was to develop a consistent theory that embraced all scientific approaches and points of view to study man. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Greenlee, Robert
F. Medicine and Curing Practices of the Modern Robert F. Greenlee’s
article examines the roles and rituals of medicine men among Florida
Seminole Indians. He explains how their curing practices are different
from those of white physicians. Greenlee and his wife went to He begins by explaining that a medicine man is not just like a doctor but an important member of society because he takes on a variety of tasks including handling white-Indian relations. He goes on to tell the sacredness and old medicine that goes along with Seminole medicine. He also shows that Seminole medicine men are not paid in money, but through gifts such as cloths and pigs. Next he explained how Seminoles view medicine differently from whites because they believe that drugs can’t thoroughly cure you but the procedures of the medicine man will, like blowing on medicine pipes. Instead of using pharmaceutical drugs for curing, the Seminole’s use different chants for different disease. In this essay, Greenlee lists different diseases and their cures, like concoctions and chants. Next he explains another way in which they are different from white doctors, by telling how Medicine men can also do magic along with curing. There is good magic like love medicines, and also bad magic like black magic. Greenlee talked about the relationship between Seminoles and white physicians. If the medicine men feel that they cannot cure one of their patients they send them to the white doctors. Even though they do go to white doctors, the Indians won’t go unless they are near death, they even give birth on the Seminole settlements. Greenlee explains that due to our changing and growing population, the practices and rituals of the medicine man is changing; they need to rely on white physicians more and more. And as this contact with the white medical world continues, the use of the medicine man will decrease. Also with each death of the old traditional medicine man, is the lose of old knowledge of curing practices. This article will be of interest to those who are interested in Southeastern Indians and their curing practices. It also opens our eyes to our changing society and how it affects the traditions of our surrounding cultures. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Greenlee, Robert
F. Medicine and Curing Practices of the Modern Greenlee’s article relates the various duties and practices requisite to members of the healing professions among the Seminole Indians during the latter half of the 1930s. We quickly learn that the duties of the Seminole medicine man differ significantly from the duties of a "white physician." The concept of medicine is not limited to the administration of drugs and stimulants in an attempt to restore or maintain health. The diagnosis and curing of illness, both physical and mental, are still of primary concern, but the medicine man also holds a ceremonial position. Under the healer’s guidance ceremonies concerned with birth and death, and benevolent and harmful magic are administered. The medicine man is also responsible for preserving and teaching tribal history. Further, this individual acts as a liaison for the tribe in matters relating to Indian and non-tribal relations. Greenlee introduces us to four prominent medicine men: Josie Billie, his brother Ingram, Frank Charlie, and the late John Osceola. Each of these men is in possession of a fragment of the "old war medicine" which they each inherited from some of their clan members. There are other men who practice healing, but they lack the aforementioned "old war medicine" and are refered to as "merely doctors." Although medicine men possess some level of status within their local group, not all young men are interested in pursuing the position. To be a medicine man, or doctor, one must possess a "suitable temperament." And the profession is not restricted to men. Women may make medicine concerned with childbirth and are allowed to perform small ritual rites "requiring no special preparation." The rest of the
article consists of a synopsis of diseases diagnosed, herbs used to
make medicine, the manner in which medicine is made, and other ritual
aspects associated with the practice of the Seminole medicine man.
We also learn that Greenlee’s informant, Josie Billie, brings patients
to a Dr. Pender of CLARITY: 5 Hall, Edward Twitchell, Jr. Recent Clues to Athapascan Prehistory in the Southwest. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46: 89-105. Twitchell’s article
is an account of the research that had been performed in the northwest
corner of The first part of
the article is basically an attempt by the author to locate the Navajo
in north-west New Mexico—he points out known areas of settlement: Governador,
along the San Juan River basin, and Gallina and Cabezon just to the
east of the Continental divide—and the fact that there is little evidence
of radical change for the 400 year period of post-contact. Twitchell
states, "The striking thing considering the time involved and
the cultural contacts open to the Navajo in this period ( The pre-contact
era is broken into two phases: the Rosa Phase, which dates from
about 650 A.D. to roughly 950 A.D., and the This article should
be of interest to anyone concerned with the possibility of an Anasazi
presence, or warfare in the pre-contact southwest. Twitchell believes
that the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hall, Edward Twitchell Jr. Recent Clues To Athapascan Pre-History In The Southwest. American Anthropologist January-March 1944 Vol.46(1 Part 1):89-105. Edward Twitchell Hall’s article challenges the prevailing consensus opinion that the Athapascan Navajo culture is a relatively recent arrival to the Southwest, corresponding to a period just before or concurrent with the Spanish conquest. Instead, he presents a variety of archaeological evidence to suggest that the Navajo actually have roots in the Southwest dating back to the ninth or tenth century AD. Hall’s approach
is to re-examine the evidence of other archaeologists and to add his
own work to revise the analysis of Navajo occupancy of northwestern Hall presents data
on pointed bottom pottery collected by Mera and Hibben in Gallina that
suggests the arrival of an alien culture around the ninth century.
He also presents evidence of the addition of a few new cultural traits
into the region at this time, including a specific kind of shaft-straightener
and the widespread use of antler. Hall combines the ceramic and other
artifact data along with evidence of violent warfare against the Hall points out
that the possibility of the earlier presence of the Navajo corresponds
well with the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Hill, W.W. The Navaho Indians and the Ghost Dance of 1890. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46:523-527. W.W. Hill’s article
takes a social approach in examining the Navaho Indians limited belief
in and support of the Ghost Dance of 1890, in which participation was
accepted and seen as advantageous by most other Indian tribes in the
western A collection of Navaho accounts on the subject, which Hill includes in the article, support his theory that the Navaho were weary to support or even believe in the messianic dance rumored to bring back the dead, expel the white man, and return America to it’s pre-colonial state, not because they did not grasp the beneficial possibilities of such claims, but solely because they doubted the source from which this myth came. This doubt, Hill theorizes, is brought about by a healthy fear of the dead and anything associated with the dead. Such fear of the dead is not as prevalent in other Western American Indian cultures, explaining the differing views of the Navaho as a whole. Text of interviews with Navajo informants show that even men extremely skeptical of the dance had an underlying fear of witchcraft. This fear revolved specifically around the resurrection of the dead. Hill continues defending his theory by stating that the intense fear of the dead overshadows all implications of the Ghost Dance and consequently any aspirations of life returning to it’s pre-European state for Native Americans. The spiritually conscious Navaho peoples simply did not accept the potentially benevolent myth. No one within the people knew, with any certainty whatsoever, the provenance of the movement, which affectively bound up the diffusion of the phenomenon. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hill, W. W. The Navaho Indians and the Ghost Dance of 1890. American Anthropologist 1944 Vol. 46: 523-527. Hill was inspired to write this article after reading the work of Bernard Barber and Ralph Linton. In Barber’s paper Acculturation and Messianic Movements, he argued that the Ghost Dance had a heretofore-unconsidered social aspect. In Ralph Linton’s Nativistic Movements he outlined a research design that involved the dynamics associated with revivalistic aspects of cultures. After reviewing his notes on the Ghost Dance of 1890 among the Navaho, Hill found great discrepancies from the accounts of other tribes. To Hill’s knowledge, the Navaho never actually participated in the Ghost Dance, though "this messianic development reached the Navaho and the impact registered profoundly on the minds of the individuals of the period." The Navaho were cognizant of the most identifiable aspects of the Ghost Dance, resurrection of the dead, disappearance of the whites, the reestablishment of the old order of life, and protection through compulsory belief and participation. But in interviews with informants the most significant, i.e. troubling, aspect of the Dance was the reported, and anticipated, return of the dead. Hill goes on to aver that the failure of the Navaho to embrace a movement so widely adopted by other North American groups is a "situation holy unique in the history of messianic movements." Further, his thesis is that interest in the movement had more to do with anxiety over the accuracy of the accounts that reached them. Hill’s informants related concerns over strange weather conditions, and fears of witchcraft in connection with perpetrators of the dance. But the greatest reason for concern, finally, was the return of the dead. Hill’s article is succinct and suits his point. It is a psychological character study in the same vein as the work performed by Ruth Benedict. Was fear of the return of the dead the only reason the Navaho rejected the ghost dance? Maybe. As an appendix to the article Hill lists accounts of several informants who express this anxiety. This of course begs the question: How reliable are informants? Do they reveal what the anthropologist wishes to hear, or do they reveal the truth? Or, more importantly, do these twain ever truly meet? CLARITY RANKING: 5 Hassrick, Royal B. Teton Dakota Kinship System. American Anthropologist. 1944 Vol. 46:338-347. Royal Hassrick describes how kinship functions for the individual at band level Teton-Dakota society. He uses the fieldwork material of others, particularly from the Rosebud Reservation during 1940-1942 to portray the kinship pattern as it was mid 19th Century. The Teton-Dakota were divided into seven divisions (or five after 1850) of varying sizes: Oglala, Brule, Hunkpapa, Blackfoot, Sans Arcs, Minniconjou, and Two Kettle. Each division was made up of several bands that were composed of extended family units. It is stressed that all of the individual’s appropriate behavior toward others in the band are learned from the interaction between ego and three generations: grandparents, parents, and siblings. Because of the bilateral character of the family system, generational terminology and behavior patterns were the most fundamental and earliest acquired. People of the same generation and sex are given similar kin terms and treatment. For example, the term "father" includes ego’s father and anyone whom ego’s father calls "brother" while the term "uncle" includes anyone ego’s mother calls "brother". The individual learns indirect reciprocal relationships, in other words: how your grandparent treats you is how you will treat your grandchild, and so on. Three types of kin relationships – lineal, collateral, and affinial – interact with sex and generation so that the individual learns several distinct behavior relationships based on where a person falls into these categories. Hassrick uses a scale from the joking relationship (marked by those closest to ego’s own category) to complete avoidance (out of respect). He gives some examples: siblings of the same sex have a much more informal relationship than siblings of the opposite sex; a man shows his brother more love and devotion that his male cousin; reserve and respect were shown to aunts and uncles; and strict avoidance was adhered to with parents-in-law. He also provides thirteen terms that the individual must learn in order to address kin in accordance with this system. All ties are important for group unity at the band level. Hassrick seems to stress the stability of the kinship system while ignoring modern changes by the time this was written. One in left to wonder whether he saw the social structure deteriorating from how it was "suppose to be" in his opinion and why he chose to focus on an ethnographic present already so far in the past. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Hu, Hsien Chin. The Chinese Concepts of "Face". American Anthropologist 1944 Vol.46: 45-64. In her article Hsien Chin Hu is analyzing the various concepts of "face" that are utilized in Chinese societies. She focuses essentially on two concepts or words, mien-tzß and lien, and the implications that each of these carries in certain social situations. To give the reader a fuller understanding of what she is speaking about, she begins the article with a brief history of these two concepts, emphasizing geographical and temporal differences. She continues by going into a fairly detailed account of the different types of lien and mien-tzß and the conventional implications that each hold in society at large. The main point that she is attempting to make is that these two concepts essentially form a ‘code of ethics’, which in turn function as a mechanism to drive social solidarity. These two vary in purpose in a very basic way. Lien, is tied more closely to each individual and is a quality that they are born with. Mien-tzß, on the other hand is more closely related to ones status. Inherent in the status is the implication of family. Mien-tzß is a reflection of the whole and, of the two, has more tangible qualities. Mien-tzß can be shared, barrowed, struggled for, etc. Hu essentially points out the various functions that each of these concepts play and their importance in the maintenance of Chinese culture. In an indirect manner, Hu argues that the concept of "face" is an additional means through which the social solidarity of Chinese culture is enforced and maintained. Through these concepts cultural models of appropriate behavior are instilled in an individual and reinforced by the entire community. She gives several examples to illustrate their effectiveness and the influence they have over people. Also her style and tone of writing, give the reader that this concept is not taken lightly, and that it is a great source of honor among people. In this article, Hsien Chin Hu, is essentially defining these concepts as she has been exposed to them, providing examples throughout to help the reader understand. Her information appears to come from one source, a Dr. Meng-hsiu Chang, and there appears to be no first hand experience. The conclusion to the article provides a reiteration of key facts, and the final paragraph provides additional insight into the temporal period in which she was writing. The world was at war and in the last sentence she emphasizes that positional advancements that disregard lien are fundamentally doomed to fail. CLARITY: 4
Hu, Hsien Chin. The Chinese Concepts of "Face". American Anthropologist January-March, 1944. Vol. 46: 45-64. Hu's article orbits around two Chinese words, lien and mien-tsu, which both mean "face" (in the physical sense) but which each have distinct figurative usages. Her goal is to penetrate into the Chinese concepts of prestige and honor through a linguistic analysis. She notes in the introduction the relevance of the article to both psychologists and anthropologists; she notes also that conceptualizations of seemingly universal aspects of human life (such as these) may vary along societal lines. The article consists almost entirely of linguistic data and also contains comparisons of the two words along with analysis in the context of occupational and class status. The article seems to this reviewer to also have a minor goal of presenting a more enlightened picture of wider Chinese culture and world view to the uninitiated American reader. After introducing
her article, she begins the body with a brief introduction to the words lien and mien-tsu.
She then gives a brief etymology of the words, and reports on the prominence
of the words, and how each varies regionally in The section over lien contains
five cases of vernacular use (e.g. Tiu lien "to lose lien", Mei-yu
lien "to have no lien", etc). For each case she gives
an explanation of what is meant by the statement, and often cites examples
of use, either anecdotal or from native folklore (several of these
short snippets are quite vivid and lively), and analyzes what is precisely
meant. The section over mien-tsu begins with a list of four
definitions of mien-tsu in which it refers to a concrete label
(e.g. the physical "face", or the "face" of a thing
like a clock), and then moves to discuss the figurative meaning; a
similar list to the one presented for lien is given of twenty-one vernacular
uses of mien-tsu (e.g. Ku mien-tsu, "to consider
mien-tsu", Tseng-chia mien-tsu, "to add to one's mien-tsu",
etc) and a discussion of each phrase is given as in the preceding section.
Hu in several passages in this section uses her analysis of a phrase
as a launch into more broad information about Her conclusion begins with a 1/2 page comparing and contrasting of the two words. She emphasizes that lien is of great and fundamental importance to the Chinese, as it is a reference to how others see one's basic moral constitution, and that it is not generally in flux; she notes that mien-tsu is the reference to how others see one as a value or commodity to the community, and that it can be built up in life through social contacts, job obtainment, achievement, etc. She notes how the concepts are correlated to class and occupational status: she discusses what each concept means and how each word is used by and in regards to the poor, by the rich, by the middle class, by businessmen, by outlaws, etc. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Kluckhohn, Discontent with the ways that theorists have been analyzing human personality, the authors of this article propose a complex model for future investigation. They claim that, although recognizing culture as a determinant of personality is a great advancement, some researchers have attempted to set forth oversimplified explanations. These explanations seek to describe any given personality trait as either biologically or culturally determined. This oversimplification, the authors suggest, may stem from the character structure of Americans to search for absolutes. This line of research is not claimed to be invalid; it is merely claimed to be underdeveloped. The authors claim that the biology/culture dichotomy is in fact a good basis for a model of personality investigation, but is an inadequate explanation in and of itself. On the vertical axis are placed the first-order determinants of personality. These are biological, physical environment, cultural environment, and social environment. On the horizontal axis are placed the second-order components of personality development. These are universal, communal, role, and idiosyncratic. The first-order personality determinants are more essential to personality development while the second-order components are further categorical abstractions. The authors claim that any aspect of personality can be examined as the effect of two or more determinants and components, at least one first-order and one second-order. The article follows with a number of examples to support this model. The proposed model answers the initial problem set forth by the authors. That is the oversimplification of personality explanations as either biologically or culturally determined, as set forth by other researchers. This article highlights the growing recognition of the interaction between biological and environmental factors in personality research. Further, it brings to light the multiple factors of these key determinants. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Kluckhohn, Clyde Kluckhohn, in "Culture and Personality": A Conceptual Scheme, attempts to go beyond a duality in the slogan "Culture and Personality." Kluckhohn undertakes the task of showing that culture and personality are not entities that are separate from our influences in society. However, there are many determinants and components of a personality that can best be explained through a conceptual scheme. Kluckhohn draws from May’s definition of a personality as a human’s effect upon others as the starting point to make a objective statement about the relation of factors on a personality. Kluckhohn divides the determinants of personality into four main categories: universal, communal, role, and idiosyncratic determinants. He then crosses these four with another set of determinants: biological, physical-environmental, social, and cultural. These determinants create a number of ways that a personality can be developed and used. Personalities, according to Kluckhohn, have variable elements that can change based on the cultural or physical or social environment that one encounters. There are also constants within a personality that can either be universally- or communally- |
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