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Adjei, Ako. Mortuary Usages of the Ga People of the Gold Coast. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1): 84-98 This article reflects the many details that pertain to death in the
Ga society in When a member of the Ga society dies, a selected group of old women "clean" the body with a razor (removing hair and nails) before washing it with water and a sponge. The sponge is saved and later placed in the coffin for burial. A person is embalmed for two reasons: in case the individual died away from home and needed to be transported, or in case the family had to travel far to see the face of the deceased before the burial. If a married man dies, his widow holds his feet during bathing. She must also mourn the death of her husband, kuafemo, for at least two months by always wearing black. After the body is dressed in best apparel and placed in a coffin, referred to as "laid in state", the traditional custom of bewailment may occur. Public weeping and payment of last respects to the deceased are carried out. There is usually a presentation of gifts to the deceased by the widow, the parents, and other relatives because the deceased will need certain things in the afterlife. Upon completion of these acts, inhumation takes place in the public cemetery on the outskirts of the village. Kings have their own sacred burial ground. Women who lost their lives in the process of birth also have their own burial ground in the evil forest. Such a death has a special ceremony distinctly different from the burial that is discussed in the majority of the article. Home burials took place at one time but had ceased at the time the article was written because of European influence. The morning after burial, two things occur. A group of old men and women seek permission from the gods to enter the cemetery to see how the recently dead is faring in the afterlife. At the same time women in the clan perform a morning thanksgiving, expressing gratitude to those who attended the burial by visiting noble homes and publicly thanking everyone else. Three weeks later, there is a celebration otsiietefemo, which can be compared to the memorial service in a Christian church, with dancing and feasting. Kings have their own special memorial known as the Great Lamentation or yarafemo which is a nation-wide celebration that occurs one to two years after death. This celebration lasts an entire week, and public looting is allowed in order to lament the death of the late king. Characteristics of the burial ceremonies on the Gold Coast can still be seen in Ga society. However, European influence has changed many of the customs, particularly the ones that seemed extreme and peculiar to the Europeans, such as home burial. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Adeji, Ako Mortuary Usages of the Ga People of the Gold Coast American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1)84-98 The author's mission is to explain the complex system of rules and beliefs
that the Ga people exercise when dealing with a death that has occurred
in their community. By explaining
these customs of dealing with the dead in detail, it provides evidence
that other tribes of The idea that the soul of the recently deceased continues to live in
the spiritual world is emphasized as an important factor in the Ga's
practices when handling the deceased, as well in their spirituality and
religion. For example, it is custom to present the
recently departed with gifts so they may live a comfortable life in the
world of the dead, just as they had in the world of the living. The author lists several other practices,
including bathing and embalming the body, public mourning, and memorial
celebrations held the third week after the burial. All of these were to keep the spirits of
these people from getting angry and lashing out at those who were still
living. Not only were spirits thought to be the result of death and misfortune,
but often they were also thought of as the cause. These practices and beliefs can be seen in
tribes throughout The article provides extensive information about the various and intricate customs of the Ga and dealing with dead. The author provides detailed descriptions of how their beliefs mold these practices as well as how they are performed. With the extensive and distinct processes that are explained it is also easily seen how other tribes with comparable practices may have a common historical and ethnological past. CLARITY: 5
Beals, Ralph, Robert Redfield, and Sol Tax. Anthropological
Research Problems with Reference to the Contemporary Peoples of This article is an attempt to document the anthropological research
problems concerning the inhabitants of what is now The remainder of the article is devoted to the dissection of needed
anthropological work in specific regions of the area. The authors discuss
twenty-one separate geographic regions spanning from Lower California
to the This easy to read and clearly written article is an excellent catalogue
of anthropological work needed in the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Beals, Ralph, Robert Redfield, and Sol Tax. Anthropological
Research Problems with Reference to the Contemporary Peoples of This article discusses the feasibility of various anthropological research
projects involving the indigenous and colonizing peoples of Fieldwork performed on linguistic groups in the area has been largely inadequate: little has been done to study isolated cultural groups that exist within larger groups, nor has much of the research pursued some "specialized objective". The authors also suggest that research to be performed should include: child training and development; economic life; status and class differences; the role of ceremonial and the relation between commerce and the division of labor to secularization. The authors spend considerable effort examining the feasibility of the
above study topics in regard to various areas in The authors do a poor job identifying and summarizing all of the previous research performed on the area of interest. Their general objective is clear, but they don’t provide suggestions for any specific studies. Clarity: 3
Benedict, Ruth Two Patterns of Indian Acculturation American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol.45(2):207-212 This article by Ruth Benedict discusses the two patterns of Indian integration or lack thereof into dominant white society. Benedict finds that in regions of high culture Indian populations constitute the majority of the labor force, while in all of the rest of the New World Indians do not play a significant role in the national economy. Benedict discusses two theories behind Indian success in white society. One theory asserts that Indians of high cultures are successful in white society because of technological advances. The other theory discussed in the article asserts that Indian cultures are successful because of political structures established by successful groups were more compatible with the political structure of the white colonialists. Benedict finds that the theory that connects Indian success in white society is the more valid argument. Benedict argues that the argument that correlates technology with success is not strong because there are several notable societies who developed irrigation systems calendar systems, and settled agriculture who were wiped out as a result of colonization. Benedict raises another point against technology causing survival by discussing study findings that Spanish conquistadors had no use for the technological advancements of the aboriginal people and were more mindful of mining possibilities, thereby ignoring technological advancements. Using these examples as evidence Benedict finds that the technology theory is not consistent enough to be valid. Benedict asserts that the "real factor" (208) for Indian success in white society lie in political compatibility. Benedict finds that regions of high cultures were most often with political structures of labor, monuments for public good. Suggesting that class systems to one degree or another allowed for divided interests, which allowed for domination of Indian groups. While those aboriginal people who stood together were often exterminated in conflict with the whites. Conquistadors needed a society that had laborers and a class system. Those Indian groups that already had such systems established were able to integrate into the new white order. However, those who did not have such systems and were unwilling to change were eliminated. Benedict mainly uses examples to draw logical conclusions about which theory is more likely correct. I found that this is a good way to convince the reader of Benedict’s opinion by providing concrete supporting evidence. I found that the article was for the most part clear. I liked the organization style that Benedict used. She examined each theory on its own and at the end of the article made connecting conclusions. Nevertheless the article was somewhat difficult to understand because the two theories were not clearly presented at the beginning of the work, and some of the language seemed unnecessary. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Benedict, Ruth. Two Patterns of Indian Acculturation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1943 Vol. 45 (2): 207-212. This article examines two patterns seen when looking at Indian acculturation
in the Benedict believes that a political contrast among the Indian cultures allowed some to accommodate and others to be taken over. She argues that political systems among some tribes had an internal division about interests and responsibility. This internal conflict left them open for conquest. Benedict then examines examples of political turmoil and take-overs among Indian nations. Those cultures that had political inventions such as tribute did not join the resistance to the conquerors. The essay gives detailed historical background on Indian cultures and conquest. The difference between the America’s was examined as well as specific Indian cultures like the Inca’s and Aztecs. Some cultures were submissive to take over based on their political situation while others survived because of their strong independence. This paper tries to show that the two patterns of Indian acculturation
in the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Eggan, Dorothy The General Problem of Hopi Adjustment American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):357-373 Eggan’s essay emphasizes that western psychology cannot be applied to Hopi Indians’ inter-cultural anxiety and hostility because they are not part of western culture. Specifically determining their inter-cultural conflicts cannot be measured or explained under the psychoanalytic theory of western psychology. According to the Freudian theory, inter-cultural conflict could come from oral frustration in early childhood of strictly conceived and enforced taboos on early sexual experimentation and gratification. Hostility and anxiety, according to Freudian theory, could also be the results of the Oedipus complex flourishing. Regulations would seem to be the stimulus to fuel the Hopi cultural maladjustments, but not under the full scope of western psychology. Eggan’s argument is simplistic but conceivable when analyzing the Hopi in their original existence. From the beginning of a Hopi childhood children were cared for by their parents and extended family. Because of their "infancy uninhibited" the Hopi original existence was in contrast with the one imposed on them by the western society. There was no suppression or restrictions with inter personal relationships or sexuality among the Hopi, according to Eggan. Like many cultures certain sexual relationships were taboo, but sexuality was not repressed for males and only slightly monitored for females. They were always born into warm loving family environment in contrast to Freud’s ideas. The Hopi inter-cultural conflicts came about after the regulations imposed by western culture. Hostility and anxiety developed from their fear to exist naturally as their ancestors. Regulations such as the laws restricting Hopi reservation boundaries brought extremely hostile emotions. Their anxieties were constantly reinforced with worries about their children being taken away to boarding school. Going to the western boarding school would change the way a Hopi existed cultural and emotionally. Their inability to release such toxic repressions and hostility eventually progressed into inter-cultural conflict among the Hopi themselves. The major impact the regulations had on the Hopi was that they caused divisions between their past and present therefore creating hostility and anxiety. Unlike Freud’s argument about man’s inevitable controversy of inhabitation with the environment, the Hopi were one with the hostile environment they lived in and with each other. After reading the article several times most concepts became clear. It was difficult to compare and contrast the ideas of the author and Freud’s. For example, the concept of Oedipus and sexuality among the Hopi was difficult for me to correlate. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Eggan, Dorothy. A General
Problem of Hopi Adjustment. American Anthropologist July-September,
1943 Vol.45(3):357-373. On a specifically psychological level, the writer notes
that, in the Hopi tradition, children were raised with few restrictions
on their sexual
behavior, and with basically a full view of any sexual interaction or
intercourse that occurred in their living quarters. Furthermore,
sexual interaction between boys and their paternal aunts, as well as
between girls and their maternal uncles, was far from uncommon, thereby
providing an outlet for the Oedipal complex. Rather than suppress sexual
desires for older family members such as their mothers and fathers, Hopi
children traditionally could turn to openness and to sexual interactions
with their aunts and uncles. Thus, the traditional Hopi psyche
was far different from that of the white man. Therefore, indiscriminately
mixing the two cultures left the Hopi population very poorly adjusted. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Ewers, John C. Were the Blackfoot Rich in Horses? American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol.45(4):602-610 In this article Ewers refutes European scientist/explorer Prince Maximillian’s statement that the Blackfoot Native American tribes were rich in horses in the early to mid 19th century. He seeks to do this because Maximillian’s statement was being used in other ethnographic accounts at the time as a factual reference/index. It is important to note that horses would be comparable to our dollar as a signifier of wealth; also the number reported by Maximillian would seem to be outrageously astronomical, given historical accounts of what a well-off individual’s herd would have been. Maximillian apparently based his claim upon a statement made by an unspecified source, that a Blackfoot chief named Sachkomapoh possessed around 4,000 to 5,000 horses, around 1833. There is no evidence of this occurrence, according to Ewers. He refutes this by referring to two secondary sources, as well as elderly informants of the Blackfoot tribe who were alive during that time period. The secondary sources state that the richest of the Blackfoot possessed around 40 to50 horses, and that on average each lodge had about 5. The informants affirm that these numbers are correct. They also claim that there were less than a dozen men who could count their horses in the hundreds, and that these men would be comparable to our present day multi-millionaires. Ewers goes on to lay out how herds could have been increased through raids on enemies, breeding, barter, and gift. On the other hand, herds were simultaneously decimated by winters, disease, sacrifice, raids, old age, and battle wounds. Ewers’ informants stated that the average household needed ten to twenty horses to survive. According to the numbers at the time, each lodge had only five on average and, "to be rich in horses a man had to own a considerable number of animals over and above those required for subsistence" (607). Ewers concludes that in fact, relative to the time period, the Blackfoot Native American tribes were poor in horses. This article was well constructed, with good evidence to support/refute claims made. It is brief, concise, and clearly written. Ewers gets his point across in good fashion. CLARITY: 5
Ewers, John C. Were the Blackfoot Rich in Horses? American Anthropologist October-December, 1943 Vol. 45(4): 602-610. In this article, Ewers discusses the Blackfoot Indians of the Northern
Plains of the In fact, Ewers alludes to other accounts that state that it is the exception, rather than the norm, for Blackfoot to have thousands of horses. The issue is not whether or not the Blackfoot had horses; the issue is how many horses the Blackfoot had. In 1808, a trader reported coming into contact with Blackfoot people that each owned a herd of 40 to 50 horses. By the 1830’s, there were accounts of Blackfoot who individually owned herds of 100 horses. Horses were actually a symbol of wealth amongst the Blackfoot. Power and prestige were both measured by the number of wives that one had, the number on lodges one had, and how large one’s herd of horses was. Some Blackfoot tribes had larger herds of horses than other Blackfoot tribes. Horses were thus also used to measure the status of a particular tribe. All tribes knew of a man named Many Horses, who received his name because he was believed to own more horses than any other Blackfoot. Several generations of Blackfoot recalled Many Horses as a mythical figure, a legend, because he owned anywhere from 500 to 1,000 horses. Because of this evidence, it is hard to support that statement that one Blackfoot owned 5,000 horses. Most Blackfoot people had never heard of Sachkomapoh, but they had heard of Many Horses. No other accounts supported the belief that there were Blackfoot people who each owned thousands of horses. There is quite a bit of evidence supporting the belief that there were Blackfoot people who owned hundreds, or up to 1,000 horses. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Foster, George The Geographical,
Linguistic, and Cultural Position of the Popoluca of This article focuses on the linguistic relationships between the four divisions of the Veracruz Popoluca. Foster asserts that all anthropological information about these groups are deficient in their examination of the Popoluca of Veracruz’s linguistic system. Based upon ethnographic field work done in 1940 and 1941, Foster attempts to define the geographic location of the Veracruz Popoluca, critiques earlier evaluations of the culture done by other scholars, discusses linguistic relationships between the four groups, and briefly describes the Sierra culture of the Veracruz Popoluca. The first record of the Veracruz Popoluca is in 1580, and various studies
of the culture continue throughout the anthropological record. Foster
criticizes these earlier accounts, stating that in researching language
issues early ethnographies are either lacking in clarity and detail or
ignore the question of linguistic relationships between groups. Thus
Foster is left with the task of determining the linguistic relationships
of the four Popoluca groups, with little previous information to lean
on. Foster uses his own research to attempt to draw conclusions about
the The Veracruz Popoluca are found along the river basin and the coastal
mountain range of the According to Foster each division speaks a different language with no two languages being mutually intelligible. The four languages have similar sound patterns but distinctive characteristics. Foster gives a detailed comparative description of the phonemic characteristics of each group, which leads him to the conclusion that the Texistepec and the Sierra languages resemble Zoque language, while the Oluta and Sierra patterns resemble Mixe language. He creates charts comparing the common words and phoneme patterns, but admits that his method is not scientifically strong. He advises that his conclusions rely heavily on informants’ information. Despite limited evidence regarding the exact relationships between the four languages, they are different enough for him to conclude that these groups have led separate existences going "far back into pre-Conquest times." (537) Foster notes that the differences between these languages and the separate existence of the Veracruz population is rather remarkable considering that the Sayula, Oluta and Texistepec divisions live within a five mile radius of each other, which is only a few hours walk from the Sierra group. Foster supports his claim mainly through his own ethnographic research and by invalidating other scholars’ claims or lack thereof. This article was not organized in a clear fashion. Foster tackles too many outside issues when his main focus is surrounding linguistic relationships. Many times the article jumps from one topic to another without a clear transition. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Foster, M. George. The Geographical,
Linguistic, and Cultural Position of the Popoluca of Vol.45(4):531-546 This article relies on fieldwork conducted among the Veracruz Popoluca to establish their geographical location, discuss apparent linguistic similarities, and also provide an ethnological summary of the Sierra Popoluca (the most highly populated of the four divisions of the Popoluca). The Texistepec, Oluta, and Sayula constitute the remaining three divisions. There exist many geographical and cultural similarities between the Texistepec, Oluta, and Sayula because they occupy similar lowland unforested country unlike the Sierra Popoluca. The former three divisions are all within an hour and a half of each other by horse. In fact, Texistepec and Oluta are near main means of transportation: a railroad and highway respectively. All three towns have a functioning civil government, schools and mail capabilities; the people generally understand Spanish. In contrast, the Sierra division inhabits poor and inaccessible terrain. For this reason, European civilization has had very little influence on them. Earlier studies did not connect Popoluca speech with the Veracruz Popoluca. Although Mexican is the predominant language in the country, attention is called to the existence of the Popoluca language, but no attempt was made to locate where it was spoken. Later, studies around the early 20th century listed Popoluca as being related to Mixe-Zoque, but casually assumed the dialectic differences among the four languages were not worth separate consideration. As far as linguistic relationships among the four divisions is concerned, phonetic patterns are similar, but each has its distinctive features. By comparing words with common roots for the four divisions as well as Mixe and Zoque, it was found (in an unscientific manner) that the Sierra and Texistepec are the most closely related of any of the six languages. The linguistic diversity is quite astonishing considering that relative close proximity of the divisions. Lastly, the author gives a cultural summary of the Sierra. The economic basis of life for them is agriculture. However, inadequate pastures do not allow for cows. Hunting provides only a fraction of the meat supply. Fishing is almost non-existent due to the lack of streams. The tortilla comprises most all food. Trade is left to the professionals who travel the villages going door to door. Their system of barter eventually gave way to cash¾a European influence manifesting itself alas! Social organization is straightforward; no groups or clans or associations exist. Polygyny is practiced so that a husband with his wife or wives and children comprise the social unit. The power of the central state government in the Popoluca is very slight. Consequently, political practice strays from political theory. This can be best evidenced by the lack of schools in some towns. Surviving indigenous beliefs from aboriginal times are prevalent as indicated by the powerful presence of a nawal or witch-doctor. Recently, the Christian God has been incorporated into their divine hierarchy, which also consists of other numerous spirits of various powers. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Goldfrank, Esther S. Historic Change and Social Character: A Study of the Teton Dakota. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1): 67-83 In this article, Goldfrank focuses on how external forces shaped the
social character of the Teton in the The period of time around 1850 showed massive incursions of white people
in the Once the whites defeated the Teton and the external threat of the former had diminished, the Teton peoples reverted to their violent mannerisms as seen prior to 1850. In this time, Christianity was well received by the Teton. Christianity apparently offered familiar beliefs and practices to the Teton, carrying many patterns of generosity and reciprocity that were familiar to them. Only when the Teton were completely controlled by the government, did peace ensue for the first time. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Goldfrank, Esther S. Historic Change and Social Character: A Study of the Teton Dakota American Anthropologist. JanuaryBMarch, 1943 Vol.45(1):67-83 This article focuses on the changes in the Teton society over the last century and a quarter. To understand the changes, Goldfrank, the author, believes it is necessary to investigate the historical events that caused transformations in the social character of the Teton tribe. Goldfrank divides the Teton=s history into two periods. The first significant period is Aafter 1800Cbefore their defeat in 1877,@ and the second period is the time after their defeat (82). Within these two periods, Goldfrank investigates changes in social character by looking at aggression, competition and solidarity. Goldfrank uses in-group violence to measure the changes in aggression in the Teton society and its social character. In-group violence was a common occurrence before 1850. During this time the horse was introduced. The horse became the most valuable object in Teton culture, and placed new emphasis on wealth. This created an increase in competition and resulted in a rise of in-group violence. The westward expansion threatened the Teton way of life and brought about another change in social character. In-group violence, which existed, had almost disappeared. Teton society began to demonstrate competition. This competition was seen in the buffalo ceremony. The buffalo ceremony, Acelebrated a girl=s arrival at puberty and offered an occasion for display to families of wealth, for only their daughters could be so honored@ (76). The purpose of the ceremony was no longer focusing on the daughter, but the wealth of the family. As whites continued to threaten Indian society, the Tetons concentrated on solidarity. Much attention was focused on loyalty to the tribe. Bravery, generosity, chivalry, morality and fraternity were attributes that were continually emphasized in the tribe. The tribe seemed to be reaffirming their beliefs that defined who they were. In order to strengthen their group against the whiteman the Teton extended their kinship, blood relative or not. They opened their group up to members of different tribes. This decision increased their chance for survival and their need for support. It should be understood that even though warfare increased solidarity it also threatened society. After their defeat the Teton were left with almost nothing except for their lives. Reasons for pride disappeared. The external factors holding them together were gone. Emphasis was no longer placed on tribal cooperation and solidarity. In-group violence again became a common occurrence in Teton society. After their defeat the Teton continued to face difficult times. The introduction of the Christian church created another transformation in social character. The Christian church is now of great importance to them. They feel the church gives them personal distinction, and offers comfort to the tribe. The church creates solidarity within the tribe. This article is very dense. There is information that clouds the main idea of the article. The reader loses his or her train of thought while trying to make sense of the article. Without prior knowledge of the subject, a more general overview would be helpful in the understanding of the author=s purpose. CLARITY RANKING: 2 KARA S. SEATON
Hart, C. W. M. A Reconsideration
of the In his article, Hart questions the traditional interpretation of the
social organization of the To tackle the problem, Hart suggests two solutions. First, he proposes
comparing the information known about Although Hart’s approach and insights into the traditional
view of CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hart, C. W. M. A Reconsideration
of the The author disproves a notion of social structure amongst the The author ‘recasts’ the theory given the "…impossibility
of any further fieldwork among the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hawley, The authors’ main objective is to examine the "food culture" of
the Zia; a Pueblo Indian group located northwest of The authors propose certain ideas to bring about change in the Zia’s life that they view as problematic. First and foremost a basic education program should be implemented gradually. This would ensure the knowledge of general nutrition and hygiene among most or all children. The article acknowledges that malnutrition and infection will be the biggest obstacles in implementing change as well as the existing low income and limited time. A proactive approach may be what’s necessary for the reduction of malnutrition but must be dealt with sensitively. Respect for their functioning culture should be of primary importance and this includes not disrupting its existing balance. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Heizer, Robert F. A Pacific Eskimo Invention in Whale Hunting in Historic Times American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol.45(1):120-122 The traditional hunting technique of the Aleutian Eskimos was forever
changed due to a strategic transfer patterned after hunting sea otter.
Historically, Aleutian Eskimos hunted whales in small groups of the privileged
class of hunters. These hunters held an elite status within their communities
because they kept their traditional secrets from the rest of the community.
The primary hunting secret that they used was throwing a lance that was
tipped with aconite poison. This strategy enabled the hunters to throw
one successful spear, row back to shore, and wait for the poisoned whale
to wash ashore. However, this tradition came to an abrupt end when the
Aleut Eskimos came in contact with Russians travelling towards the Hunting sea otters involves a large group of hunters surrounding the otter and throwing spears attached to buoy’s at the animal. After a few successful throws, the otter no longer has the energy to dive underwater with the weight of the buoy’s holding it towards the surface. Once the otter is at the surface, it is killed with a larger spear. This technique of otter hunting has since transferred to whale hunting among the Aleut Eskimos. Most notably different are not so much the technique, but the lack of tradition and ritual that formerly accompanied the hunt. This can at least partially be attributed to the large disruption of traditional Aleutian Eskimo culture caused by contact with the Russians and other Western people. This article is descriptive, informative, easy to comprehend and concise. CLARITY: 5
Heizer, Robert. A Pacific Eskimo Invention in Whale Hunting in Historic Times. American Anthropologist January-March, 1943 Vol. 45(1): 120-122. The author’s main purpose is to demonstrate that the
Aleutian Eskimos (of the Heizer argues that the whale hunting was patterned after their technique of hunting sea otter. The article’s point deals with the transfer of techniques from one kind of hunting to another (otter hunting to whale hunting.) He uses the term "adaptive diffusion" and states that once a group learns a certain process of hunting they can reapply it in terms of hunting other animals. He uses noise as an example of an element used in hunting where both land and sea hunters can maximize the efficiency of a hunt. On land, it is used to drive game, and in the water to confuse a whale. Heizer lays out his argument by showing that the Eskimos
who hunt do so in a closed circle with necessary ritual preparation
and secret knowledge.
Heizer’s historical basis for the breakdown of "native cultural
forms" starts with the Russians entering the New World through CLARITY RANKING: 3
Herskovits, Melville. The
Southernmost Outposts Of In this article the author points out the richness of the ethnographic
materials available in Southern Brazil in conjunction with historical
facts concerning the Negro in The author separates the article into six parts, the first part being
the introduction. In the second part he discusses the different groups,
tribes, and sub-tribal groups in the North and South parts of In the third part the author describes the cult-life in The forth part is devoted to names of the deities worshiped. Herskovits gives a list obtained from a priest of the Oyo "nation". He tells what the names meant and what the deities were used for. He gives examples of what the function of the deity was in both the North and the South. In the fifth part the author explores the religious and non-religious
aspects of life in In the last section the author discusses the data collected,
including its accuracy and what other researchers have found. He believes
that "the
data from This article gives a lot of information about the Negroes of Porto Alegre, Brazil. It is easy to read with the exception of the tribal names. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Herskovits, Melville J. The
Southernmost Outposts of The author of this article has produced a detailed comparison
of Negro (by which he means "a person of African descent whose physical traits
indicate little or no European mixture") cultural life among the
well-documented Northern Brazilian Negroes and the less well known Southern
ones. Herskovits weaves information about the Northern areas in and out
of his own fieldwork in the Southern Brazilian city of The "working hypothesis" that Herskovits develops throughout
the article is that "similarities between South and North are the
result of an independent, but parallel working out of identical aboriginal
African cultural impulses." He is by no means offering this as a
definitive solution to the slight incongruities between the two areas,
but feels that it is a viable hypothesis that can be tested with historical
records of migration between the two areas. From this hypothesis one
can extrapolate that any similarities found between the two areas are
the result of independent developments springing from the same cultural
impulses. For example, attributes such as possession as supreme worship
and the common knowledge of West African deities are nearly identical
in the two areas. It would follow from Herskovits’ hypothesis that these
similarities are the result of these practices being fundamental to each
group’s African past. On the other hand, visible differences between
North and South should appear in instances that were further removed
from the basic African cultural traits. Indeed, Herskovits has identified
differences in the overall grandeur of each area’s religious rituals
and celebrations. The North is much more extravagant and colorful in
their celebrations, while the South is quieter and more subdued. He attributes
this difference to the considerable climate change that occurs between
the tropical North and the temperate South. This climate change in turn
affects the economic systems and relative prosperity of each area. All
in all, the author of this article proposes an interesting and testable
hypothesis to explain both the differences and similarities between two
distinct parts of CLARITY: 4
Johnson, Jean Bassett. A Clear Case of Linguistic Acculturation American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol.45(3):427-434 Linguistic acculturation has not been clearly defined or illustrated by the social anthropologist. Two sets of phenomena, diffusion and acculturation, have been distinguished. Long-term continuous contact is necessary for diffusion to occur. Jargon is the end product of linguistic acculturation. Jargon frequently is the result of a mixture of more than two languages. Herskovits states that linguistic contacts affect "the three aspects of language"- phonetics, vocabulary, and grammar- with grammar being most resistant to contact. Categories of language such as phonology, morphology and syntax with lexicon do not exist as demonstrable entities in language. Boas stated that elements of phonology, morphology and lexicon diffuse independently, although this is difficult to demonstrate with any degree of universality. However, there do exist cases where this apparently has occurred but cannot be accepted as universal without further study. Johnson states that she will present evidence that has important bearing on these problems. The Yaqui, a Sonoran utaztecan group, have been in close, continuous contact with Spaniards and their Nahuatl-speaking vassals. The Spanish viewed the Yaqui as "good Indians" during the colonial period. Wars became chronic condition in the Yaqui valley beginning in 1735, with voluntarily and forced migrations of the Indians from the valley. Intensive and close foreign contacts on the Yaqui are seen to affect their language. A majority speaks both Yaqui and Spanish, and most Yaqui use many Spanish words. Foreign words in the lexicon are the most perceptible evidence of linguistic contact because their origin is easily seen. Lexical evidence has received much attention and used by those without the necessary materials or time to find more substantial evidence. Morphology and syntax, however, are more resistant to change. Therefore it takes more expertise to see foreign influence. Johnson gives examples of the patterning process of Spanish phonemes and lexemes that can be seen in Yaqui. She also shows the Spanish influence on Yaqui morphology and structure by various types of patterning in lexemes. She states that "in the above series of morphological and constructional complexes there is good evidence of the influence of Spanish indirect-object construction…"(433). Although the Spanish did influence the language, they did not inhibit the Yaqui’s natural and inherent developmental tendencies. Johnson shows that contacts of language affects every part of language and that it is not possible to treat one aspect of linguistic acculturations without considering all aspects of language. This article was easy to read and follow. Johnson presented her evidence in a clear manner and proves her case that Yaqui language has been affected by the Spanish. He diagrams, however, can be distracting and confusing to the reader. CLARITY: 4
Johnson, Jean Bassett. A Clear Case of Linguistic Acculturation. American Anthropologist July-September, 1943 Vol. 45(3):427-434. This essay attempts to define and clarify linguistic acculturation as the phenomenon of multiple cultural languages merging together. Johnson argues that for linguistic acculturation to take place, groups must have "…long-term continuous contact and [it] is generally the result of [a] mixture of more than two languages." Using the Yaqui of South America as an example, this article exemplifies how this culture has come to integrate Spanish into its own lexicon. The Yaqui have been in close contact with various groups of immigrants since the late sixteenth century and their grammar has been recorded since the missionary work of Jesuits during the seventeenth century. When compared to these records (the beginning of the acculturation process), their current language clearly shows an integration of Spanish vocabulary, evidence for what Johnson argues is acculturation. The two best examples of acculturation are that while few members of this group spoke no Yaqui, the majority spoke both languages interchangeably, and that a large percentage of Yaqui lexicon is composed of indispensable Spanish words. The reason Spanish words were able to diffuse into Yaqui vocabulary were the similarities within the consonant and vowel phonemes of the two groups. The Yaqui built their lexicon with elements of both languages, though the phonemic patterning of lexemes is a matter of individual preference or experience. However, one cannot "treat linguistic acculturation in one aspect of language without considering all aspects of the language." To explain this, Johnson utilizes several examples of Yaqui and Spanish lexemes, showing similar spellings and terminology. Johnson then concludes this essay by summarizing linguistic acculturation, as seen through the Yaqui and Spanish languages: The Spanish language has profoundly affected Yaqui language and culture to its very core, but has not destroyed its fundamental integration, nor radically changed its essential core. Yaqui has absorbed a tremendous amount of Spanish, but has not as yet shown signs of reaching that saturation point which means disintegration and breakdown in function. This article provided many interesting points, clearly illustrating how Spanish did in fact diffuse into Yaqui language. This article was presented in a very organized matter, making the argument difficult to refute. CLARITY: 4
Kennedy, Raymond Acculturation
and Administration in This article describes the Dutch colonization of Dutch acculturation has not affected Indonesian culture much for three main reasons. "First, most of the interior regions have only recently been opened up to outside access, and many large districts still remain virtually untouched by European influence" (185-186). Second, the tribes are made up of millions of people. It is difficult to force new practices on a population this large. Finally, the Dutch have worked with the people to help them preserve their old ways. Most adat, customary laws, have been preserved, as well as the traditional systems of chieftainship. The Dutch have also respected the native religion, and "have not allowed any alteration in the communalistic system of landholding which is so firmly grounded in the Indonesian adat" (187). The Dutch program does have faults though. It has created an Kennedy also criticizes the financial motivation of the Dutch. He says that the Dutch allowed the Indonesians to retain their culture so they would not have to pay the natives high wages, or deal with nationalistic agitation for independence. The Dutch also did not educate the natives so they could set up a subservient group. The Dutch have realized their mistakes though, and under their program A discussion by A.J. Widjojoatmodjo follows the article and clarifies a few points, but fully agrees with Kennedy’s conclusions. Kennedy does a good job of describing and analyzing the Dutch policy in a clear, well-written article. CLARITY: 5
Kennedy, Raymond. Acculturation
and Administration in The author of this article is concerned with the state of affairs in
the modern Kennedy discusses these points in his paper by first talking about the
different outside influences on the CLARITY RATING: 4
Kluckhohn, In this article, Clyde Kluckhohn addresses the issue of Indian acculturation and how to go about improving this process. Problems have occurred as a result of cultural differences and misunderstandings on the part of the administrators and those who work with Native Americans. Kluckhohn describes an incident where a Navaho high school boy refuses to ask an attractive girl to dance. The American teacher remarks that the boy must be stupid to miss such an opportunity. However, she fails to realize that the two young people might be from the same tribe, a fact that would prohibit such social interactions on the basis of incest taboos. Kluckhohn argues that in order for Indian Administrators to better understand and administer the Indian population they must not only take into account the aspects of Indian culture that lie on the surface, but also examine and understand the "covert" or underlying tenets of Indian culture. He believes that administrators must view the Indians and their actions not through the lenses of their own culture, but through the eyes of the Indians themselves. Kluckhohn stresses that administrators must understand the principles or "cultural configurations" that influence the Indians’ "sanctioned or behavioral patterns" if they are to help them to adapt. He believes that administrators have attempted to use and, to some degree, have succeeded in employing anthropological findings to better design programs. Kluckhohn argues that anthropologists also tend to take into account only "overt" culture, that which is observable and recordable. He suggests that overt culture could well provide insights that will enable an anthropologist to dig below the surface and expose the covert. Kluckhohn argues that if anthropology is to be taken forward as a science, those who practice it must begin to explore the covert side of culture. To support his assertion Kluckhohn uses examples of cultural misunderstandings that occur with policies that do not take into account Indian culture. In one example he articulates differences between the Navaho and American conceptions of marriage. In Navaho tradition, a marriage is not only a joining of two individuals but also of two families. Americans tend to view marriage as a pact between two individuals. By considering our marriage tradition as well as other aspects of our culture as "part of human nature" administrators design policy that runs counter to Indian beliefs. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lee, The author’s objective in writing this article was to describe the influence of the introduction of English language on the Wintu language. The author acquired information through working exclusively with an Indian woman, Sadie Marsh, who was fluent in both the Wintu and English language. Lee’s purpose was to not only validate that it is "easy to detect foreign words entering a culture, but also to demonstrate that terms and grammar previously part of a language can cease to exist." The author reports, "this aspect of acculturation has rarely been made the subject of specific and systematic investigation in the field" (435). Through the ethnographic research and conversations with Sadie Marsh, the author discovered that "when a new trait (was) introduced to the Wintu, the language responded in one of three ways: it gave it a new name; or gave it a name that applied to a similar trait; or accepted the English name along with the trait" (435). The first two processes were the older Wintu method of introducing a new trait. The author identifies numerous examples of words added or changed in the Wintu language because of acculturation with the white race. Words added also included vocabulary for race differentiation. There had been no need for differentiation in race before the coming of white people. Lee reports that the translation of the word for whites was "Supernatural Beings," which differs from a more descriptive type word the Wintu gave Black people and the Chinese. The translated words for a Black person was "black-person or curly-haired-one; the Chinese was he-whose-hair-is-braided" (436). Lee’s purpose in discussing the changes in the Wintu language was to point out the influence of the acculturation with the white race, allowing the reader to see this influence through the many examples and translations the author provides. This article is straightforward and conveys many interesting points to reflect on. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Lee, |
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