CLARITY: 2

SUSANNA MADRID  Santa Clara University  (George Westermark)

Benedict, Paul.   Thai, Kadai, and Indonesian: A New Alignment in Southeastern Asia.   American Anthropologist   October-December, 1942   Vol.44(4):576-601.

Paul Benedict believes that Tai, Kadai, and Indonesian constitute a single linguistic complex. He believes that there are two premises for this hypothesis. First of all, the Indonesian substratum is represented by four scattered languages; the Li dialects of the island of Hainan, the Kelao language of southcentral China, and Laqua and Lati of China-Tonkin border region, which make up a single linguistic stock: Kadai. Secondly, the Kadai stock was contacted numerous times by Tai, which in turn explains the Tai-Kadai-Indonesian relationship. Benedict gives several examples as to why his hypothesis is true.

Benedict begins his argument by looking at the relationships of Tai and Indonesian to the Kadai linguistic stock. First of all, Li numerals are taken directly from the Indonesian family. Also, Li is under direct economic pressure from their powerful Tai-speaking neighbors, the Ong-Be. Secondly, Kelao, which is nearly extinct, has married into Chung-chia (Thai) and Old Chinese families. Also, Kadai languages are a monosyllabic, isolating type, with full tonal systems as in Tai. Numerals and a scattering of nouns, pronouns, and adjectives show Indonesian affinities and the remaining elements show Tai affinities.

Word order is very much like Tai and Indonesian in that the object follows the verb and modifying elements. However, Benedict does not believe syntax can explain the relationship between these languages. On the other hand, morphology and phonology does provide some incite. Kadai, like Tai, lacks the affixation apparatus of Indonesian. The majority of Tai-Kadai-Indonesian roots were originally disyllabic in nature rather than monosyllabic. Tai and Kadai languages have undergone extensive phonetic reduction to become monosyllabic while Indonesian has remained disyllabic. In addition, the phonology of the Kadai stock is very similar to Indonesian phonology. Even with this information, Benedict believes that judgments must be based almost entirely on a lexical analysis, rather than a morphological one. This is due the lack of representation in Tai of the elaborate affixation system of Indonesian. The most critical single piece of evidence for a Tai-Kadai-Indonesian relationship is the remarkable parallelism shown in treatment of the two roots for eye and die.

Prior to Paul Benedict, it was believed that the Tai language was related to the Sino-Tibetan language family, especially Chinese. Also, linguists believe that Indonesian-Tai-Kadai relationships are based largely on borrowings rather than a single linguistic stock. Tai has borrowed heavily from the Chinese language, so Kadai could have borrowed just as easily from the Indonesian language. It is important to note that the Tai-Kadai-Indonesian relationship theory can only stand or fall on its own merits due to the destruction of the ethnological picture, according the Benedict.

CLARITY: 3

REBECCA GREENE  University of Montana (John Norvell)

Bonos, Arlene Helen.     Roumany Rye of Philadelphia. American Anthropologist April-June, 1942 Vol. 44(2):257-274.

In this article the author explores the life of the Roumany Rye or Gypsies of Philadelphia. Gypsies have always been of interest to outsiders who they call Gajos. Bonos clearly illuminates aspects of their rather secretive life.

Gypsies prefer to locate in areas where there will be a high concentration of pedestrian traffic. They will rent business space and divide the room into three areas. The front area is where the Gajos will be allowed to enter. The middle space will be used as a divider. The space farthest back will be used by the Gypsies for living. There is little or no furniture in the home. It will be brightly decorated with silks, velvets and other brightly colored cloth.

Laws within the Gypsy community are different than the outside world although they will sometimes allow the police to deal with crimes. The worst crime a Gypsy can commit is raping a virgin. They are very concerned with cleanliness and are careful not to contaminate their food or bodies. Anything associated with reproduction is considered unclean.

There is a caste system within the community which is strictly followed as far as marriage is concerned. However, Gypsies are a very tight knit community and will take care of one another. It doesn’t matter if they are strangers or not, they will always be clothed and fed.

Ceremony and celebration are a very important part of their life. They celebrate Christmas but it is of no religious importance. They enjoy listening to religious stories but in general they change their religion to what ever the Gajos around them are. They find this makes things easier. A gypsy wedding ceremony is described in great detail.

Men are officially the head of the household but it is the woman who supports the family, normally through fortune telling. Men may sometimes do work with metal. She also owns the home and all property. Men are generally not the ones to commit the crimes, women are. Women will have an easier time crying their way out of it. Crimes committed are mostly theft.

This article gives a clear explanation of some of the ways a Gypsy lives his or her life. This article would be appropriate for anyone who has any curiosity about or interest in the life of Gypsy or some of their history.

CLARITY RANKING 5

MEGAN SIMPSON University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Brown, G. Gordon and Barnett, James H.     Social Organization and Social Structure. American Anthropologist January, 1942 Vol.44:31-36.

Brown and Barnett wrote this article to distinguish between the terms "social organization" and "social structure" and offer a standardized method of using the two. They suggest the following distinction for the two terms: "social organization refers to the systems of obligation-relations which exist among and between the groups constituting a given society, while social structure refers to the placement and position of individuals and of groups within that system of obligation-relations" and define "obligation-relations" as "a set of reciprocal duties and privileges commonly agreed upon and practiced by a social group."

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ASHLEY RAE CURRAN University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Brown, G. Gordon and James Barnett.       Social Organization and Social Structure.   American Anthropologist   January-March, 1942   Vol.44(1):31-77.

The terms social organization and social order are questioned in this article as they are confusing to many and need to be simplified. The description of a social organization stresses the nature and functioning of obligation-relations as these operate among the various groups constituting this society. A description of the term social structure consists of the position of the numerous groups in this social order with reference to each other as manifested in the system of familiar, economic, political, religious and social-class obligation-relations which obtains at any given time.

These obligation-relations can be broken down into three types of evidence to support an obligation-relation. There are definitions of ideal social behavior, statements of anticipated social behavior, and observations of actual social behavior.

As said in the article, “In describing social structure, attention should be focused upon groups”. For social organization, these groups would be regarded in relation to obligation-relations and individuals would differ among them as they would in social structure. To determine the use of these two terms, a better method would be to use both, as they both truly look at the same thing. When one begins to look at individuals, they can place these individuals into a context, i.e. structure. Once this structure is signified, obligation-relations are used in order to facilitate the found structure. Once you have this determined organization can be made apparent. In sum, these two terms are used to help each other find a social phenomena, therefore acting as a team for social learning.

SENECA LACOMBE:  University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Cannon, Walter B.     "Voodoo" Death. American Anthropologist 1942 Vol. 44: 169-181

The author’s objective is to describe, inquire, and recite whether reports of "voodoo" death are real and try to prove it as such. "Among the natives of South America and Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and the islands of the Pacific, as well as among the inhabitants of nearby Haiti, "voodoo" death has been reported by apparently competent observers." At the beginning of the article, he gives witnessed accounts of death wrought by superstitious fear. One account from New Zealand states that a woman, who had eaten some fruit, was told it was taken from a tabooed place; "she exclaimed that the sanctity of the chief had been profaned and that this spirit would kill her." By the next afternoon she was dead.

The author makes a point that the possible use of poisons must be excluded before "voodoo" death can be accepted as a consequence of sorcery. Also, we must rule out claims of supernatural power when the resulting death is due to natural causes. This is where he turns to the enquiries of medically trained observers. One example is an account from Dr. W.E. Roth. He served as a government surgeon for three years among the primitive people of north-central Queensland. He stated " So rooted sometimes is this belief on the part of the patient that some enemy has pointed the bone at him, that he will actually lie down to die, and succeed in the attempt: I have witnessed three or four such cases."

Associated with the circumstances the author describes in this article is under certain conditions, such as being subjected to bone pointing or other factors, death is sure to come. These beliefs are firmly held by everyone in the tribe. This immediate threat of death fills the victim with terror and misery. In this terror, the victim refuses to eat or drink. This is highly significant for the understanding of the onset of weakness the victim has. Because fear is one of the most deeply rooted emotions, it is associated with physiological disturbances. The author hypothesizes that "voodoo" death may be real, and that it can be explained as due to "obvious or repressed terror." He suggests simple tests can be done to learn if "voodoo" death is justifiable and that the test could be conducted before "the victim’s last gasp."

CLARITY RANKING: 3

HEATHER La ROCCO University of Central Florida (Dr. David E. Jones)

Cannon, Walter.    "Voodoo" Death. American Anthropologist April-June, 1942 Vol.44(2):169-181.

Walter Cannon’s article, "‘Voodoo Death," examines the phenomena of black magic, or voodoo, among indigenous peoples of South America, Africa, New Zealand, and Australia. Cannon’s goal is to review specific recorded cases of voodoo death, analyze the trustworthiness of these cases, and lend possible explanations for the occurrence of such events.

Cannon’s analysis of specific cases reveals levels of intimidation, fear, and the power of belief in ghostly powers and social taboos as the reasons for death. An individual who has a heightened "imagination" or belief in the powers of voodoo creates negative physical responses in his or her person, usually resulting in death. Cannon sets aside traditional cultural belief systems and taboos to propose that voodoo death is merely a case of poisoning, or what he believes are catastrophic, often fatal consequences of not properly dealing with one’s own fear. He discusses the power of kinship, and how direct kin – by treating a condemned member as if they were already dead – can literally kill that person in a matter of days. He also examines the emotion of shock as an explanation for some deaths, where death comes from prolonged emotional stress.

Cannon finds that reports of voodoo death do not bear much weight under scrutiny, and comes up with a scientific explanation as to why. He refutes the aboriginal belief that a witch doctor can point a bone at a tribal member, resulting in that person’s death. He writes that the shock of being condemned is sufficient cause for death. He also points out that when someone receives dreadful, horrific news, or is "shell-shocked" from battle during war, the person often dies, even though there are no outward signs of trauma.

When tremendous amounts of rage or fear consume man or beast, Cannon feels there must be an outlet for the pent emotion, or the animal will certainly die. The rapid demise of a targeted tribal member shortly after being cursed by a sorcerer or witch doctor is intriguing to say the least. This article should be looked upon as essential when researching black magic among indigenous peoples around the globe. Cannon concludes that majority of these deaths are merely the result of prolonged fear, and/or the power of suggestion, and he points to the power of suggestion as possibly the most telling factor contributing to a recipient’s demise

CLARITY: 4

KURT HIGH University of Montana (John Norvell)

Fogg, Walter.     The Organization of a Moroccan Tribal Market. American Anthropologist January-March, 1942 Vol.44(1):47-61.

Walter Fogg’s article discusses a number of the roles of persons, customs, and purposes in one market, focusing as well on the differences in pre- and post-Spanish occupation. Fogg primarily highlights the differences between officials, functionaries, and customs between the two periods, his main idea being that much had changed between the periods. The article mostly consists of descriptions of various persons, and within each person’s description, Fogg includes bits of custom, method, and how each person operated in relationship to others. Examples of both occurrences and what may have taken place on any given day are also cited. Transliterated Arabic terms—mostly the terms for officials within in the Market—are given as well.

Fogg begins by explaining the market, its surroundings, and the tribes that attended. He then continues by describing, in turn, the officials and constituents before the Spanish occupation. These include the master (or governor) of the market, his scribe, village leaders, policing authorities, the notary, judges, collectors of taxes and dues, various arbitrators, commission-agents, auctioneers, water-vendors, measurers, etc. Within the description of each, their duties are explained as well as how each was viewed by the people at market.

Within the post-Spanish occupation description of the market, Fogg examines how each of these persons changed with the arrival of the Spaniards. A new Spanish leader was installed, Moorish foot soldiers (which had been an appalling thought in pre-Spanish occupation), a Spanish (Christian) doctor, the Moorish governor’s representative, and several others became new parts of the Market. A number of the officials and functionaries’ roles were changed with the arrival of the Spaniards. New rules and regulations were added—serving to keep sanitation and disorder under control—which led to the removal of several persons, and the addition of new ones.

CLARITY: 4

TAYLOR MEEK University of Montana (John Norvell)

Gillin, John.     Acquired Drives in Culture Contact. American Anthropologist October-December, 1942. Vol.44(4):545-554.

John Gillin’s article examines the influences of anxiety for those who go through acculturation. He searches to find out the causes of the problems that have affected those cultures that are put through acculturation. Gillin focuses on the Flambeau band of Chippewa in Northern Wisconsin, who showed signs of apathy, disorganization, and large amounts of negativism.

One must understand that concepts of anxiety are often the results of acculturation before one can grasp the problems with the Flambeau. The basic definition of anxiety is the anticipation of punishment, the result of previous incidents in which an individual has experienced punishment. Two types of habits that generally reduce risk are positive, removing the danger altogether, and negative, abstaining from action that would cause further punishment. Negativism often results because it is the only way to protect an individual from the dominant power. This often results in cultural paralysis.

The Flambeau had relatively good relations with white fur traders up until about 1885, when suddenly things changed rapidly and confusingly for them. First of all, their reservation became an active commercial and logging operation in which a sawmill was built. This new sawmill recruited Native Americans, which would lead to the complete dependency on money and manufactured goods, rather than their old traditional ways. A money anxiety was a result of the new system. Also, the US Indian Service instituted a resident staff, which made frequent and unpredictable changes to the policy. The Flambeau were constantly trying to find a means of reducing anxieties, but were unable to find any due to the ever-changing policies.

These influences on the Flambeau had a substantial effect on their outlook and behavior in life. Their basic traditions of long hair, moccasins, and inability to speak English were all subject to ridicule by whites. Often they were punished for acting out their traditional ways, such as speaking their native language or having pow-wows. The Flambeau reacted in two ways. One was to withdraw as far as possible from the whites and their practices. The second was to attempt to submerge themselves completely into the white culture. The second was often very punishing, for even though they couldn’t practice their old beliefs, they were also condemned if they attempted to act white. A sense of status anxiety and government anxiety seem to be created from these actions.

Overall, Gillin was able to find reasons why the Flambeau had such a negative outlook on many aspects of life. This article looks at a much different aspect of Native American life and acculturation than previous texts.

CLARITY: 4

REBECCA GREENE niversity of Montana (John Norvell)

Griffin, James B.     On the Historic Location of the Tutelo and the Mohetan in the Ohio Valley. American Anthropologist April-June, 1942 Vol. 44 (2): 275-280.

The Tutelo were a Siouan tribe found in the states of Virginia and North Carolina by English explorers. There has been speculation as to the geographic location of the Tutelo and other Siouan tribes of the area previous to contact. John R. Swanton published an article supporting the hypothesis that the Tutelo came from the Ohio Valley. The author presents Swanton’s argument that there is evidence of Tutelo occupation in the Big Sandy Valley, near Williamson, West Virginia. An excerpt from Swanton’s article refers to the Colonial History of the State of New York, published in 1854. The 1854 history in turn refers to letters and documents from 1699, and a map from 1775. These sources all cite supposed sightings, dealings with, and movements of the Tutelo along the Ohio Valley.

Once Swanton’s argument is put forth to the reader, the author proceeds to disprove or discredit each piece of evidence used by Swanton and the 1854 history. The author does so by providing documentation from what he considers more reliable sources of the same periods. Problems in Swanton’s evidence range from the name "Totteroy" on a map being misinterpreted to a 1699 quote of Earl of Bellomont that was later proven to be inconsistent with his actual statement. The author concludes "there is not…any sound historical evidence for believing that the central Ohio Valley was the point of dispersal for the Siouan speaking tribes."

Though most of the article is devoted to the Tutelo, one paragraph gives a brief outline of the Mohetan tribe’s movement east to west through the same area. There is one sentence discussing Ohio Valley occupation by the Mosopolea.

This article can be difficult to follow, as the author makes numerous references to individuals that were not introduced in the article. Also hindering reader comprehension are the many references to directions, routes, and locations, sometimes under multiple names, without aid of maps. The piece is largely comprised of quotes, many from the eighteenth century, rendering it a difficult read.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ERIN K. SMITH University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Hallowell, A.I.     Some Psychological Aspects of Measurement Among the Saulteaux. American Anthropologist, 1944 Vol. 44:62-77.

Hallowell discusses the different concepts of measurement as depicted by the Saulteaux. Hallowell argues that every adult human has the ability to make estimations of distance, length and area however; it is cultural boundaries that limit their use.

The author argues that the cultural measurement system of the Saulteaux limits their ability to provide quantitative values for spatial attributes. Hallowell begins the article by arguing that all humans have an innate ability to deal with contrast comparisons. Hallowell also argues that the complexity of which these measurements, as with other things in a culture, are developed, is a "genuine measurement and the extent to which they use them."

The author breaks down the measurements into distance, length and area. First Hallowell discusses distance. The Saulteaux consider two measurements of distance, "near" and "a great way off". The author points out that actual (quantitative) measurements are not involved at this point. Hallowell also describes a lack of units or standard of measurement in this culture. Hallowell also claims that the Indians "qualitative character" makes it difficult to conceptualize abstract numerical values. The author goes on to discuss "manipulable lengths". These lengths would be associated with semi-standardized units such as parts of the body. All of the units implemented by the Saulteaux are independent of each other. The Saulteaux do not have a quantitative system for length, making it difficult to construct a concept of area. Although proportional differences are recognized, there are no numerical values assigned. Hallowell describes a better understanding of manipulable areas. These areas are simply based on proportions.

The author argues that the absence of cultural values supporting and motivating abstract numerical concepts are lacking in the Saulteaux. According to Hallowell, the general terms of "small" and "big" are all the Saulteaux require for cultural understanding. The only area where numerical values or abstract descriptions were employed was in areas of previous "white" contact. Hallowell concludes by arguing that the Saulteaux have no objective standards, only because they are not necessary. The measurement system implemented is adequate for the culture.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JOY LANG University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Hallowell, A. I.     Some Psychological Aspects of Measurement Among the Saulteaux. American Anthropologist January-March, 1942 Vol.44(1):62-77.

Hallowell investigates the measurement techniques used by the Saulteaux. The author describes the Saulteaux’s system of measurement as "crude" and "variable", but sufficient within the culture of the Saulteaux. The daily life of this society does not require refined operations of measurement. Therefore, the processes of measurement among the Saulteaux are qualitative rather than quantitative. Hallowell focused his study of measurement on the spatial abilities of distance, manipulable length, and area. There are examples of functional measurement procedures among the Saulteaux illustrated throughout the article.

According to Hallowell, distance is indicated by the relative position in space of the object or place with reference to the speaker. The Saulteaux are limited with respect to refined quantitative measures, and have thus applied other qualitative means to communicate aspects of distance. The distance of a journey, for example, are measured by the number of "sleeps" or "nights". If the journey takes less than a day, then the Saulteaux measure the distance with the relative position of the sun. Although these measures are variable, they are suitable for the Saulteaux.

Manipulable lengths are generally applied with the use of standardized units of measure. Hallowell described the Saulteaux’s use of various body parts as semi-standardized units. For instance, the length between the elbow and the tip of the forefinger is considered a unit of measurement. Another unit of measurement used among the Saulteaux is the "stretch". This is the length between the tips of the fingers when both arms are stretched out, and a half a "stretch" is the length from the breast bone to the fingertips. "Stretches" are the units of measurement used in the manufacture of birch-bark canoes. In addition, "steps" or paces are another example of the conventional units used by the Saulteaux.

Measuring area among the Saulteaux is difficult, because it is an abstract, non-manipulable length. They do not have any method of measuring area, even though it would seem to be necessary in dividing territories of hunting grounds. Hallowell believes this is because the Saulteaux do not have a cultural value that would motivate the use of the abstraction of area.

Hallowell concludes that there is no demand among the Saulteaux for the application of standard, refined measurements and that the qualitative, conventional measurements that are used are satisfactory. The measuring methods used by the Saulteaux are functional relative to their cultural conditions.

CLARITY: 4

CARLA RIME University of Montana (John Norvell)

Hodgen, Margaret T.     Geographical Diffusion as a Criterion of Age. American Anthropologist 1942 Vol. 44:345-368.

One of the greatest challenges facing modern anthropologists is establishing a sequence of social change where no written record of history exists. In her article, Geographical Diffusion as a Criterion of Age, Margaret T. Hodgen addresses the problems faced by anthropologists in trying to devise a timeline for the diffusion of cultural traits and examines the practical application of the age and area hypothesis.

Early schools of thought relied on developmentalism and diffusionism theories that lacked any basis in scientific fact. In order determine the age of diffusion of social change, anthropologists first needed to ascertain a method of study that could be substituted where a written record was lacking. The hypotheses of geographical dispersion of biological and zoological species in concentric circles appeared to be applicable to the study of cultural diffusion. Using the analogy of "rings formed by casting a stone into the pool" anthropologists assumed two presuppositions about the age of the trait versus diffusion. Firstly, the greater the distance from the point of origination, the older the trait. Secondly, after the appearance of new traits, expansion is inevitable and will move in an outward direction. These presuppositions led to the formulation of the age and area hypothesis stating that in human culture there is a persistent tendency for new traits to radiate in waves from a culturally superior source and spread out at an even pace. New traits will be continually generated from the source and supplant older traits. Therefore, traits lying at a greater distance from the source are older than those lying closer to the center.

Hodgen applies the principles of the age and area hypothesis to a study of the relationship of the diffusion of water mills and wind mills in the Thames Valley in England, an area with a well documented history. In theory, the study’s findings should agree with the written history. What Hodgen discovers is that, in fact, the findings do not appear to support the age and area theory as diffusion of the water mills and wind mills occurred at an uneven rate in no particular pattern.

Hodgen is quick to respond that the age and area theory cannot repudiated on the basis of one negative test result. She further stresses that additional studies are needed involving the cooperation of both anthropological and historical investigation before the age and area theory is ultimately accepted or rejected.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

MARTHA CHRISTY University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Honigsheim, Paul.     The Philosophical Background of European Anthropology. American Anthropologist July-September, 1942 Vol.44(3):376-387.

The purpose of Honigsheim’s article is to name one by one the philosophical concepts responsible for current European anthropological thought. He begins his argument with a historical review of nineteenth-century romanticism and eighteenth-century evolutionism in order to identify eight general principles that describe the evolution of new philosophical and anthropological ideas. Honigsheim recognizes the foundations of Darwinism, French Positivism, Marxism, and Racism to explain the presence of a romantic concept and an evolutionary concept. Honigsheim illustrates the idea that the group is an essential factor of social development (a romantic concept) and the idea that cultural forms are evolutionary (an evolutionary concept) in order to summarize the eight general principles. Next, the author identifies a change in these philosophical ideas.

Honigsheim continues his enumeration of philosophical concepts by recognizing oppositions to the eight previously noted concepts. He claims that these oppositions are responsible for modifying the philosophical background of European anthropology. The oppositions or modifications took four distinct forms: Materialism, the evolutionism of Herbert Spencer, Psychoanalysis, and Neo-Kantianism. The author sees these four forms as a move away from the "optimistic elements" of the earlier eight general principles. From the four new concepts, Honigsheim recognizes three branches that have aided the development of European anthropology. He recognizes "Irrationalistic pessimism" as a branch reflective of nineteenth century romanticism, "the new historical concept of anthropology as a science and of the ‘primitives’ as scientific phenomena" as a branch imperative in explaining the culture of past civilizations, and "The National Socialist state dogma".

The author’s guided tour through the philosophical background of European anthropology serves as a way to obtain an objective view about the concepts. It is not a complete history of the philosophical background, but instead an introduction and guide to understanding the complexities of European anthropological thought as opposed to American anthropology.

CLARITY: 3

MEGAN HILL University of Montana (John Norvell)

Howells, W.W.     Fossil Man and the Origin of Races American Anthropologist 1942 Vol. 44: 182-193

This article by W.W. Howells examines the origin of races and the connections between fossil man. Howell presents the two main theories of the time. First, the theory that races derived from parallel phyla and secondly, that races resulted from interspecific hybrids. He also discusses the possible effect Neanderthal Man had on Homo sapiens as well as his view on the appearance of races.

He begins his examination of the first theory with a paper by Dr. F. Weidenreich,¹ which suggests that there were several branches of the human stock that passed through the same basic series of morphological stages all leading to Homo sapiens. Howells believes that this hypothesis would place all known fossils somewhere into the parentage of Homo sapiens.

T.T. Paterson exemplifies the second theory.² Paterson arranged the tool techniques in a specific order, which Howell believes would be paralleled among the human stocks. Just as stone cultures mixed, so did human stocks. Howell concludes that because of the prevalence of hybridization, a pedigree system of classification should be used instead of the Linnaean one. Through all this hybridization, the Hominoid strain was dominant and alone survived in essence. Dr. C.S. Coon was another supporter of this theory albeit on a smaller scale. He uses the Cro-Magnons as an example of hybridization believing them to be a combination of Neanderthal Man and early Homo sapiens.

Howells also discusses the theoretical emergence of Homo sapiens from Neanderthal Man. His support for this is the work of Dr. Theodore McCown and Sir Arthur Keith.³ They believe that the Mount Carmel population was diverging into a sapiens type and a Neanderthaloid. They rejected the hypothesis that Carmelites were hybrid descendants of these two forms. Ashley-Montagu⁴ has indicated a weakness in their hypothesis. The weakness lies in the supposition that a single small population likes that of Mount Carmel could become heterozygous and heterogeneous, and diverges into two species. It is a biological fact that such groups can only tend to become homozygous, so that as a group changes, it does so as a unit. This is based upon the general evidence of studies of variation in nature. Evolutionary divergence can only appear between breeding units, which are to some degree isolated from one another.

Howell believes that the available background of fact is so slight that probabilities are difficult to judge, but that it is likely that racial differences had origins, other than hybridization, of more importance. On the topic of Neanderthal Man, no actual continuity between Neanderthal Man and Homo sapiens can be shown, but there remains the suggestion that a single race may be descended from the Neanderthal stock.

Finally, he discusses the appearance of races. The main pattern of evolutionary activity is divergence. The principle of evolutionary radiation would appear more than adequate to account for the full range of differences among the races of modern man, as well as for the bulk of the species differences in earlier times. The possibilities of evolutionary radiation should be exhausted before other factors are appealed to. The more dominant the factor of evolutionary radiation is taken to have been, the less reason there is for assuming any connection between modern man and fossil forms excepting only through a remote common ancestor.

Howells describes and contrasts the theories in a very organized manner. He does not attempt to answer the question, which those theories address, but merely to present two possible answers in a logical way.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

LISA ROGERS University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Hsu, Francis L. K.     The Differential Functions of Relationship Terms. American Anthropologist April-June, 1942 Vol. 44 (2):248-256.

The author of this article was exploring kinship terminology in a North China community. Traditionally Anthropologists have been concerned with three categories; terms of reference, terms describing relationships and term describing address. In China however there is fourth category that had to be considered, the written language. Terms of address are used to recognize an individual’s rank within the community. Children of brothers address each other using the same terms as when addressing their brothers and sisters but they refer to each other in terms that distinguish their specific relationships. A husband who is in favor with a concubine may have his children refer to her in a mother term; this will please the concubine immensely. School children may also use kinship terminology to gain the upper hand in schoolyard quibbles.

Terms of reference are a more permanent fixture in the culture. "A nephew can abstain from addressing his uncle directly for reasons of hostility, but when he is asked by some one else who that man is, he has in most cases to use the proper term of reference" (252).

The use of terms describing relationships may be used in three different ways. The first way is to define the formalized relationships. The second way is used solely to designate the type of relationship without emotion. The third way is used to get something one wants. Whether it is to end a quarrel or apologize.

Dealing with the written word is a little different. It is much more concerned with recognizing generations. Literary terms are just as important to the language as the spoken word.

The author explains in great detail with multiple examples, how each of these terms work within the language. This article would be of interest to anyone who is interested in linguistics or the workings of different kinship terminology.

CLARITY RANKING 4

MEGAN SIMPSON University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Jakobson, Rowan. The Paleosiberian Languages. American Anthropologist, 1942. Vol. 44: 602-618.

The central point of Roman Jakobson’s article is to give a group of languages, in the Northern region of Russia a name: Paleosiberian. He notes two distinct groups, Eastern (Chuckchee, Koryak, Kamchadal, Yukagir, Chuvantsy, and Gilyak ) and Western ( Ket/ Yenisei-Ostyak, Cottian, Asan, and Arin ) also known as the Yeniseian languages. Jakobson’s analysis of linguistic data supports the notion that common traits allow these languages to be a part of the same language group. Although he acknowledges similar characteristics in the Paleosiberian languages to those of Eskimo and Ural-Altaic, there are more inter-similarities between the Eastern and Western language families. His argument is that they must have been more geo-graphically centralized before breaking up due to surrounding languages and Russian expansion. Jakobson presents linguistic data from geographically similar groups to show commonalties that allow them to be grouped within the Paleosiberian languages.

He first gives into a brief geographical history of each group and sub-group, followed by a brief history of the Northern Siberian culture. The speakers of these languages had no written language until the 1930s and even than it was not widely used. According to Jakobson, most native speakers simply used Russian for their written needs. Pictography was the traditional form of written communication. The pictures represented daily activities, hunts, and beliefs.

A detailed overview of the grammar and phonetics follows. Certain traits of these languages further support that they are part of the same language group. Paleosiberian languages possess only bi-phonemic speech sounds which end in "i" and "u." The Paleosiberian languages also share the use of an accent mark in the beginning of the word and within its first two syllables. With one exception, another aspect of the Paleosiberian languages is that they possess a single liquid consonant. Some of the Paleosiberian languages which lack checked vowels use independent glottal consonants.

Within Paleosiberian languages exist "complexes." Formed by a fusion of a defining modifier and a defined modifier. These "complexes" are liable to sound change. The "complexes" have characteristics which seem not to be easily broken down into smaller groupings. Two categories of words are distinguished: nouns and verbs. The possessive nouns and pronouns are placed first. The Paleosiberian languages lack conjunction but are plentiful in subsidiary voice forms and expressions defining the mood of a verb.

Jakobson delivers a firm foundation for his argument that dialects in the Siberian region fall into a Paleosiberian language group. Though, for anyone untrained in linguistics, this would be a difficult conclusion to come to. Most of his article is composed of the data he collected, and while obviously important to his argument, leave little space to the untrained linguist.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

SCOTT GRANT, DOM PELLETIER, RAFAL CZAPLICKI, ARIANA JOHNSON Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo).

Jakobson, Roman.   The Paleosiberian Languages.   American Anthropologist October-December 1942   Vol. 44(4):602-619.

Jakobson provides a linguistic analysis of the Paleosiberian languages. Paleosiberian languages are not similar to each other typologically, but rather are simply a geographical grouping of the languages. There are four languages included in this grouping, Luorawetlan, Yukaghir, and Gilyak in the Eastern group and Yeniseian in the Western. There is no Paleosiberian language outside the USSR, except a few Gilyaks who now live as Japanese citizens. The culture is extremely Archaic in nature, with hunting and fishing the principal occupation. Animism, the worship of ancestors and animals, especially bears, and the importance of shamans are characteristic beliefs among the Paleosiberian cultures. The dog is the only domestic animal among these language families.

Writing systems and phonology are quite interesting in Paleosiberian languages. Pictography was the writing form of the past for these nomadic clans until 1932-34, when the Russian alphabet was introduced. Today these cultures choose between the Russian and Roman alphabets. There is no common vowel system across these languages. However, Paleosiberian languages possess only biphonemic dipthongs terminating mostly in /i/ and /u/. With regard to consonants, the languages vary, but all except Kamchadal possess a single, lateral, liquid sonorant. It is unique to see that the women’s phonetic framework diverges clearly from that of men.

The morphology and syntax of these languages are intertwined. These languages are all agglutinative to a certain degree and have mostly SOV word order. Chukchi and Koryak of the Luorawetlan language group are ergative and have vowel harmony, unlike the rest of the Paleosiberian languages. The possessive form of the noun and pronoun is always placed first. There are approximately seven different cases , marked by special endings for each case. All of these languages make a clear morphological distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs. The affixes of the transitive verb denote the person, number, and, in Ket, gender of the object. This is true for all languages except Yukaghir and Gilyak. The distinction of number is subordinate to case and the distribution of gender, if such exists, to that of number. In regard to number, the first five numerals are clearly distinguished from all others. That is, “six” is actually “five plus one” or minR; “eight” is mi-naR, “twice four.” Also, each nominal suffix signifies a single grammatical category.

CLARITY: 3

REBECCA GREENE University of Montana (John Norvell)

Kelly, William H.      Cocopa Gentes.   American Anthropologist   October-December,   1942   Vol.44(4):675-691.

Kelly establishes within the first sentence of this article that his goal is to provide, “a brief account of the Cocopa gentile system and its cultural position in relation to other Yuman tribes.”  He notes that descent group systems are either Eastern or Western and describes Cocopa people as patrilineal, exogamous, non-localized, nonautonomous and totemic.  Charts and maps are included in this article to show geographic distribution and naming similarities that exist between Yuman tribes.  His focus is on the Cocopa peoples.

In his comparisons of different naming systems, Kelly finds that in Western tribes, people have unique names and do not place female names under a naming system.  In the East, he discovers the use of a gens naming system in which all women have a different gens name.  Kelly uses the designation of gens in this paper to refer to, “a patrilineal exogamous descent group.”

Overall, the significance of Kelly’s findings seems ambiguous.  He concludes that numerically, the Cocopa share more traits with the Yuman tribes to the East; however, he believes that in reality the Cocopa are more culturally connected to Yuman tribes to the West.  He gives three reasons for this conclusion:

Cohesion centers in the gentile name, and the Cocopa name is, in the majority of   cases, a Western one.

 Totemism and women’s names are secondarily adhering traits.

 The native attitude is appropriate to a lineage system rather than to a true gentile system. 

CLARITY: 2

SUMMER BEEKS  University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Leighton, Alexander H and Dorothea C.     Some Types of Uneasiness and Fear in a Navaho Indian Community. American Anthropologist 1942 Vol. 44:194-209

The authors describe in detail the process that should be used when conducting fieldwork. They believe that fieldwork can be divided into three principal phases: Inquiry, Organization of the obtained data, and Analysis of the data. The authors point out that many people develop their own techniques of recording and organization which may be sufficient for the creators, but are not readable by anyone else. When data is obtained from observations that are largely not repeatable, it is imperative that the data be organized so that it may be clearly understood without prejudice of the original hypothesis and so that the structure of analysis and the validity of the conclusions can be reviewed by anyone. They also explain how the basic material is available to others who may wish to use it in order to check their results or employ it in relation to other problems. They organized the data by date and made an index that listed several items including persons, customs, folklore, etc. The Navaho are the focus of their work. The Navaho have several sources of unease and fear including disease, accidents, injuries, social relationships, white pressure, threats to religion, environmental threats, etc. The authors used participant observation and life histories in their study. When completed, they categories the information and drew conclusions based on the types of threat and the sources of these threats. The authors accomplish their objectives of giving an original contribution on the Navaho and presenting the results of some experimentation in method.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LISA ROGERS University of Central Florida (David E. Jones)

Leighton, Alexander and Dorthea Leighton.    Some Types of Uneasiness and Fear in a Navaho  Indian Community.   American Anthropologist   April–June 1942   Vol.44 (2):194–209.

Alexander and Dorthea Leighton designate two objectives to their essay.  The first is to present original data on the Navaho.  The second objective is to present the results of their experimentations of methods they used in the field.  The couple does research in Mexico with a specific Navaho community and write about their methodology and their research they used while working there.  Their desired result was to have original data organized so that the information gathered would be more readily accessible to others who may want to use it in their own conclusions.  The subject of the paper was the investigation of types of uneasiness among the Navaho.  The observers used an informant to gather and interpret events of other members of the community

The Leightons give a qualitative and quantitative analysis from their psychobiological research of the stresses experienced in Navaho life after living among them for four months.  The couple gathered and recorded 859 references to threatening situations.  The items were examined by their degree of concern the Navaho placed upon the threat.  The threatening situations started with disease and injury as most threatening then subsistence and then social issues.  The data collected showed that disease was predominant but the underlying factor was most likely poor subsistence.  But the Navaho assign blame from a religious point of view and failed to see the connection between disease and poor subsistence.  This situation gives rise to other problems that could be investigated using the Leightons' research.

The Leightons then propose how their collected data can be of use by others.  The first problem rises out of the religious significant assigned to disease by the Navaho.  The Leightons close by saying that in order for the Navaho to be relieved from the diseases they have to be educated but not in the way that has been so prevalent.  The second problem proposed, maybe finding a way to educate them without trampling on their religious beliefs.  The Leighton’s also propose other lines of inquiry that maybe pursued using their research, first how the actual threatening situations match amounts of concern among the Navaho. The second line of inquiry is the nature of the situations underlying social conflicts that are threatening, and third, how these threatening situations actually affect society.

CLARITY: 4

LALANEYA J. BRAIN:  University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Malouf, Carling.     Gosiute Peyotism. American Anthropologist. 1942 Vol. 44:93-103.

Carling Malouf attempts to describe and clarify the peyote cults known as the Tipi Way and the Sioux Way among the Gosiute tribe. The peyote cults, dating back to the early 20^th century only came to fruition as a result of diffusion and acculturation in the Great Basin area.

Both groups hold meetings four to five times a month depending on the season. In the fall, most people are out picking pine nuts so the frequency of meetings may fall to one or two meetings per month. Meetings are held primarily to commemorate holidays, and to speed the recovery of illnesses. Although a tipi is desirable, meetings can also be held in tents or cabins, with the only stipulation being that the door faces east.

Regardless of the location, the ritual area is dominated by a crescent shaped altar constructed of wet sandy material ranging between four and six feet in length and five to six inches high. Meetings begin at nine p.m. with the leader of the ritual placing the chief peyote disk on a bed of sage at the center of the altar. The leader says a short prayer, after which tobacco cigarettes are smoked. The smokers individually pray for the cure of illness or whatever is desired and exhale toward the altar. Next, sage is used to cleanse and purify the body after which a bag of peyote buttons is passed clockwise around the circle with each person taking four. The meeting cannot continue until everyone eats their first. The leader accompanied by a drummer sings an opening song and is followed by all the participants except women who each sing a series of four songs. At midnight, after a short break, the leader sings the water song, in which water is passed around the room for each person to drink and refresh themselves. Prayers and songs dominate the activities until about four a.m. At the first rays of morning sun, the leader sings the morning song and conducts the morning water exercises after which a small breakfast of ceremonial dishes are served. The meeting is officially over when the leader removes the chief peyote and places it in his shirt pocket.

Although attitudes toward the cults and the use of peyote vary among Indians and Whites within the vicinity of the Gosiute reservation, Malouf explains that the chief function of peyote is the "curing of sick and for supernatural guidance in political and economic activities." Malouf states that despite the origins or current feelings toward the ceremonies, the Gosiutes are on the whole positively affected by the peyote cults in that they have achieved an amount of solidarity and coherence that was previously obsolete.

CLARITY: 4

HEATHER REAY University of Central Florida (David Jones)

Malouf, Carling.     Gosiute Peyotism. American Anthropologist January-March, 1942 Vol.44(1):93-94.

In this article, Carling Malouf examines the origins and practices of the two main orthodox peyote cults among the Gosiute, a Shoshone speaking people, who live in western Utah on the Deep Creek and Skull Valley reservations. He describes different accounts of how the Gosiute were first exposed to peyote and how they organized a cult. He cites the major factors for this as various individuals, cultural diffusion, and acculturation. Peyote was first introduced in the early 1900’s during an ethno-botanical study. However, ritual use is of Plains origins (the cults supposedly originated in Oklahoma) and began in the 1920’s, when "peyote missionaries" such as the Sioux man, Sam Lone Bear, established cults in the Great Basin region. The Gosiute borrowed their ritual, paraphernalia, and organization from their neighbors, the Ute. He also describes the Christian influence on these rituals.

After this brief history, Malouf gives a detailed description of a Tipi Way peyote cult ritual, or "meeting." Meetings are held quite often, several times a month, depending on the season. They are all-night rituals where specific procedures and equipment are used in prayers, songs, drumming, and feasting. The purpose of the ceremonies is to produce visions, heal the sick, and offer prayers to the god Peyote. In addition, peyotism is valued for creating tribal unity and preventing alcohol use, since it is banned among cult members. Some in the culture consider peyote "dope" and whites are concerned with the negative effect of leaving the participants unable to work for two to three days after use. However, most Gosiute, from all generations, are members of either or both of these cults. Malouf argues that the peyote movement reconciles the breakdown of Shamanism and the misunderstanding of Christianity to new concepts that meet the cultural and psychological needs of individuals. This article gives both an account of the spread and success of a newly formed Native American religion and a colorful picture of a Native American spiritual ceremony. More broadly, it offers insight into Native American culture, the social organization of religion, and the concept of ritual drug use.

CLARITY: 4

HEIDI GOETTEL University of Montana (John Norvell)

Mills, C. A.     Climatic Effects on Growth and Development with Particular Reference to the Effects of Tropical Residence. American Anthropologist January-March, 1942 Vol.44(1):1-13.

In this article, Mills studies the effects of tropical residence in the Panama Canal Zone upon a white population that has migrated from a temperate climate. First, Mills outlines biological evidence of a tropical depression in vitality. Then, Mills presents data on native Panamanians, Panamanian-born Americans, and American-born residents of the Canal Zone with regard to height and weight of both sexes and age of first menarche among females.

Mills describes evidence of tropical effects on growth and development in experimental animals. Mammals have a heat loss mechanism (sweating) by means of which the body can effectively dissipate waste heat. If the mammal is exposed to high temperatures for a prolonged period of time, then another mechanism for controlling body temperature is implemented. The cellular combustion rate slows and other bodily activities are affected. Mills states that when body waste heat is dissipated with great difficulty, then growth is slower, development of sexual functions are slower, resistance to infection is greatly reduced, and the individual is forced to live at a lower existence level.

There is also an increased requirement of B vitamins, mainly thiamin, for those who are exposed to prolonged high temperatures. Thiamin and other B vitamins facilitate the optimal utilization of food for energy. It has been found that tropically grown pork has less thiamin content than pork grown in the United States. As a result, the increased need for thiamin in tropical residence and the decreased amount of thiamin in tropically grown pork has an impact on the health of an individual residing in a tropical area. According to Mills, there is a double effect of tropical climates reducing existence level by producing a difficulty in heat loss that necessitates a lowered tissue combustion rate, and by inducing an inadequacy in the vitamin catalysts (B vitamins) essential in this combustion process.

In this study done by Mills, the thiamin deficiency is controlled by importing United States grown pork in order to focus the study on the effects of tropical heat alone. Mills compares and contrasts the height and weight of native Panamanians, Panamanian-born Americans, and American-born Panamanian residents. Mills presents tables of the differences between these three groups. Furthermore, Mills presents a table on the first menarche of females among these three groups.

In this study there is no statistical significance between these three groups. This may be a result of the small sample size used in this study. Mills concludes that it is difficult to attribute how much of the growth depression observed in the Panama Canal Zone school children is due to tropical heat and how much is due to the higher vitamin requirements.

CLARITY: 3

CARLA RIME University of Montana (John Norvell)

Mills, C. A. Climatic Effects on Growth and Development with Particular Reference to the Effects of Tropical Residence. American Anthropologist January-March, 1942 Vol.44(1):1-13.

This article focused upon the effects of tropical residence in the Panama Canal Zone within the white population that has migrated from a moderate climate and condition. The author Mills carried out an in depth study concentrating mainly upon how the growth development is directly linked to the nutrients and climate indigenous to their environment. Mills then later introduced data regarding the height and weight of both genders and the age when females begin their menstrual cycle.

Through experimenting upon animals Mills was able to provide evidence of tropical effects on growth and development. Sweating is a heat loss mechanism by which mammals are able to dispose of waste heat. However, if mammals are introduced to a greater amount of heat for longer periods of time, they may become adapted to another form of body temperature mechanism. There's a decrease in cellular combustion rates hindering their activities within their bodies. Mills states that if there are any difficulties with the expulsion of body waste heat, this will slow down the growth process; thus making the mammal incapable of sexually functioning orderly and being more susceptible towards diseases and infections. With a weaker immune system, mammals are not granted longevity .

People who exposed to extended higher temperatures require a higher demand of B vitamins, mainly thiamin. Thiamin and other B vitamins helps direct nutrients to create energy. Mills then mentions how the pork that is native to the tropical residence lacks the nutrients in comparison to the pork that indigenous to the United States. With the increasing demand for thiamin and the lacking amount produced in the pork, problems within the tropical residence arises. Later Mills gives insight upon how the tropical climate is contributing to a lower existence level, through a decrease in heat ventilating which is essential in the tissue combustion rate and by creating a shortage of vitamin catalysts, B vitamins, which is necessary for the combustion process.

In Mills' experiment, he compares and contrasts the native Panamanians, Panamanian-born Americans, and American-born Panamanian resident by height and weight. He gives tables of the three groups differences with the data collected.

This study presents no statistical importance among the three groups because the small amount of evidence collected. In conclusion, Mills states that there were difficulties to access a proper and thorough observation on the growth in the children in the Panama Canal Zone, thus making it unsure of the vitamins required for them when exposed to tropical heat.

CLARITY: 2

VIBOL YOUM   San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch)

Montagu, M.F. Ashley.     The Genetical Theory of Race and Anthropological Method. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1942 Vol.44(3):40.369-373

This article aims to answer the question, What is Race?, while suggesting that mankind was once, and in some forms still remains, a homogenous species and that race is merely a term used to describe the inherent variability and mutations mankind is subject too.

Disagreeing with Darwinian conceptions of evolution, the article discusses four principles of genetic conception of race according to physical anthropologists. Stemming from the idea that original human species were genetically homogenous, migration from original groups, geographical isolation, inherent variability, and physical change are the actual causes and defining ideas of race.

Inherent variability is the idea that "random variations in gene frequencies will, with the passage of varying intervals of time occur so that such groups will, in time, come to exhibit certain differences from other isolate groups, or economic types, which started with the same genetic equipment." Because