The reader unfamiliar with Trenton archaeology, or perhaps archaeology in general, might want more elaboration on the context of the site and data.  At one point, he brings up a particular complex called Lenape but fails to give the reader any background information on this material and its meaning for the Abbott Farm #2 data.  Still, amidst the slightly unclear presentation of his evidence, Knowles’ larger point seems to be that the Abbott Farm #2 material is compatible with and reflects a similar pattern as other excavations in the state.

CLARITY: 3

KIMBERLY A. YUAN     Santa Clara University  (George Westermark).

LaBarre, Weston.     The Uru of Desaguadero. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):493-522.

In his article about the Uru tribe of Desaguadero, located along the Peruvian-Bolivan border, Weston La Barre describes a historic ethnographic account about the dwindling Uru tribe. At the time of publishing, the Uru’s members had been declining steadily since the time of colonization. Therefore, the report seems to be a frugal attempt to record the Uru’s existence. La Barre’s article takes into account multiple past studies in order to attain a thorough report about the Uru. Through his own research and multiple other sources, La Barre was able to describe the environment where the Uru live, their diet, various identifiable linguistic features, the Uru’s history, tribal relations, and common habits of living among these fascinating people.

It seems as though La Barre’s basic motivation for the article is to merely educate people about the Uru. He does this by focusing several separate sections of the article on the separate parts of the natives’ lifestyle and where they acquired their cultural characteristics. In one particular section, La Barre compares and contrasts the Uru with other tribal groups from the same area, showing that although the Uru have a similar culture to the other groups, they do not share the same linguistic background. Therefore, La Barre speculates that they constitute a culture unique to the area. La Barre then traces other cultural affiliations among the Uru such as tribal huts and hunting and fishing techniques to further support his argument. By outlining the uniqueness of the Uru, Weston La Barre successfully demonstrates that the Uru are indeed a unique culture that could possibly vanish without a trace if the public is not informed of their existence.

La Barre’s organization and clarity make the article easy to read and understand for collegiate audiences. By outlining each of the sections that he discusses throughout the article, La Barre presents a much more solid and convincing argument. The only downfall of his organization and writing style is La Barre’s use of Spanish and Latin as though they were universally understood among English speakers. He uses Spanish and Latin quotes from previous ethnographic recordings and never translates them making the article not as clear for those who do not speak Spanish.

CLARITY: 4

JENNI GRAFF University of Montana (John Norvell)

Lewis, Oscar.       Manly-Hearted Women Among the North Piegan. American Anthropologist   April-June, 1941   Vol.43(2):173-187.

Oscar Lewis appointed two objectives to this essay.  The first was to present fresh material on a specific personality type among Blackfeet women.  His second objective was to examine this personality type within Blackfeet institutions and the effect they have on behavior.  The Personality Type under observation was labeled “The Manly-Hearted Women”.   The Manly hearted woman was interesting to Lewis because this type of behavior contrasted greatly with the socially acceptable behavioral pattern of Blackfeet women.  Lewis described manly-heartedness as a small group of women who have a freedom and independence more like women in our own culture.  He starts his essay by examining the Blackfeet institutions which he believes will help us understand this type of personality. 

Lewis first states the dominant traits of the Blackfeet culture.  He points out the heavy emphasis on ownership and wealth.  He says that the ownership of property, horses, medicine, song and ritual knowledge implies status and wealth.  Lewis then examines the woman’s domain.  He says that they are essential to the functioning of the Blackfeet economic system.  He points out the rigid circumstances under which women can own property, hold roles in religion, and their ability to obtain shared wealth and prestige. This is dominantly a male role.  If a woman could obtain these things she would be free from her traditional subservient female role. It is hard to obtain due to the largely male dominated social and economic system, which kept women docile and loyal.  But the manly-hearted woman defied both male and female roles if she could obtain this status.

Lewis lists the traits that make a woman manly-hearted: aggressiveness, independence, ambition, boldness, and sexuality.  He says that only a woman of a certain status can embody these traits. The requirements are marriage of wealth and high social position.    These women fell into a certain age group.  No younger than thirty two, but he says the older the woman the less likely she will be considered manly-hearted. Hence the third requirement is maturity. Lewis points out that as a woman grows older the more the manly-hearted traits will show.  With these criteria in mind he goes on to explain how a woman might gain this status within her tribe.

A woman might be manly-hearted if she is socially accepted as a deviant.  She owns her own stock and property which may have been inherited or given to her as a gift.  She will excel in both men’s and women’s work.  This ability makes it easy to gain wealth.  She is considered an economic asset, which gives justification for her to be the dominant figure in a marriage. Essentially, the roles of the male and females are reversed in this type of relationship.  She then can acquire the social freedom equal to a man, due to her economic success.  Lewis ends with how the Blackfeet institution help create the type of behavior seen in this limited set women. 

Lewis says that women of a lower status will not be exposed to the same situations and opportunities as one of a higher status.  They are less likely to be given gifts and or be included in a religious life.  Therefore they will be less likely to obtain land and stock, or to hold roles in ceremonies.   Lewis contributes another factor to manly-heartedness to Male dominance and early marriages of girls ages six to fourteen. Which is a quick and difficult transition leaving her with a very short childhood.  He says this personality type might be her reaction to being placed as a sexual object at such an early age.

CLARITY: 4

LALANEYA J. BRAIN :   University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Lothrop, S. K.     A Chronological Link between Maya and Olmeca Art. American Anthropologist July-September, 1941 Vol.43(3):419-421.

S. K. Lothrop’s article examines the establishment of a time link between Maya and Olmeca art. A general description of what classifies art, specifically stone carvings, as Olmeca is given first. Next, Lothrop explores the existence of stonework resembling Olmeca traits in Maya sites.

Lathrop describes Olmeca statues with specific features, such as, a parted, thick-lipped mouth, and infantile appearance. These traits have lead to the statues being regarded as "baby faces" by many archaeologists and anthropologists in the field.

It is the author’s main goal in this article to show that many of these same "baby faces" exist on the statuary or "stelae" of Maya sites, most specifically in the ancient Maya city of Naranjo. The Olmeca style faces are seen as ornamentation of the Maya statues of the city. Belt ornaments somewhat like modern day belt buckles display the Olmeca "baby faces." This leads to the conclusion that, through trade, Olmeca style became fashionable among the Maya. Although many of the carvings have Maya stylization, they also possess distinctly Olmeca traits.

The dates on three Maya stelae containing Olmeca ornamentation are correlated with our calendar years of 790-800 A.D. It is the author’s conjecture that, because the presence of Olmeca art was so widespread, it was in existence for a long period of time. The ability to match Olmeca art with this specific time period is a start in referencing the art as a whole through cross dating of separate cultures.

CLARITY: 5

DANIELLE A. MARCETTI University of Montana (John Norvell)

Lowie, Robert H.     A Note on the Northern GL Tribes of Brazil. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):188-196.

In the article, A Note on the Northern GL tribes of Brazil, the author, Robert H. Lowie, wishes to describe the differences of the many GL tribes in Brazil. Among his accounts on several tribes he puts his main emphasis on three particular tribes, the Serénte, the Canella, and the Apinayé. His comparing and contrasting of these three different tribes lead to three important aspects of a cultural civilization. These three aspects include material culture, myth and religion, and social organization.

The first aspect, material culture, Lowie argues that although these tribes have many disadvantages, in relationship to our civilization, they are still able to provide for all the basic needs of human beings. Cultivation, farming, hunting, cooking, and constructing an effective shelter are examples of ways these tribes use inherited traditions and techniques of using the natural resources available to them.

On his second account of myth and religion, Lowie focuses on describing how folklore and religious beliefs affect each of the three cultures. Most of the myths, or folklore, and religious beliefs among these tribes have stories that mirror each other in one way or another. Such narratives as the sun and the moon cycles, the star wife, and the origin of fire are classic examples that Lowie describes in detail.

Finally, in his third account of social organization he argues that the ‘disabilities of an inferior technology are much less of an impediment to the burgeoning of new ideas’. For example, the Serénte, living in a patrilineal society, have bachelor’s dormitories consisting of men with sexual purity. The Canella tribe has four rotatable age-classes where in ceremonial participation, seasonal competion and marriage they are all separated by age-class. Finally, the Apinayé, in their matrilineal society, only a certain classification of a man may marry a certain classification of a woman.

As Lowie describes in detail the concepts mentioned above, his conclusion on this subject is that despite the differences of others’ cultures evolution is a continual process, and that human beings will never (as long as they exist) cease to create new customs and search for the meaning of life.

CLARITY: 4

HEIDI KEASTER University of Montana (John Norvell)

Mandelbaum, David G.     Culture Change Among the Nilgiri Tribes. American Anthropologist January-March, 1941 Vol.43(1):19-26.

David G. Mandelbaum explores the processes of acculturation and adaptation through the examination of four Nilgiri Tribes in South India. The four tribes have close contact with one another but have adapted differently to the influx of outside cultural forces. Mandelbaum wants to discover the reasons for these variations in adaptation and at the same time uncover the factors influencing the process of acculturation. He is also interested in observing how a culture can have frequent contact with external cultures without experiencing acculturation. By examining the impacts of Hindu and European contacts, Mandelbaum illustrates how and why changes emerge from tribe to tribe.

Historical background of the Nilgiri Hills, before the English arrived, is used to portray the striking cultural autonomy held by the tribes. Mandelbaum argues that the environment and climate of the Nilgiri Hills, combined with the nature of tribal interactions, kept each tribe differentiated and culturally isolated from one another.

The historical background of the Nilgiri Hills after the arrival of the English is also utilized to determine the levels of adaptation and acculturation experienced by the tribes. Mandelbaum examines each tribe individually in order to draw general conclusions pertaining to acculturation.

The first tribe, the Kurumbas, could not at the time be analyzed because no fieldwork had yet been conducted and Mandelbaum had had little interaction with them. The second tribe, the Badagas, had been deeply affected by outside contact. With an increased communication between the Badagas and lowland Hindus, a revival of Hinduism had motivated the tribe to adopt new ways and abandon the old. This in effect created tensions within the tribe since some members wanted change while others fought passionately against it. Here Mandelbaum points to one factor that instigates acculturation: the creation of factionalism.

The third tribe, the Todas, represents a classic case of high levels of contact without acculturation. The Todas culture is based entirely around the cult of the buffalo. Because their economy survives, their culture also survives with only minimal adaptation to their new British neighbors. On the other hand, another Todas village did have its economy interrupted by the infiltration of the English. When the British government covered a sacred pasture with a military station, the Todas were unable to perform their necessary buffalo rituals. This points to another factor of acculturation: cultural vulnerability to certain spheres of life. For the Todas the removal of ritual changed their entire lifestyle.

The fourth tribe, the Kotas, have been moderately affected by change. Small adaptations in dress, food, and materials only represent minimal British influence because they have not altered the Kotas’ way of life. The greatest change has come from a tribal member, Sulli, who advocates change and challenges the old ways. Here Mandelbaum points to another factor of acculturation: the power of a single individual who possesses a strong personality and has the ability to influence people.

CLARITY: 5

KRISTY WERCHEK University of Montana (John Norvell)

McAllester, David.     Water as A Disciplinary Agent Among the Crow and Blackfoot. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):593-604.

The author begins by discussing the role of early childhood incidences on later phobias and fears. This leads into the focus of the article, which is looking at the correlation between water used as a disciplinary and anxiety-producing agent with the Blackfeet and the Crow and the frequent use of water imagery and food tabus.

The deployment of water is first used to stop a crying infant, and after a while, the mention of "Bring the water" will stop a child from crying. The threat of water was often used as a means of social control. The constant reminders insure the effects of water were reinforced continually and used in later development of the individual. As a male child reached young boyhood, he would be snatched from the comforts of his bed and plunged into a nearby river. Often this was done in the winter to amplify the effect. This was a culturally condoned form of revenge. It was also to teach one to be strong. If an individual fought and cried too much, they would be called a woman and encouraged to wear women’s cloths. This was a great insult to a young perspective warrior, and a way of publicly shaming weak behavior. As a boy grew to be a man searching for a bride, the only opportunity to talk with a young lady was when she went to get water. If a young lady found a man to be unworthy, she would douse him with water.

The Blackfeet and Crow have three ways they culturally display this water anxiety: (1) water-beings as powerful supernatural helpers, (2) fear of malignant water-beings, (3) presence of food tabus connected to water. The author gives several examples in ethnographic and mythological accounts of the power of water and water-beings. He concludes by restating that the early childhood events, fostered continually to adulthood, significantly contribute to the "religious constellations" of the larger group.

CLARITY: 4

ROBERT O’BOYLE University of Montana (John Norvell)

Opler, Marvin K.     The Integration of the Sun Dance in Ute Religion. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):551-572.

This article demonstrates how the Ute Indians came to adopt the ceremonial sun dance into their society. Opler describes how the sun dance is believed to have originated within the Arapaho and Cheyenne tribes and was eventually passed on to the Ute in 1890 by the Shoshoni. The sun dance is one of two ceremonies that the Ute still continue to practice; through minor modifications of the dance the Ute have developed a somewhat unique ceremonial style.

Through his ethnographic fieldwork Opler was able to gain knowledge of the importance of the sun dance for the Ute and examine the roles that each person plays in the ceremony. He finds that an appointed tribal member is the person responsible for coordinating and leading the sun dance ceremony. The dancers are able to perform on a voluntary basis however; those who choose to dance do so with hope of obtaining supernatural or healing powers. The general purpose of the dance is to promote good luck and long life among the Ute and to cure the sick that attend the ceremony. Opler gives a detailed day-by-day description of what takes place throughout the entire ceremony including both pre-ceremonial and post-ceremonial activities. He notes that fewer people perform in the sun dance and that the overall attendance seems to have reduced as well. This may be attributed to the adoption of agriculture among the Ute and the fact that the ceremony is usually performed during harvest season. The lack of performers and observers reflect how agricultural duties may have become a greater priority to the Ute thus surmounting the cultural value of the sun dance.

Finally, Opler compares the sun dance with two other dances that were once performed by the Ute, the Ute Round Dance and the Deer-Hoof Rattle Dance. He finds that these ceremonies were conducted in quite a similar manner to that of the sun dance and both encompassed a comparable societal function for the Ute. Therefore, it may be that the Ute never adopted the sun dance ceremony from another tribe but rather modified two of their own dances to meet one ritual need.

CLARITY: 4

HEATHER L. BACHELLOR- University of Montana (John Norvell)

Rainey, Froelich.       The Ipiutak Culture at Point Hope, Alaska .   American Anthropologist   July-September, 1941   Vol.43(3):364-375.

Froelich Rainey's article describes the findings of the Ipiutak cultural site discovered at Point Hope, Alaska.  The article summarizes two seasons of fieldwork at the site in 1939 and 1940.

The author discovered the extent of the site while excavating in the spring of 1940.  He noticed the grass and moss that cover the Point Hope bar turned green while the grass over the house sites remained yellow.  Each house site stood out as a yellow square.  They accurately located over six hundred houses.

The article discusses the indications that all of the houses discovered were occupied at the same time.  They estimated the population of the settlement to be several hundred thousand or more.  The author describes the assumption of the house sizes and styles, as well as the artifacts found at each house site.  They also discovered a cemetery and excavated several graves.  The artifacts found at the gravesites were vast and of many materials and styles.  Over four thousand artifacts were taken from these sites.

The author goes on to describe the various types of artifacts found from arrowheads and carved knife handles to flaking tools, obscure ivory objects, carved animal figurines, knife blades and flint blades, as well as a variety of other artifacts.  The article also displays many photographs of these artifacts.

The articles discusses the various carving and engraving styles of the artifacts and compares and contrasts them with other historic Eskimo cultural sites previously excavated.  The author speculates that this Ipiutak culture as well as other Eskimo cultures originate from Eastern Asia.

This article will impress those interested in the historical archaeological record of the Arctic.  Froelich Rainey explores the intricacy of the Ipiutak culture.

CLARITY: 4

HEIDI HILL  University of Montana  (John Norvell) 

Ransom, Jay Ellis.     Aleut Semaphore Signals. American Anthropologist July-September, 1941 Vol.43(3):422-427.

Jay Ellis Ransom's article examines a method of communication introduced in 1900 by Afenogen Ermeloff, an Aleut native of Umnak, Alaska. The new method was called Aleut Semaphore Signals and enhanced the obstructed verbal communication that Ermeloff and his partners were using.

Ermeloff and his partner were trapping on two adjacent islands in the Bering Sea. During the spring, summer and fall seasons they were able to communicate by shouting to each other across the waterways. During the winter months though their verbal communication was restricted by the strong gales and storms that carried the sound away. This created the need for a new form of communication.

Ermeloff is thought to have struck upon the idea of Aleut Semaphore Signaling by two means. He came across a long forgotten Bishop's translation of Russian symbols to Aleut phonetics. Secondly, he observed many United States Coast Guard sailors signaling from ships anchored a short distance off shore to sailors on shore a semaphore code or wig-wag conversation. By these stimuli Ermeloff was able to develop a system of code symbols for his native Aleut language.

Each letter of his language was represented by different arm arrangements, coordinating the arrangements as closely to the shape of the letters as possible with the exception of a few uncertain letters. Through this semaphore language many Aleut's were able to communicate over distances without having to exert extra energy by approaching each other for verbal communication.

The article goes on to show pictures of a man demonstrating each symbol in this semaphore language. The pictures illustrate the different hand positions and orientation for each symbol and are significantly consistent, in that the palms point up in those symbols that require extension of the arms.

Unlike the semaphore of the Coast Guard, Aleut Semaphore Signaling does not spell out each letter of a string of words, but phonetically signals a semantic associated with a phrase. Swift movements and continuous motion have become the conventional means of signaling Aleut semaphore.

This article will impress those interested in communication and the skills developed within a language to improve communication. Jay Ellis Ransom explores an intricate expression of Aleut language.

CLARITY: 4

HEIDI HILL University of Montana (John Norvell)

Shimkin, D.B.     The Uto-Aztecan System of Kinship Terminology. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):223-243.

D.B. Shimkin briefly addresses the changes that have occurred in kinship terminology among Uto-Aztecan people. He focuses on kinship terminology as a way to understanding the roles of individuals in a society. He also looks at the roles of self-reciprocity and emergency obligations as factors that shape the terminology for members of society. The importance of consistency, seniority, and discriminating line of descent are all factors in kinship and non- kinship roles in Uto-Aztecan culture.

Shimkin argues that typing Uto-Aztecan tribes as Yuman is inaccurate. Very few distinctly "Yuman " traits apply to Uto-Aztecan tribes. Those characteristics that do can also be easily applied to other groups like the Hokan. He also notes that where Yuman and Uto-Aztecan tribes are compared, the important Uto-Aztecan elements are excluded. Shimkin believes that Uto-Aztecan tribes should no longer be linked with the Yuman accept in cases where a tribe may have been "Yumanized" like in the case of the Pima. He also argues that the symbolism of language is an important part of kinship terminology. In the dual coupling of father and mother it is implied that the two are often associated. There is also an aspect of double meaning in kinship terms that he believes play a role in kinship associations. He believes that creative word usage is proof of the importance of self-reciprocity among the Uto-Aztecan people.

Shimkin uses a large amount of linguistic data to prove his points about kinship. He reconstructs Uto-Aztecan kinship terminology using lexical and systematic data. He admits to omitting some types of data but says that is to simplify the material. He uses the kinship terms of ten typical Uto-Aztecan tribes broken down into their respective kinship groups. After confining each tribe's terms into a category, Shimkin presents a list of consistently used kinship terms. He then attaches these terms to values of importance, self-reciprocity, and lines of descent that the tribes have. While it seems that every attempt has been made to clarify and simplify the data, the information remained challenging. Terms such as Stepmother's brother's child were very confusing. They muddied the broader context of the article and made the actual scientific data hard understand.

CLARITY: 2

NOELLE PAS University of Montana (John Norvell)

Siegel, Morris.   Religion In Western Guatemala: A Product Of Acculturation. American Anthropologist.   1941   Vol. 43: 62-76.

Morris Siegel presents us with the duality of Catholic and Indian religions and practices. Acculturation took place, which fused to form present day religion. The article suggests that religion today is a new system, neither Catholic nor Indian, rather a unified and new entity. He presents the “end-result of a long-time acculturative process” to stimulate the interest in acculturation.

The introduction to the acculturation of religion in Western Guatemala presents us with the definition of acculturation and historical data on pre-conquest Maya and Spanish conquerors. It describes the lack of reliable data on the daily life of the Mayans, therefore making the acculturation analysis more difficult. We are introduced to the northwestern village of San Miguel Acatan with a population of 11,000 Indians and their religious beliefs and practices. Many Catholic elements obtrude and are manifested in their religion due to early Spanish impact.

Pre-conquest Maya religion was characterized and centered on the worship of personified powers of nature such as the earth and sky gods, the former being the most important. Sky gods include Itzamna or the creator of mankind, and Kukulcan the organizer and founder of cities. Priests were categorized into hierarchies, each attributed with specific functions. Human and animal sacrifices played a significant role in the Mayan religion as well as their Mayan calendar. Catholic practices adopted by the Maya are baptism and confession, recognizing God as the source of all power, the Virgin, saints and patron saint. Catholic priests visit the village to give mass and perform rites. The use of the Gregorian calendar represents their religious celebrations.   

Religion in San Miguel Acatan holds an array of elements, from pantheon worship to sorcerers to saints worship and rituals. The author supports the practices by describing the many annual cycles of religious celebrations. All celebrations mix both Catholic and native characteristics reinforcing the author's claim to a system of religion and product of acculturation.

CLARITY: 4

NINA RADOVIC      Santa Clara University (George Westermark).    

Smith, Marian W.     The Coast Salish of Puget Sound. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941. Vol.43(2):197-211.

The extensive culture of the Coast Salish can be found in Western Washington from the Cascades to the coast and north into British Columbia. There are two general areas, the southern Puget Sound region and the northern into Canada, the Strait of Georgia and the Fraser River. Geographic boundaries tend to be associated with a particular village or community, and their name is more important for ceremony than daily life. Marian W. Smith clearly states her intention to "clarify tribal distribution" (197) of the Puget sound area and define the relationship between the Puget Sound Salish and the Canadian Costal Salish of Strait of Georgia and Fraser River.

The north is characterized by "ethnic groups" whereas the south, the Puget Sound area, is characterized by "extended villages". These differences are defined by the relationship of the community to land use. In the northern region the group moves together through the seasons and has exclusive rights to gathering and fishing territory. The "extended village" characteristic of southern Costal Salish meets at a summer village site and during the winter months disperses into separate smaller villages with food gathering territory open to many people of different extended summer villages. This difference in land use and dispersion patterns is for Smith the most important distinguishing factor between northern and southern Coastal Salish tribes. While this is important, Smith also looks at marriage patterns, living arrangements, and religious ceremonies.

Smith sets down her tribal distribution of the Puget Sound area at the end of her article. She divides the one hundred twenty-four villages into eleven different major groups based upon drainage systems, martial ties, and other cultural similarities. She then takes these eleven and groups them in to four larger ethnological areas: the Puyallup-Nisqually, Central Puget Sound, Northern Puget Sound, and Inland Puget Sound. Smith is unable to reconcile the three northern most tribes into the Puget Sound classification so they are placed separate groups of their own, the Samish, Lummi, and Nooksack. A map is provided with these fourteen different groupings marked. Smith also provides a detailed list for each of the fourteen groups of geographic terminologies used by the tribes, to divide these major groups.

CLARITY: 3

ANN SULLIVAN University of Montana (John Norvell)

Tax, Sol.     World View and Social Relations in Guatemala. American Anthropologist January-March, 1941 Vol. 43(1):27-42.

Tax explores factors accounting for a lack of acculturation in Guatemala despite the fact that multiple distinct, unique Indian communities known as municipios exist in close proximity to each other and their members have frequent commercial interactions with each other. Rather than being distinguished by their biological heritage, Guatemalans in the Western Highland region are recognized as Indians (full blooded descendants of people invaded by Spanish conquistadors) or Ladinos (mixed racial heritage) because of cultural and linguistic characteristics. Ethnic communities are separated one from another by virtue of unique social, political, and religious institutions, distinct dialects, and location-specific costumes. Ladinos, in general, are more representative of Spanish and European traditions; they are more likely to live in urban rather than rural settings. It is noteworthy that each municipio forms an identity so strong that its members are recognizable on only cursory inspection.

These circumstances were studied by the author in an effort to understand cultural assimilation by investigating barriers to normal cultural diffusion. Two mechanisms thought to block diffusion were revealed. First, in spite of cultural differences between municipios, general uniformity of Guatemalan culture does not present disorganization to the extent that people are compelled to "borrow" from their neighbors. Second, widespread social contact with surrounding communities takes place within the context of trade. Frequent interaction at open air markets and religious festivals is fairly superficial and socially prescribed. It avoids personal, intimate exchanges. As a result, people recognize and are extremely tolerant of subtle cultural diversity. They respect the social and cultural boundaries of each municipio and its members.

The author goes on to compare his observations with those of Redfield, noting that they both find Guatemalan societies "homogeneous in beliefs and practices . . . mobile, with relationships impersonal . . . and with individuals acting more from economic or other personal advantage. . . ." This characterization appears to go against Redfield’s distinction of primitive world views from civilized ones because it captures components of each hypothesized perspective. Tax acknowledges that "civilized world-view" may be a cultural invention of his own culture. He concludes by suggesting that two kinds of acculturation may be useful to consider. In one view, Western tradition imposes a certain world view and attendant social relations on native peoples. In the other, a Western world view is imposed on peoples who have previously and independently developed analogous social relations. Tax hypothesizes less rapid breakdown of native culture in the later scenario.

CLARITY: 3

PEGGY SHUNICK University of Montana (John Norvell)

Thomas, Sidney J.     A Sioux Medicine Bundle. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941. Vol.43(4):605-609.

This article addresses the contents of the White Buffalo Calf Pipe bundle. This particular medicine bundle was thought to be the last one remaining on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation in 1941. The contents of the bundle had always been a well kept secret and it was brought out in the open eye only in special occasions. These occasions included "times of famine", "times of disease", and "in order to pledge peace." Otherwise the bundle is kept in a log structure that was built for the sole purpose of housing the bundle. There is a tripod that holds the bundle and it is moved twice a day so that it faces the sun.

The article addresses the problem of the owner of the pipe within the bundle and just how old the pipe is. The pipe was originally presented to the entire Sioux nation.

However, the safe keeping of the sacred object was given to a particular family in the Sans Arc band and it has remained in their care for ten generations. It was typically handed down from father to son, although the owner in 1941 was Mrs. Bad Warrior to whom her father had specifically willed the pipe. Legend says that the pipe is 1,000 years old, declaring each keeper in ten generations to have lived 100 years. Although, the past two generations of owners have been separated by about 30 years which would put the pipe at an age of about 250 years. If this age is correct it would date the Sioux to the when they were living in the lake regions of Minnesota in the late 17^th century or early 18^th century. It would have been very possible for them to have been exposed to tobacco at this time from the Mississippi area, and thus justifying the creation of the sacred pipe.

The White Buffalo Calf Pipe is thought to carry the power of healing the sick and upholding good health. It is thought that as long as the bundle it is contained in is properly cared for and respected then there will always be a Sioux nation.

CLARITY: 5

ALEXA MUDGETT University of Montana (John Norvell)

Tucker Jones, Sara. Archival Materials For the Anthropologist In The National Archives, Washington, D.C.  American Anthropologist  1941  Vol. 43: 617-644.

Sara Jones Tucker from the University of Chicago wrote this paper as an outgrowth of a study made in the summer of 1940.  In the earlier study representatives of three of the fields in the social sciences (sociology, economics & anthropology) were sent to Washington D.C. by the Social Science Research Council’s committee on the Control of Social Data to make a preliminary survey of the archival records contained in the National Archives.  Tucker delves into this study with the intention of providing a working list of the files and documents in the archives of the federal government of the United States.  Within these archives are unpublished documents which bare critical  relevance to the work of social scientists, and mainly to the anthropologist.  The purpose of this paper is to, “bring to the attention of anthropologists, a partial listing of some of the specific and promising files in archival materials in The National Archives.” (617)

Throughout the article Tucker outlines the sixteen divisions of the archives and discusses the basic organizational techniques of each division.  These sixteen divisions of the National Archives are listed below:

            Division of Motion Pictures and Sound Recordings

            Division of Maps and Charts

            Division of Photographic Archives and Research

            Division of Legislative Archives

            Division of State Department Archives

            Division of Treasury Department Archives

            Division of War Department Archives

            Division of Justice Department Archives

            Division of Post Office Department Archives

            Division of Navy Department Archives

            Division of Interior Department Archives

            Division of Agriculture Department Archives

            Division of Commerce Department Archives

            Division of Labor Department Archives

            Division of Independent Agencies Archives

            Division of Veterans’ Administration Archives

Tuckers’ details on the arrangement and classification of the documents in each division are useful in giving the scholar or researcher an idea as to what information they may obtain from each division; and most importantly where to start their search.  This study, though comprehensive is not an intensive one.  It provides an outline of the category and type of material that can be found within the archives.  The paper does not include an intensive listing of the subject matter of which each division includes their papers, but she does specify which source materials in the archives would be useful to the anthropologist. 

CLARITY: 4

MEGHAN FRANCIS      Santa Clara University   (Dr. George Westermark).

Voegelin, C.F.     Internal Relationships of Siouan Languages. American Anthropologist. April-June, 1941. Vol.43(2):246-249.

In 1883 J. Owen Dorsey determined the number of Siouan languages and the dialects of each language. Today we have added only three more to his lists. Dorsey was also the first to notice the close relationships of two or more of these languages. He discovered that sequences of two consonants (CC) plus a following vowel (V) in Iowa-Oto-Missouri coincided with a sequence of the shape CVCV in Winnebago. Dorsey named this the triliteral-quadriliteral rule, which is not restricted to the above mentioned languages. However, it did become routine to use the term Chiwere for a group that includes only Winnebago and Iowa-Oto-Missouri. In 1931 Kieckers assigned neighboring languages to three different groups. One of these groups, the Eastern Group, included Tutelo and Catawba. But in the last decade, using work of Swanton, it has been noted that grammatical and lexical divergence from the Tutelo and all Siouan languages is so extreme that the Catawba must be put in a group of its own. The tribes east of the Alleghenies are therefore considered geographic neighbors but not linguistic neighbors.

Evidence for the Ohio Valley Siouans to be correctly called a group according to language is laid out in the article. In some aspects the Biloxi, Ofo, and Tutelo are as closely connected within the Ohio Valley Group as the Crow and Hidatsa are within another group. It is a generally accepted theory that the Crow split off from the parent Crow-Hidatsa language at some point in the along the Upper Missouri. Other Siouan relationships have been minimized but the Missouri River relationship has been exaggerated since Dorsey presented the Crow and Hidasta as dialects of one language in his 1883 list.

Dorsey was successful in proving his triliteral-quadriliteral rule that Iowa-Oto-Missouri and Winnebago belong together but he was not as successful in determining whether these two languages were part of an exclusive group or whether they provide a nucleus for a more extended group. If they provide a nucleus should the term Chiwere be extended? It has been proposed that either the name Chiwere be exclusively used for anthropologists or that the term Mississippi Valley Siouans be adopted for the groupings of all languages which may come in by the triliteral-quadriliteral rule.

CLARITY: 2

ALEXA MUDGETT University of Montana (John Norvell)

Wallis, Wilson D.     Alexander A. Goldenweiser. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):250-255.

Alexander A. Goldenweiser passed away on July 6, 1940. His humanity, learning, and literary achievements helped to domesticate anthropology and teach people of its problems and conclusions. He was a talented writer as well as an excellent speaker and has been described as "the most philosophical of American anthropologists." Goldenweiser was born in Kiev, Russia in 1880. He attended graduate school at Harvard and then went on to receive his Ph.D. at Columbia under Boas. He taught at several different institutions including the University of Oregon where he taught from 1930 until his death as professor of Thought and Culture in the Extension Division. His fieldwork included a study of the social and political organization of the Iroquois.

He was known for his insistence that anthropology not dehumanize its data. He studied the behavior of men who live in a particular culture. His first long study was Totemism, which he possibly regarded as his most influential contribution. During this study his primary interest was not in the problem but in the means of investigation. He set out to show the shortcomings of the comparative method due to the failure of its users to consider the unique backgrounds of the respective regions that they drew their examples from.

In his later years Goldenweiser became interested in cultural movements of Western European civilization. He was interested in Freudian psychology early, particularly its various developments of introversion and extroversion. His recent interest was social theory, in which it was said he would delight from any reading of it. He was known as a phenomenal speaker who captivated his audience. Friends affectionately remember his stimulating conversations for which he had a talent. His gifts live on in the many articles and books that he published throughout his lifetime.

CLARITY: 5

ALEXA MUDGETT University of Montana (John Norvell)

Wieschhoff, H.A.    The Social Significance of Names Among the Ibo of Nigeria.   American Anthropologist   January-March, 1941   Vol.43(1): 212-222.

Weischhoff’s essay deals with the complex meanings behind the names given to the Ibo people.  At birth all of the people in the society were given a common name.  All girls received one name while all of the boys received another.  When the mother of the infant was well enough to go to the market, the child was given it true name.  Weischhoff wrote that the relatives (matrilineal and patrilineal) gathered together to aid in naming the child.  According to the author, the family did not always agree on a common name.  As a result, the child would often have two names.  Each side of the family called the child by the name that they had chosen.  The official name was chosen based upon the social status of the families.  If the mother’s family were wealthier than the father’s their name would be selected.  The opposite is also true.  Occasionally both sides of the family would be equal in status.  This resulted in the name being chosen by an oracle doctor.  This person chose the name that was best suited for the individual.

The next stage of Weischhoff’s essay described with the meanings of each name.  He defined fifty names.  Twenty-seven of the names were male names and the rest were female.  He split the names into seven main categories.  The first were names that expressed circumstances surrounding the individual’s birth.  Second were those names that dealt with the child’s future.  Third were names that were given to individuals who were a disappointment to their family.  Fourth were names that were given in order to protect the child from evil spirits. The next group of names dealt with the events with in the father or mother’s lives.  Another form of name was one that that indicated that the mother had become more secure in her marriage.  The remainder were the names that give caution about other people.  Weischhoff felt that this was to minimize the friction within the society.

The author ended his essay describing the merging of English names into the Ibo culture.  He stated that the Ibo began to choose English names over traditional names.  However, in closing, he claimed that the Ibo were now changing their names back to more traditional ones.

This essay was very easy to understand.  There were no overwhelmingly complex theories and the theories that were dealt with were simply put and precise.

CLARITY: 5

STEPHEN YATES  University of Montana  (John Norvell)

Williams, F. E.     Group Sentiment and Primitive Justice. American Anthropologist. October-December, 1941. Vol.43(4):523-539.

F. E. Williams spent a brief period of time doing ethnographic work at Lake Kutubu in the delta division of Papua. Lake Kutubu is a mountain lake that is surrounded by very rough terrain, and is rightly called the "Uncontrolled Area." There are five small villages that inhabit the delta, and all five constitute 300 to 400 members collectively. Each village has well defined boundaries, but all fall under the category of one tribe. Though Williams spent only four months at Lake Kutubu during the late 1930’s, he/she was able to understand, to some extent, group sentiment and primitive justice. William’s paper does not present an argument, as an anthropologist might do in defense of research done in a previously studied area, but simply records the social nature of the people of Lake Kutubu.

Williams first recognized how the group was organized, which includes housing, marriage, and descent. Housing primarily consists of a long men’s house, in which all the males except for babies would eat, sleep, and spend their leisure hours. Females live in smaller housings placed alongside the long men’s house, which are separated by families. Marriage of these people is organized by the males, and the marriage process is through purchase. Although the female is much under the thumb of her husband, he must be on good terms with her and her family because his children will one day live with them. Descent is patrilineal and is solely traced through the father’s side. This type of descent leads to an affectionate association between father and son.

Williams also formulated the "Sympathetic Sanction", which deals with intra-group members and extra-group members. It basically states that an action can be wrong or right within a group, but may have a totally opposite reaction by people outside the group. This difference is very clear in war, when a group of attackers surprises an enemy group and proceeds to rape, pillage, and murder its members. This action is seen as acceptable, but such and action within a village or tribe would not be acceptable. This unwritten law may help to maintain good conduct within a group, but it is not a sure thing, and the Kutubu natives only see it as an influence.

The Kutubu practice a form of primitive justice that Williams discusses in the latter part of the paper. The natives have a belief in sorcery, and this influences many of the decisions they make regarding justice. Primitive justice occurs as justice would occur in our own society, including cases of theft, rape, murder, and adultery. In each case, whether it be on the victim’s or perpetrator’s end, sorcery seems to be used as an excuse for behavior. An example would be a case of adultery where a younger brother slept with his older brother’s wife. The older brother then "sorcerized" his younger brother, and then justice was dealt for both men, being that sorcery is seen just as evil as adultery. It should be noted that justice is served only within a group, and this is where the idea of sympathetic sanction comes into play. All actions against an enemy or outside group is fine, as long as the perpetrator is prepared for revenge from that group.

CLARITY: 3

COLLIN ORTON University of Montana (John Norvell)

 

Home | To Previous Page | Back to Top