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American
Anthropologist
Barton, R.F., Reflections
in Two Kinship Terms of the Transition to Endogamy. American
Anthropologist January-March,
1941 Vol. 43 (1):540-549. The author of this
article discusses two kinship terms leading to endogamy. This
study originated from an attempt to find the significance of the two
older strata of Ifugao languages of In this article,
Barton refers to endogamy as the classical writers did. His
use of the term endogamy refers to “a socially unrestricted mating,
a continuation of the unrestricted mating of man’s lower-animal ancestors,
a stage which no believer in the evolution of man can doubt or, from
the nature of the case, fail to place precedent to exogamy” (540). The Ifugao kinship
terms fall into three strata. The first is an “endogamous” stratum
which consists of five words: apo (all ascending-descending
relationships with the exception of parent and child), ama (male
kindred of the generation preceding ego’s), ina (female kindred
of the generation preceding ego’s), anak (kindred of the generation
succeeding ego’s), and tulang (all kindred of the same generation). The
second strata is the “exogamous” stratum, which consists of the term
aidu or “in-law”. The last strata is for modern terms, which are built
mainly on the old stratum. The cognates apo,
ina, and anak are almost universal terms throughout Malayan languages
for endogamous relationships. However the cognate tulang has had much more
varied meanings which fall under three planes. Theses planes are the endogamous senses:
incest and allied meanings, exogamous senses: kinship and allied meanings,
and a second exogamous sense: marriage and allied meanings. Barton argues that the three planes may be
explained by the hypothesis that the original meaning for tulang was “brother-sister
and spouse or possible spouse” (543). This
insinuates that the cognate tulang has undergone a semantic change. The aidu cognate
appears to have meant “other group” or “strangers”. Like the cognate tulang, aidu is also split
into senses. The first is endogamous:
extrinsicality and allied meanings and the second sense exogamous:
marital relations and allied meanings. Barton’s
hypothesis for this split is that endogamous groups, because of pressure
of increasing populations, advancing technologies, and greater stability
of residence, abandoned their indifference toward other cultural groups. Cultures began entering new relations of
exchange and marital relations. Because
cultures exchanged with foreign groups it became more feasible to marry
into them. With the increase
of intermarital ties, cultures acquired allies. Marriage
between groups became the norm and marrying within one’s culture was
abnormal and rationalized as evil. Barton’s information
is based on lists of words originated from cognate groups of different
languages. The lists are organized
systematically, however, to the average person the lists do not tell
a lot. Barton’s written analysis
helps the reader understand the transition to endogamy. In his article Barton refers to eight credible
sources, which add to the validity of his argument. CLARITY: 4 KIM THOMAS .gif){kind=small} Bascom, William. Acculturation Among the Gullah Negroes. American Anthropologist. January-March, 1941 Vol. 43(1):43-54. In William Bascom’s article he describes the general patterns of cultural influences that a West African tribe named the Gullah familiarized themselves to after adapting to an American lifestyle of slavery. Bascom demonstrates specific instances where the Gullah people continued on with West African traditions and other examples when European influences created new cultural patterns among the Gullah slaves. Through these examples Bascom shows the importance of studying West African culture in order to fully understand how the Gullah adapted to American society. The Gullah people
had been brought to Although specific
numerical data is not used to demonstrate his argument, Bascom uses
specific cultural factors to illustrate the need for knowledge about
West African society. Without this understanding, Bascom argues, we
will never be able to understand the process of acculturation. Bascom
presents his ethnographic data in a clear, concise manner that is understandable
to most audiences. Through his dichotomy of cultures, Bascom proves
that a need exists to study other societies beyond our own in order
to truly understand the process of the Gullah aggregating into the CLARITY: 4 Beynon, William. The
Tsimshians of This article is
about William Duncan’s missionary attempts in Port Simpson, The Presbyterian
Church was trying to establish itself in The Tsimshian people
that were left behind in CLARITY: 4 The article deals
with the different rules and conventions involved with intermarriage
in certain castes. This article takes an in-depth look at how certain
castes of people treat the idea of intermarriage. To support his theory
of intermarriage, CLARITY: 3 Frances Densmore's article examines in his view the new religion being established by the Native American through the intertwining of the white race that some American Indians are now a part of and the Indian tradition also a part of Native American ancestry. Frances Densmore accomplishes this by exploring two ceremonies that draw from each culture and develop a new hybrid type of ceremony. Both ceremonies use song as the primary form of celebration. The
first ceremony he discusses is a celebration of Holy Week by the
Yaqui of southern The second ceremony Frances Densmore examines is the rituals of the Native American peyote cult. The use of peyote during this ceremony is extremely relevant. Its rituals "reach out to the God of the Christians." The songs used as examples in this article discuss Christianity and passages from the Bible to demonstrate ceremonial expression. Densmore said, "The emotional action that follows the eating of peyote in this ceremony is similar in many respects to that of a religious revival in the white race, but the vision that comes to a many who has eaten peyote is strictly Indian, as well as the song received in the vision." (p. 81) The hybrid song developed for these two ceremonies stems from a union of ancient Native American tradition and white American song. This article does not flow smoothly. It does not progress between the two ceremonies fluently. I did understand the article, but would have liked to read more detailed information on the two ceremonies to develop a better idea of what each ceremony adapted from the two different heritages. CLARITY: 3 .gif){kind=small} Densomore's article
discusses the "new religions" found among Native American
cultures and focuses on specific ceremonies among the According to Densmore,
Native American religions are concerned with unitivity, and supernatural
beings are generally regarded as friendly to humans. For
this reason, Native Americans have a difficult time understanding the
idea of an "angry" Christian God. Densmore
claims the hybrid ceremonies are examples of Native Americans attempting
to combine their traditional beliefs with those of the "white
man." The ceremonies Densmore
describes have both Christian and Native American aspects to them. One ceremony took place on the day after
Good Friday and was an interesting combination of adaptations from
Roman Catholic practices and a native "Deer Dance." Densmore also describes women in traditional
Native American clothing singing Roman Catholic hymms. Much of the article
is dedicated to Densmore's study of Native American songs during hybrid
ceremonies. She presents many
of the native lyrics and explains their simple and rhythmic melodies. The
Native American Church is a development of the peyote cult that uses
songs to "reach out to the God of the Christians." Densmore
discusses many examples of such songs that incorporate Jesus, the Bible,
and the teachings of Christianity. This
is very different from the earlier native songs Densmore discussed
in the article. According to
her, traditional native songs included "spirit-animals" and
other supernatural beings. Of
course all hybrid ceremonies are very different and unique, but the
influence of Christianity and the "white man's" culture are
evident in the words and melodies of ceremonial songs. CLARITY: 3 JULIE BUTLER Devereux, George. Mohave Beliefs Concerning Twins. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):573-592. While studying the Mohave Indians, George Devereux discovered the existence of two contradictory sets of attitudes and beliefs concerning twins held by the tribe. He goes on to describe each belief, which he refers to as the primary and secondary patterns, in minor detail. Devereux then attempts to explain, in both a psychological and sociological approach, the absurdity of the Mohave tribe simultaneously believing in two contradictory theories. The primary pattern, which had been noted by earlier observers of the Mohave, is the far more elaborate model of the two. The birth of twins is a great and happy event in the lives of the parents. Twins wish to experience earth "only to visit" before returning to heaven. Because they are considered immortal, twins have different souls than the normal person. If a twin is unsatisfied with the care or attention given to it, he or she will simply return to heaven, with the sibling following soon after. Because the length of their stay on earth, in part, depends on their treatment by the family, members of the tribe are extremely careful not to offend the twins. The preferential treatment of twins will continue through puberty until they settle down and get married, which is a sign of their acceptance of the human world. The secondary pattern, as referred to by the author, has some striking inconsistencies with the primary pattern. An informant told how "ordinary people are better than twins," because twins are believed to be souls who have died and come back again. They are said to have returned for items that are needed in heaven such as clothes, clay (used as body paint), and beads. These items are brought back with them as they are burned in the cremation ceremony. When a single child is born, the parents are full of pride because it belongs only to them. However, when twins are born, parents are not as excited because they are just dead people who have come back. Devereux argues that these are simply two differing sub-patterns existing within a large cultural outlook. The author goes on to say that many different interpretations are possible in explaining the dual existence of these contradictory sets of beliefs. However, there is no single cross-cultural explanation or theory that is able to justify the existence of conflicting beliefs within a culture. CLARITY: 4 Devereux, George Mohave Beliefs Concerning Twins American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):573-592 In his article, Devereux looks at the philosophies, myths and beliefs surrounding the birth of twin babies in the Mohave culture. Through the survey and observation of the Mohave people, Devereux comes to realize that there are many inconsistencies and conflicting notions that are incorporated in this Mohaven legend depending on who you surveyed and when the survey took place. This article is based on the results of two separate studies of the Mohave society. This article is a good indication that it is hard to make generalizations about a belief system in a society. There is always the chance of inconsistent stories as well as difference in opinion. The initial information for Deverux's article (referred to as the Primary Pattern) was taken from the study that A.L. Kroeber did with the Mohave tribe between 1932-1938. During this time, Kroeber uncovered much information the Mohave's beliefs in the origin of twins. According to the study, twins were looked upon the as equals of ordinary children. Kroeber reported that in the Mohave society, it was believed that Aprevious to their descent to Earth, twins lived in heaven.@ However it is commonly understood that "while they are on Earth they do as humans do, since that is why came for.@ In other words, while it commonly assumed (under the primary pattern) that twins in fact are reincarnated from heaven, they do not in fact enjoy any additional luxuries while on Earth. When Devereux did his own study of Mohave people (referred to as the Secondary Pattern), he came to discover that many of the tribe's people gave him different answers to the questions that Kroeber had just asked a few years earlier. In fact, many of the same questions were met with a response that was completely opposite to the information that Kroeber had gathered just years earlier. For example when a different set of the Mohave people were asked if twins were heralded superior to a "normal" child, the subject responded by saying "ordinary people are better than twins.@ He then went on to elaborate that parents of non-twins have less responsibilities and pressure to put up with in general. However, in the Primary Pattern, it was said that twins and normal children are equally the same. For example, they are raised the same, and when they die they are treated to the same types of services and rituals. So despite being regarded as "special" there are in fact no essential benefits that separate the twin children from non-twin children. In his article, Devereux drives home the point that inconsistencies can be apparent in a society can despite thorough research. Just because one part of a tribe believes a certain story or belief, does not mean that the entire tribe feels the same way. The author did a good job of showing how inconsistencies in values, attitudes and beliefs can be apparent within certain societies. By showing two conflicting views on the mythology of twin birth, Devereux clearly shows the reader that no matter how firm a society=s belief, you can not make 100% of the population agree on an issue 100% of the time. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JOHN YAX: Eggan, Fred. Some
Aspects of Culture Change in the The author of this
article tries to explain the culture change that has been going on
in the Northern part of the Having read Eggan’s
article, we know a little about what sort of culture differences the
people of the When reading the article it is hard to understand where exactly the author is heading. He states some of the differences but he keeps going back and forth through the different tribes where perhaps he should have just stated each one separately. Eggan himself does not seem certain of the real reasons these culture changes occurred and that could be because, as he states in the beginning of his article, the studies have been explanatory rather than intensive. CLARITY: 3 Elkin, A. P. Native
Languages and the Field Worker in A. P. Elkin addresses the extent to which the field researcher needs to "know" the language of the group s/he is studying. His article arises from his response to an article by Margaret Mead entitled, "Native Languages as Field Work Tools." He apparently disagrees with Dr. Mead’s assertions that the native language is merely a "tool," needed only for the gathering of facts. Instead, the author offers that the native language is not just a tool, but rather as important to the study of a culture as social organization or religion. Elkin emphasizes the cultural understanding that is lost when a field worker does not know the language. More than just a means to an end, the language reflects the thoughts, the beliefs, the "inner life" of the group. He points out that studies done by missionaries with extensive knowledge of the local language even fall short in their ethnographic and sociological explanations. The author goes on to admit that an amazing amount of information has been gained about groups even with limited "phrasebook" language ability. However, to insure that this information is sound, we need to go above and beyond just a patchy "phrasebook" picture of the social and religious life of the people. The author also disagrees with Dr. Mead on how much language is needed in the investigation of kinship systems. He admits extensive language ability may not be needed if one is only trying to uncover kinship type. However, use of the local language is indispensable when we want to achieve real understanding of deeper issues like place and function of kinship in tribal life. Elkin also takes issue with Mead’s assertion that little of the native language is needed when the group has been affected by contact and speaks the contact language. He explains that, even though the native culture has been "modified," parts are still maintained. This is evidenced by the occurrence of aborigines falling back on their native tongue to describe cultural rituals or customs. Furthermore, an important area of study is within these groups whose cultures are still undergoing modification and change and the native language is still involved in that process of change. The author says it best very simply: "The language and the cultural survivals are part of one whole." CLARITY: 3 MELISSA BITZ The Ford,
J.A. and G.R. Willey. An Interpretation of the Prehistory of the The authors of this
article are concerned with clarifying the prehistorical context of
the Eastern United States, more specifically the The bulk of the
article is spent naming and describing in detail the several stages
of culture. Those stages, in
ascending order, are: Pleistocene,
archaic, Burial Mound I (a.k.a. Tchefuncte or Adena), Burial Mound
II (a.k.a. The most thought-provoking
aspect of the article, that of the death cult characteristic in the
Burial Mound II phase, is relegated to the last section. This
section explains the force of religion in a society. The
death cult seems to have appeared around the time of first contact
in the 17th century according to the copper and bead necklaces
prevalent throughout the area. The
death cult gave a possible explanation for all the upheaval and death
that surrounded the natives. It also fits into the theoretical framework
of geography influencing history as large towns became small, condensed
villages in response to the diseases that thrived in their densely
populated cities. These condensed
villages consisted of a few different tribes so that their cultural
practices and history became shared and their identities changed. Ford and Willey
effectively cleared up the prehistory of the CLARITY: 4 VICTORIA MAYES Goldenweiser, Alexander. Recent Trends in American Anthropology. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):151-163. The author of this
article explores the evolution of scientific anthropology in Boa, surprisingly enough, was not an academically trained philologist. He did, however, master the Indian languages after 50 years of effort. Since language is the first stepping-stone to understanding a culture, Boa contributed a great deal to improving anthropological data regarding the Native Americans at the beginning of study. His ultimate point was that to understand and effectively use a language, one must immerse oneself in it and become as proficient as possible in good order. Paul Radin is a man of culture and human traits. Graced with a photographic memory, most of his fieldwork was with the Winnebago Indians. Because of his charismatic nature, he was able to develop an instant rapport with his subjects. This allowed for an unheard-of information exchange of sorts. He was so well liked as to become a veritable institution to the Winnebagos. They wanted to share as much of their culture with him so that he, in turn, would bring them text materials about his culture. Goldenweiser uses an interesting structure to his article. By examining Boa’s work first, he sets the stage with an academically prominent field worker. He then drives his point home with a discussion of Radin, saying that Radin is the most accomplished field worker in our "modern" history because of his charisma and sociability. CLARITY: 3.5 Goldman, Useful words to
know when reading this article: Phratry-clan
group Sib-kinsman Consanguine relation-blood related Prerogative-official
and hereditary right Potlatch-social
event, party, celebration, gathering Crest- an
emblem and often sign of nobility (identifying feature in this article) Bilateral
descent-emphasis from both the side of the mother and the father In this article
Irving Goldman depicts a society of people from northern The Alkatcho Carrier
group derived from the Upper Carrier in Goldman outlines
the basic kinship and clan structure of the Alkatcho Carriers. The
basic social unit consists of an individual family and then a loose
band of joined family groups with patrilocal residence (of the male
line). Descent is viewed bilaterally, from both the side of the
mother and the side of the father. Marriage must occur outside
of the blood related family, and there is no clear distinction given
between siblings and cousins and between maternal verses paternal aunts
and uncles. Goldman compares the Alkatcho Carrier group to other
neighboring Alaskan phratries as well as to Boas’ study of the Kwakiutl. Contact
with outside groups increased mainly through the white fur trade, which
led to some changes in the marriage structure and customs. The
comparison section is a little bit confusing, made more so by some
of the terminology used. CLARITY: 3 ALANA
MONGE Greenberg, Joseph. Some Aspects of Negro-Mohammedan Culture Contact Among the Hausa. January-March, 1941 Vol.43(1):51-61. Joseph Greenberg
addresses the influence Islam has had on the region of Greenberg argues that the Malams, by rejecting pagan cult rites suppress many aspects of Moslem derivation and by equating certain aspect of pagan culture with Moslem culture, a new Hausa Muslim culture is created. He believes that it is an oversimplification to say that, to quote Greenberg "the Mohammedanization of the Hausa is a continuing process beginning with the borrowing of Mohammedan elements in to pagan culture, and continuing after a conversion to Islam with an even greater replacement of pagan by Mohammedan features" According to Greenberg conversion is a step that requires much thought and a purposeful shift adapting Muslim patterns of behavior to a native context. The major factor in this acculturation is the members of the literate class. Greenberg uses clear explanations as evidence for his theories. He shows the similarities between pagan class of spirits known as iskoki and the "jinn" in Muslim tradition. By clearly seeing the links between the two beliefs readers can easily understand how these ideologies have come together. CLARITY: 4 Hambly,
W.D. Albert Buell Lewis. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol. 43: 256-257. Dr. Albert B. Lewis,
a noted contributor to the Field Museum of Natural History, passed
away in October of 1940. His
life is remembered by his colleague, W. D. Hambly, in this obituary
as one of strength and devotion to scientific inquiry. Dr. Lewis was alive during much of the formative
stage of American anthropology and his presence added greatly to the
field of museum science. He
was also a prominent figure in Melanesian studies. Lewis’ early training
in biology at As part of his research
in Melanesian studies, Lewis led the Joseph N. Field South Pacific
Expedition from 1909 to 1913. This
exploration into present day Lewis was greatly
admired by the staff at the CLARITY: 4 JAMES
FREEBURG Herskovits, Melville. Charles Gabriel Seligman. American Anthropologist July-September, 1941 Vol.43(3):437- 438. Melville Herskovits writes in memory of Charles Seligman’s life as an anthropologist. Herskovits recalls Seligman’s first anthropological interests and projects. He recounts his life accomplishments and endeavors and his tragic death. Seligman’s many projects and accomplishments spanned through his whole life right up until his death. Herskovits states Seligman’s variety of anthropological interests by recalling the wide range of locations, ethnographies and papers and many students and associates that Seligman influenced Seligman was born
in Seligman was a professor
at The London Seligman became
chronically ill during his field-work in the he
resided at his home in the country side near CLARITY: 5 LALANEYA
J. BRAIN: Homans, George C. Anxiety and Ritual: The Theories of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):164-172. The author presents current thought on the theory of ritual by walking the reader through details of an academic controversy between A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski. Malinowski’s well-known and widely accepted theory of magic distinguishes primitive people’s performance of magical rites from their practice of religious rites. Magical rites soothe everyday anxiety associated with the uncertainty of future harvests or the real danger of open-sea fishing. Malinowski proposes that, whereas natives can state explicitly the purpose of magical rites (e.g., to produce a good outcome for a fishing expedition), they either report no specific function for religious rites or narrate a myth in way of explanation. According to Homans, Radcliffe-Brown takes exception with Malinowski’s distinction based on the fact that any "definite, practical purpose" attributed to a rite is based on interpretation of the primitive people’s own verbal statements. Radcliffe-Brown cautions that these informants may either give unreliable explanations of their customs or their rational explanations simply do not conform with Western logic. Radcliffe-Brown levels a second criticism at Malinowski’s theory of magic based on the idea that anxiety created by actual uncertainty regarding an outcome (e.g., in the event of childbirth) may be confused with anxiety in response to social expectations surrounding the event. Homans suggests that these two experts may simply be framing the problem from two different perspectives. In the author’s view, Malinowski looks at the individual’s need to relieve anxiety while Radcliffe-Brown looks at society’s expectation that the individual will need to address anxiety on certain occasions. Homans elaborates his own position with an example of medieval religious practice thought to parallel that of primitive communities. Medieval peasants may have felt obligated to perform certain rituals, such as religious processions, to secure God’s favor lest the community suffer crop failure. So long as rituals were carried out as prescribed by the parish priest, the people were spared anxiety connected with disastrous natural occurrences. Homans completes his article with a summary of seven elements considered necessary for studying rituals commonly known as magic. These are primary anxiety, primary ritual, secondary anxiety, secondary ritual, rationalization, and function. CLARITY: 3 Knowles,
Nathaniel. Cultural Stratification on the In his article,
Nathaniel Knowles presents and briefly discusses the cultural stratification
of an archaeological site along the The Abbott Farm
#2 excavation site, of approximately one hundred seventy-one thousand,
six hundred eighty-nine cubic feet, was once a knoll covered with hardwood
forest during aboriginal times. After a long period of intensive cultivation,
the surface was leveled out, and from the late 1800’s to the 1940’s
collectors combed the river bluff removing artifacts later transferred
to museums and private collections. Despite
the intensity of these collection activities which claimed tens of
thousands of artifacts, the Abbott Farm #2 site has yielded over four
and a half thousand stone artifacts, almost six thousand potsherds,
ninety pits, and twenty burials. Utilizing this archaeological
data, Knowles compares the distribution curves of both stone artifacts
and potsherds and finds that the two curves are similar enough to be
of the same series. He proposes
suggestions for any discrepancies between the stone artifact and potsherd
means, which he claims differ slightly but not significantly. In
a footnote, the distribution curve from twenty-one excavations scattered
throughout The reader unfamiliar
with CLARITY: 3 KIMBERLY
A. YUAN LaBarre, Weston. The Uru of Desaguadero. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):493-522. In his article about the Uru tribe of Desaguadero, located along the Peruvian-Bolivan border, Weston La Barre describes a historic ethnographic account about the dwindling Uru tribe. At the time of publishing, the Uru’s members had been declining steadily since the time of colonization. Therefore, the report seems to be a frugal attempt to record the Uru’s existence. La Barre’s article takes into account multiple past studies in order to attain a thorough report about the Uru. Through his own research and multiple other sources, La Barre was able to describe the environment where the Uru live, their diet, various identifiable linguistic features, the Uru’s history, tribal relations, and common habits of living among these fascinating people. It seems as though La Barre’s basic motivation for the article is to merely educate people about the Uru. He does this by focusing several separate sections of the article on the separate parts of the natives’ lifestyle and where they acquired their cultural characteristics. In one particular section, La Barre compares and contrasts the Uru with other tribal groups from the same area, showing that although the Uru have a similar culture to the other groups, they do not share the same linguistic background. Therefore, La Barre speculates that they constitute a culture unique to the area. La Barre then traces other cultural affiliations among the Uru such as tribal huts and hunting and fishing techniques to further support his argument. By outlining the uniqueness of the Uru, Weston La Barre successfully demonstrates that the Uru are indeed a unique culture that could possibly vanish without a trace if the public is not informed of their existence. La Barre’s organization and clarity make the article easy to read and understand for collegiate audiences. By outlining each of the sections that he discusses throughout the article, La Barre presents a much more solid and convincing argument. The only downfall of his organization and writing style is La Barre’s use of Spanish and Latin as though they were universally understood among English speakers. He uses Spanish and Latin quotes from previous ethnographic recordings and never translates them making the article not as clear for those who do not speak Spanish. CLARITY: 4 Lewis, Oscar. Manly-Hearted Women Among the North Piegan. American Anthropologist April-June, 1941 Vol.43(2):173-187. Oscar Lewis appointed two objectives to this essay. The first was to present fresh material on a specific personality type among Blackfeet women. His second objective was to examine this personality type within Blackfeet institutions and the effect they have on behavior. The Personality Type under observation was labeled “The Manly-Hearted Women”. The Manly hearted woman was interesting to Lewis because this type of behavior contrasted greatly with the socially acceptable behavioral pattern of Blackfeet women. Lewis described manly-heartedness as a small group of women who have a freedom and independence more like women in our own culture. He starts his essay by examining the Blackfeet institutions which he believes will help us understand this type of personality. Lewis first states the dominant traits of the Blackfeet culture. He points out the heavy emphasis on ownership and wealth. He says that the ownership of property, horses, medicine, song and ritual knowledge implies status and wealth. Lewis then examines the woman’s domain. He says that they are essential to the functioning of the Blackfeet economic system. He points out the rigid circumstances under which women can own property, hold roles in religion, and their ability to obtain shared wealth and prestige. This is dominantly a male role. If a woman could obtain these things she would be free from her traditional subservient female role. It is hard to obtain due to the largely male dominated social and economic system, which kept women docile and loyal. But the manly-hearted woman defied both male and female roles if she could obtain this status. Lewis lists the traits that make a woman manly-hearted: aggressiveness, independence, ambition, boldness, and sexuality. He says that only a woman of a certain status can embody these traits. The requirements are marriage of wealth and high social position. These women fell into a certain age group. No younger than thirty two, but he says the older the woman the less likely she will be considered manly-hearted. Hence the third requirement is maturity. Lewis points out that as a woman grows older the more the manly-hearted traits will show. With these criteria in mind he goes on to explain how a woman might gain this status within her tribe. A woman might be manly-hearted if she is socially accepted as a deviant. She owns her own stock and property which may have been inherited or given to her as a gift. She will excel in both men’s and women’s work. This ability makes it easy to gain wealth. She is considered an economic asset, which gives justification for her to be the dominant figure in a marriage. Essentially, the roles of the male and females are reversed in this type of relationship. She then can acquire the social freedom equal to a man, due to her economic success. Lewis ends with how the Blackfeet institution help create the type of behavior seen in this limited set women. Lewis says that women of a lower status will not be exposed to the same situations and opportunities as one of a higher status. They are less likely to be given gifts and or be included in a religious life. Therefore they will be less likely to obtain land and stock, or to hold roles in ceremonies. Lewis contributes another factor to manly-heartedness to Male dominance and early marriages of girls ages six to fourteen. Which is a quick and difficult transition leaving her with a very short childhood. He says this personality type might be her reaction to being placed as a sexual object at such an early age. CLARITY: 4 LALANEYA J. BRAIN
: Lothrop, S. K. A Chronological Link between Maya and Olmeca Art. American Anthropologist July-September, 1941 Vol.43(3):419-421. S. K. Lothrop’s article examines the establishment of a time link between Maya and Olmeca art. A general description of what classifies art, specifically stone carvings, as Olmeca is given first. Next, Lothrop explores the existence of stonework resembling Olmeca traits in Maya sites. Lathrop describes Olmeca statues with specific features, such as, a parted, thick-lipped mouth, and infantile appearance. These traits have lead to the statues being regarded as "baby faces" by many archaeologists and anthropologists in the field. It is the author’s
main goal in this article to show that many of these same "baby
faces" exist on the statuary or "stelae" of Maya sites,
most specifically in the ancient Maya city of The dates on three Maya stelae containing Olmeca ornamentation are correlated with our calendar years of 790-800 A.D. It is the author’s conjecture that, because the presence of Olmeca art was so widespread, it was in existence for a long period of time. The ability to match Olmeca art with this specific time period is a start in referencing the art as a whole through cross dating of separate cultures. CLARITY: 5 Lowie, Robert
H. A Note on the Northern GL Tribes of In the article,
A Note on the Northern GL tribes of The first aspect, material culture, Lowie argues that although these tribes have many disadvantages, in relationship to our civilization, they are still able to provide for all the basic needs of human beings. Cultivation, farming, hunting, cooking, and constructing an effective shelter are examples of ways these tribes use inherited traditions and techniques of using the natural resources available to them. On his second account of myth and religion, Lowie focuses on describing how folklore and religious beliefs affect each of the three cultures. Most of the myths, or folklore, and religious beliefs among these tribes have stories that mirror each other in one way or another. Such narratives as the sun and the moon cycles, the star wife, and the origin of fire are classic examples that Lowie describes in detail. Finally, in his third account of social organization he argues that the ‘disabilities of an inferior technology are much less of an impediment to the burgeoning of new ideas’. For example, the Serénte, living in a patrilineal society, have bachelor’s dormitories consisting of men with sexual purity. The Canella tribe has four rotatable age-classes where in ceremonial participation, seasonal competion and marriage they are all separated by age-class. Finally, the Apinayé, in their matrilineal society, only a certain classification of a man may marry a certain classification of a woman. As Lowie describes in detail the concepts mentioned above, his conclusion on this subject is that despite the differences of others’ cultures evolution is a continual process, and that human beings will never (as long as they exist) cease to create new customs and search for the meaning of life. CLARITY: 4 Mandelbaum, David G. Culture Change Among the Nilgiri Tribes. American Anthropologist January-March, 1941 Vol.43(1):19-26. David G. Mandelbaum
explores the processes of acculturation and adaptation through the
examination of four Nilgiri Tribes in Historical background of the Nilgiri Hills, before the English arrived, is used to portray the striking cultural autonomy held by the tribes. Mandelbaum argues that the environment and climate of the Nilgiri Hills, combined with the nature of tribal interactions, kept each tribe differentiated and culturally isolated from one another. The historical background of the Nilgiri Hills after the arrival of the English is also utilized to determine the levels of adaptation and acculturation experienced by the tribes. Mandelbaum examines each tribe individually in order to draw general conclusions pertaining to acculturation. The first tribe, the Kurumbas, could not at the time be analyzed because no fieldwork had yet been conducted and Mandelbaum had had little interaction with them. The second tribe, the Badagas, had been deeply affected by outside contact. With an increased communication between the Badagas and lowland Hindus, a revival of Hinduism had motivated the tribe to adopt new ways and abandon the old. This in effect created tensions within the tribe since some members wanted change while others fought passionately against it. Here Mandelbaum points to one factor that instigates acculturation: the creation of factionalism. The third tribe, the Todas, represents a classic case of high levels of contact without acculturation. The Todas culture is based entirely around the cult of the buffalo. Because their economy survives, their culture also survives with only minimal adaptation to their new British neighbors. On the other hand, another Todas village did have its economy interrupted by the infiltration of the English. When the British government covered a sacred pasture with a military station, the Todas were unable to perform their necessary buffalo rituals. This points to another factor of acculturation: cultural vulnerability to certain spheres of life. For the Todas the removal of ritual changed their entire lifestyle. The fourth tribe, the Kotas, have been moderately affected by change. Small adaptations in dress, food, and materials only represent minimal British influence because they have not altered the Kotas’ way of life. The greatest change has come from a tribal member, Sulli, who advocates change and challenges the old ways. Here Mandelbaum points to another factor of acculturation: the power of a single individual who possesses a strong personality and has the ability to influence people. CLARITY: 5 McAllester, David. Water as A Disciplinary Agent Among the Crow and Blackfoot. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):593-604. The author begins by discussing the role of early childhood incidences on later phobias and fears. This leads into the focus of the article, which is looking at the correlation between water used as a disciplinary and anxiety-producing agent with the Blackfeet and the Crow and the frequent use of water imagery and food tabus. The deployment of water is first used to stop a crying infant, and after a while, the mention of "Bring the water" will stop a child from crying. The threat of water was often used as a means of social control. The constant reminders insure the effects of water were reinforced continually and used in later development of the individual. As a male child reached young boyhood, he would be snatched from the comforts of his bed and plunged into a nearby river. Often this was done in the winter to amplify the effect. This was a culturally condoned form of revenge. It was also to teach one to be strong. If an individual fought and cried too much, they would be called a woman and encouraged to wear women’s cloths. This was a great insult to a young perspective warrior, and a way of publicly shaming weak behavior. As a boy grew to be a man searching for a bride, the only opportunity to talk with a young lady was when she went to get water. If a young lady found a man to be unworthy, she would douse him with water. The Blackfeet and Crow have three ways they culturally display this water anxiety: (1) water-beings as powerful supernatural helpers, (2) fear of malignant water-beings, (3) presence of food tabus connected to water. The author gives several examples in ethnographic and mythological accounts of the power of water and water-beings. He concludes by restating that the early childhood events, fostered continually to adulthood, significantly contribute to the "religious constellations" of the larger group. CLARITY: 4 ROBERT O’BOYLE Opler, Marvin K. The Integration of the Sun Dance in Ute Religion. American Anthropologist October-December, 1941 Vol.43(4):551-572. This article demonstrates
how the Ute Indians came to adopt the ceremonial sun dance into their
society. Opler describes how the sun dance is believed to have originated
within the Arapaho and Through his ethnographic fieldwork Opler was able to gain knowledge of the importance of the sun dance for the Ute and examine the roles that each person plays in the ceremony. He finds that an appointed tribal member is the person responsible for coordinating and leading the sun dance ceremony. The dancers are able to perform on a voluntary basis however; those who choose to dance do so with hope of obtaining supernatural or healing powers. The general purpose of the dance is to promote good luck and long life among the Ute and to cure the sick that attend the ceremony. Opler gives a detailed day-by-day description of what takes place throughout the entire ceremony including both pre-ceremonial and post-ceremonial activities. He notes that fewer people perform in the sun dance and that the overall attendance seems to have reduced as well. This may be attributed to the adoption of agriculture among the Ute and the fact that the ceremony is usually performed during harvest season. The lack of performers and observers reflect how agricultural duties may have become a greater priority to the Ute thus surmounting the cultural value of the sun dance. Finally, Opler compares the sun dance with two other dances that were once performed by the Ute, the Ute Round Dance and the Deer-Hoof Rattle Dance. He finds that these ceremonies were conducted in quite a similar manner to that of the sun dance and both encompassed a comparable societal function for the Ute. Therefore, it may be that the Ute never adopted the sun dance ceremony from another tribe but rather modified two of their own dances to meet one ritual need. CLARITY: 4 Rainey,
Froelich. The Ipiutak Culture at Froelich Rainey's
article describes the findings of the Ipiutak cultural site discovered
at The author discovered the extent of the site while excavating in the spring of 1940. He noticed the grass and moss that cover the Point Hope bar turned green while the grass over the house sites remained yellow. Each house site stood out as a yellow square. They accurately located over six hundred houses. The article discusses the indications that all of the houses discovered were occupied at the same time. They estimated the population of the settlement to be several hundred thousand or more. The author describes the assumption of the house sizes and styles, as well as the artifacts found at each house site. They also discovered a cemetery and excavated several graves. The artifacts found at the gravesites were vast and of many materials and styles. Over four thousand artifacts were taken from these sites. The author goes on to describe the various types of artifacts found from arrowheads and carved knife handles to flaking tools, obscure ivory objects, carved animal figurines, knife blades and flint blades, as well as a variety of other artifacts. The article also displays many photographs of these artifacts. The articles discusses
the various carving and engraving styles of the artifacts and compares
and contrasts them with other historic Eskimo cultural sites previously
excavated. The author speculates
that this Ipiutak culture as well as other Eskimo cultures originate
from This article will
impress those interested in the historical archaeological record of
the CLARITY: 4 |
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