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American
Anthropologist Baldwin, Gordon. An Analysis of
Basket Maker III Sandals From The author’s objective in this article is to carefully
describe the techniques of sandal weaving used during the Basket Maker
III period.
This period represents finds in northeastern Using a very detailed analysis and making close reference to the diagrams in the article, the author explains the major characteristics of each of the six types of sandals. He describes the materials used and the weaving techniques employed to achieve a particular style. The author focuses largely on the types of toe loops used and when existent, the type of heel loops found. He categorizes the use of multiple toe-loops as the distinct marker of the Basket Maker III period. Although the article is highly technical, it provides a detailed understanding of how sandal styles changed over time. CLARITY RANKING: 3 FEDERICO SPARISCI:
Baldwin, Gordon C. An Analysis
of Basket Maker III Sandals from In this report, Although all of the other types were described in some detail, the most
common type of sandal, type IV, was the topic of most of this report.
With forty-four sandals of this type, there was quite a lot of variety
within it. First, He then describes five different methods of fastening the heel to form the characteristic pucker and to form heel loops, the tie cord, or an attachment for an ankle loop. Next he described heel and toe loops in more detail. The heel loops were not very common in this type of sandal. Dyes were used to color the yucca black and red. Then they were woven into patterns. The last item described of type IV sandals is the fineness of weave that was used. In this section, he also mentioned that some sandals that wore out in the heel had been patched with other parts of a different sandal. A minor section at the end of the article describes ways of attaching all the types of sandals to the foot. He states that this report is not intended as a final summary on Basket Maker sandals. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Barnett, H.G. The Coast Salish
of This article describes the characteristics of the Salish people, a Native
American group. These people lived in present-day In terms of food, the region's plentiful supply of salmon, halibut,
and cod were all part of the Salish diet. The Salish used a variety of
different nets and harpoons to catch fish. Clams were also a source of
food for the Salish. Besides staking claim to sections of the land, clans
would also claim fishing rights to different bodies of water in the region,
particularly the The author also goes into great detail about the types of houses in which the Salish lived. Evidence suggests that some Salish clans lived in houses for one family. Each family had their own, individual long house that they lived in. Other Salish clans, or rich Salish people, viewed these kinds of houses as inferior. Other clans would house an entire community in one enormous, long house. Various other aspects of the Salish culture are discussed in this article. Social issues, such as leadership and marriage, involve specific rules. A Salish "chief" did not have the level of power that we commonly associate with a leader. Marriage most often occurred between people of similar class and standing within the community. The wedding ritual took place over several days, with the entire community involved. Dances were prevalent in the Salish society. There could be dances to celebrate something or just plain spiritual dancing. Ritualistic practices were also used for healing wounds and/or diseases. Some of these practices might even be classified as supernatural. All in all, this article gives a comprehensive look at the Salish people
of CLARITY RANKING: 4 CHRISTOPHER M. FINK:
Barnett, H.G. The Coast Salish
of Barnett summarizes the cultural practices of the Coast Salish of Canada. The Coast Salish are composed of twelve different tribes (Cowichan, Comox:, Homalco, Klahuse, Muskwium, Nanaimo, Pentlatch, Sechelt, Sklaiamun, Squamish, West and East Sanetch) residing on both sides of the Strait ofGeorgia, between Vancouver and Bute Inlet on the mainland, and from Victoria to Salmon River on Vancouver Island in The Salish predominately fish and sea hunt for food, although hunting and berry collecting are also a secondary source. Salmon and herring are the main food sources. Sea mammals are also hunted. Land hunting strategies developed in the inland cultures. Dogs are very valuable among the Salish for wool and hunting needs. Magical practices are believed to surround the taking of animals. Fabric for clothing was made of wool, cedar bark, rushes, and sometimes buckskin. For protection, both sexes had robes or woven blankets usually caught up over the left shoulder. Body symbols such as minor tattooing, head deformations, and piercing of the ear and nose are common. The wealthy often wore abalone pendants, or other jewelry made of copper, bone, or olivella shells. Canoe and house building were specialized tasks. The houses are long plank houses that were built by the cooperative efforts of the occupants. Beams were usually carved to portray animals or humans. Residence is always patrilocal with the eldest son being responsible for property rights and ceremonial privileges. There are no chiefs in the Salish culture and no one holds a higher position than the next. The symbol for rank and status is recognized in material goods and ritual privileges. Descent and inherited items are divided bilaterally with a patrilineal preference to the sons, however daughters could sometimes inherit also. Marriages were contracted between social equals. Marriage is a public event that the entire village witnesses. A costly gift is given by the groom's party consisting of a large amount of food and blankets. Rituals were held for all critical periods in an individual's life cycle. The most elaborate and important rituals are associated with either the death of a spouse, with a girl's first puberty, childbirth, or with the dancer incantation. Winter ceremonies are also very important. Singing and dancing, which reveals the nature of their power, are a prevalent part of the winter ceremonies. Three main dance patterns were noted. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Barnett, H. G. The Nature of the Potlatch. American Anthropologist. July-September, 1938 Vol. 40 (3): 349-358. Barnett claims that much has been written about the complex subject
of the potlatch among the The author emphasizes that the potlatch does not simply signify an exchange of gifts. "In its formal aspects the potlatch is a congregation of people, ceremoniously and often individually invited to witness a demonstration of family prerogative." One person declares his intentions, invites the guests, and the local group or kin assumes the position of host to the visitors. The creation of this group depends on the type of the occasion and the status of the person in whose honor the potlatch is held. The potlatch serves to function as means to publicize social status. Any gift given at a potlatch expresses some level of esteem of the recipient’s worth. Potlatching is used to establish position in society, and for this reason the individual is not concerned with how much he obtains, but with what he receives in relation to the other guests. "Virtue rests in publicly disposing of wealth, not in its mere acquisition and accumulation." When reciprocating potlatches occur, no one is "attempting an inventory" on what others have exchanged. The nature of the potlatch is not fundamentally competitive; instead it is based on prestige and generosity, and does not concern "capital investment" or repayment. CLARITY RATING: 4 CHRISTINA RIZZITANO:
Barnett, H. G. The Nature of the Potlatch. American Anthropologist July, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 349-358. Dr. H. G. Barnett of Potlatch gifts are given freely, without expectation of repayment. However, it is expected that every individual, based upon his or her standing, will give in return to one or many recipients. Interestingly, because the worth of a particular gift is apparent to all convening in the potlatch, an individual will often compete with others to bestow the most extravagant gift. This contest is usually not a reflection of the recipient, but is solely meant to induce the admiration of others, so that the giver of the gift is held in high esteem. An individual' s disfavor for another is often expressed by publicly destroying the gift given by the individual in a potlatch. This extreme expression of disrespect and anger establishes the potlatch as not only a celebratory gathering, but one that has implications for many aspects of the tribes' daily life. This article presents a viewpoint of the potlatch that had not previously been studied, and presents the idea that the potlatch reflects a complex order of social standing and is used as a vehicle for achieving social standing or denouncing another's standing. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Cresson Jr. M. Frank. Maya and Mexican Sweat Houses. American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40(1):88-103. In this article, Frank Cresson argues that the newly discovered ruins
in To prove his point, Cresson relies heavily on the description of the various buildings under question. A slew of architectural sketches and photographs aid his description. Cresson begins by describing in fine detail the ruins in Piedras Negras. He then describes buildings found in the Mayan territories, emphasizing the similarities between the buildings. Mexican sweathouses come next, and Cresson lists the seven characteristics similar to all of these buildings. All buildings contain a central chamber or steam room, only one doorway to that steam room, a passage or drain for water, a fire chamber, a lack of ventilator holes to contain the steam, an outside wooden roof, and an unimportant location with regard to religion or ideology. To further strengthen his point, Cresson includes comments made by early visitors to the region and priests of the Spanish conquest of that region. The commentary provided by these sources primarily describes the various rituals and usages for the sweathouses. Sweathouses were traditionally used to cure illness and were associated with a ritualistic, religious atmosphere. Eventually though, they were used simply for cleanliness, and for post-birth mothers to relax. Cresson’s suggestion that the sweathouses arose from a single origin is convincing. CLARITY RANKING: 5 CHRIS FARNSWORTH:
Cresson, Frank M. Jr. Maya and Mexican Sweat Houses. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40(1):88-104. In this article, Cresson is showing the similarities between the Mexican
sweat houses of today and the ancient Maya sweat houses in In the Mexican sweat houses, the steam is created by the person touching large moistened green branches against the hot walls inside the house. The steam is trapped inside by another individual sealing the entrance with a large rock and mud. The Piedras Negras houses used heated jamb stones, in which the person that enters the house would pour water on them to create the steam. The Piedras Negras houses may have been built with more importance than
the Mexican houses of today because the Piedras Negras houses were larger
and built out of masonry , which was also used to build the palaces.
They were also positioned next to ceremonial ruins to aid in the ritualistic
elements of bathing in a sweat house. Today in
Davidson, D.S. Stone Axes
in In his article on stone axes in Davidson names three significant areas where no axes have been discovered,
including both descriptions and a diagram of the areas in the article.
Though the people in these areas may not have needed axes or lacked the
stone to create them, conditions there were similar to other regions
where axes have been found. The author speculates that these areas without
axes were the last areas in Davidson bases his theories about these no-ax areas on information about
the two known western ax types: the partially ground ax and the crude
flaked ax. Both descriptions and pictures of the two types are included
in the article. Davidson suggests the partially ground ax diffused into
Western Australia from Northern and Central Australia but admits that
too few specimens are available to draw definite conclusions. The crude
flaked ax is thought to be a predecessor to the partially ground ax.
The double-headed version of this type appears to be an elaboration of
the single-headed version, thought to be formerly widespread throughout
the area. Davidson does not know whether the appearance of these axes
in Based on the two ax types found in CLARITY RANKING: 4 AMIE CSISZER:
Davidson, D. S. Stone Axes
of In this article Davidson offers a preliminary discussion of the primitive
hafted stone axes found on the continent of The author presents general descriptions of the two major types of axes
found in the western portion of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Emeneau, M. B. Personal Names of the Todas. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938, Vol. 40(2):205-223. This essay by M.B. Emeneau attempts to analyze a large sample of proper names in order to find the method of organization the Todas used to create personal names. We live in a society where the first name is distinct from the last name. Among the Toda, each branch of the sib unit (extended family) may share a name. Emeneau shows that Toda names (in general) are derived from either a stock of names shared by all members, men’s names, sacred names from the gods or from the mund (land/property owned by the family) of the sib. Within each sib, individual Todas have one name belonging to the sib. In this patrilineal society, women’s personal names are neither derived nor allowed to be derived from the sib. While men and women alike understand the origins of men’s names, the origin of women’s names was largely unknown to the people. While the men believe women derive their names from flowers, a more probable source is from songs sung in the group or from common nouns, some with various suffices added. Emeneau concludes that the Todas share this theme with Westerners in that female names are taken from song, and are almost poetical. This essay was a difficult read, for many of the terms were loosely defined or not at all. Not only were most of the names impossible to pronounce by English speakers, the symbols and tables used were rarely discussed. Though this essay creates a tree of over a dozen sibs, it very difficult to follow the reading due to the foreign nature of the names. CLARITY RANKING: 2 ROBERT MACGREGOR:
Emeneau, M. B. Personal Names of the Todas. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol.40 (2): 205-223. In this article, Emeneau describes how the Todas, a pastoral tribe located
in the Nilgris, Emeneau begins his article by describing societies organized in sibs.
He then describes how different societies use and give personal names.
He then describes how the Nilgris tribe of the Todas in He describes the religious dairy complexes known as munds. Within these munds are objects and they are used for "kuasm" (sacred names). Emeneau asserts that men among the Todas are named from the sibs in most occasions and that sometimes their names are derived from religious entities or favors their parents are trying repay from the past. The women among the Todas are not allowed to have names from the sib. Emeneau describes their names as coming from expressions of songs and are generally poetic. The evidence Emeneau provides is a series of tales with names of different sibs. He also provides a list of non-sib names. All in all, Emeneau describes sibs, the religious ways of the Todas, and the naming process between men and women. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4): 653-679. This article is supplemental to four other articles found in the American Anthropologist by the authors above and by E. Golomshtok and A. Zolotarev. The authors summarize the findings of various archaeological expeditions at specific locations in the U.S.S. R. Many teams of archaeologists sponsored by one of the eight institutions that the authors list explored eight geographical regions throughout the 1930’s. Listed in this article is everything that was found at each site by specific archaeological institutions. Within each site, there are divisions according to how old an area was. From these sites the archaeologists report findings being anything from copper coins to flints, hand tools and even monuments of the north Asiatic peoples. This article is helpful for finding exactly what was discovered from specific time periods in each region of the U.S.S.R. However, there are no conclusions about how each site is related, how the materials found are used in a specific culture, or even why they chose to discuss those particular eight regions. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ANDREA TEHAN:
Field, Henry and Prostov, Eugene. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(4): 653-679 The article "Archaeology in the U.S.S.R." did not investigate any problems. The purpose of this article was to report archaeological findings in the U.S.S.R.. The authors had already written two prior articles on the subject and this article was intended as a supplement to those and other articles written by different authors on the same subject. To obtain a full comprehension of the article it probably would be necessary to read those articles, unfortunately the authors did not list the articles in question. The information was broken down into eight headings: A wide array of artifacts were discovered dating from Paleolithic times up to the 20th century in the areas discussed in this paper. Burial sites were recorded in some detail in this article. One site could contain human remains, animal remains, jewelry , pottery , bronze figurines and weapons. Other material that was found in other areas were animal bones, jewelry, tools, pottery , weapons, building material, and in one place a shoe store was unearthed. The areas in which these artifacts were found were also described in detail. A lot of the artifacts seemed to be preserved because of a combination of climate and low population density. One expedition's purpose was to explore archaeological sites in the Naryn Valley of Turkestan because the area was to be flooded for a hydroelectric station. This area was a very rich source of pottery sherds dating possibly from the end of the 3rd millennium BC up to the seventh and eighth century AD. This article provides five sets of pictures. Three are drawings of various
hand axes and tools made from flint. The last two are photographs of
painted potsherds found in This article would be somewhat difficult for a reader not familiar with archaeological terms or geological terms, since the descriptive words used with reference to the area and artifacts were not in lay terms. This article does provide a broad overview of the wealth of artifacts and information that had been located in the U.S.S.R. at the time of these investigations. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Goodwin, Grenville. The author of this article provides a detailed account of White Mountain Apache religion. For the White Mountain Apache, the author argues, religion is not solely shamanism, ritual, and prayer, but it also is fused with a broader meaning of man’s place in the universe, life, death, and cosmology. In White Mountain Apache religion, all universal concepts such as the earth, sky, sun, moon, and stars are assigned a specific gender and meaning. Similarly, plants and animals are categorized into different groups, personified, and accorded relative power. In addition to the universe, plants, and animals, supernatural beings and deities have a special place in Apache religious conventions. Supernatural beings possess ultimate control and power over man’s life – they control all life cycles. Moreover, according to the author, there are many sources of power in Apache religion. Therefore, the amount of power accrued by each source is indicative of its utilization in religious ceremonies. For example, the sun is mentioned innumerable times in religious ceremonies and is therefore, the foremost power in the universe. In comparison, an animal, such as some form of bird, may only be mentioned in one ceremonial song, and therefore has less power and is of less importance in White Mountain Apache religion. There are many types of Apache ceremonies, those based on personal experiences with supernatural power as well as traditional ceremonies. Although the traditional ceremonies contain many distinct Apache rituals, the ceremonies of personal experience with supernatural power are held in higher esteem in Apache culture for their part in religious movements and customs. The author accomplishes his objective of providing a comprehensive explanation of White Mountain Apache religion. This article must be read very carefully in order to fully comprehend the many different concepts described and their contribution to the extremely complex religion of the White Mountain Apache. CLARITY RANKING: 3 MELISSA CISTOLDI:
Goodwin, Grenville. In this article, the author describes the religious beliefs and rituals of the White Mountain Apache people. Goodwin begins by describing basic ideas of the religion, then expands upon those in describing more complex ideas and rituals of that culture. He is able to describe Apache ideology in a manner that is understandable to an American audience. In several instances, he interprets certain aspects of Apache religion so that American readers can understand their relevance. Goodwin begins with the Apache's explanation of the universe, plants, and animals. It is clear that many elements of the world that are considered non- humanlike to American society, such as clouds and the moon, are heavily personified in the White Mountain Apache religion. Goodwin describes in some detail what place each of these supernatural beings holds in their beliefs. Goodwin also explains supernatural power (what Apache informants define as religion) and it's utilization. Men who perform ceremonies, which are divided into three types, mainly possess this supernatural power: purely traditional, traditional with personal aspects, and those of complete personally acquired knowledge. The White Mountain Apache pray for good things like plentiful rain, good crops, and health. On occasion, some draw power to cause evil. This is called witchcraft. After describing the details of White Mountain Apache religion, Goodwin
writes about some intrusions upon it. In 1881,1903, and 1920, three major
cult movements occurred. Shamans of the Cibecue Apache conceived the
first two and they spread quickly to the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Haile, Berard. Navaho Chantways and Ceremonials. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol. 40(4): 639-652. In this article, Berard Haile strives to clarify existing confusion pertaining to the identification of native Navaho chantways and rites. According to the author, chantways are often mistakenly referred to as ceremonies, which he considers to be too vague a term because it is excessively inclusive. Names for a chantway or a rite are very explicit. As the Navaho culture evolves, the chantways change as well; Haile refers to this phenomenon as the "survival of the fittest." New chantways can replace old ones, and it is possible for presently abandoned chantways to be revived. Haile argues this point by demonstrating how chantway names can be carved up. If one chantway inspires (or is absorbed by) another chantway, the people will often use a possessive pronoun as part of the new name. However, according to Haile this is not always the case. Existing chantways are distinguished in many ways. There are specifically male and female chantways, the sex often referring to the authors of the chant. There is a group of chantways that are inspired by ye-i also known as holy people. Related to injury or sickness, there are two branches known as "holyway" and "angryway" which reflect the feelings of the victim; they are either calm or fuming. Within these two branches, the victim may choose any number of chantways that he or she deems appropriate. Haile claims in conclusion that the classificatory system of the chantways is well standardized within the Navaho people, they have established a unique comprehensive system to identify their different chantways. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ANDREA M. TEHAN:
Haile. Berard. Navaho Chantways and Ceremonials. American Anthropologist. Oct-Dec, 1938 Vol.40(4):639-652. The overall concern Haile addresses in this article focuses on the complexity of the Navaho ceremonial system by using a linguistic approach to distinguish one "way" from another. Haile provides specific information demonstrating the justification of "chantway" names within the system. He establishes the idea of gender and its role amongst the Navaho people and finally concludes that the governing system established within the Navaho ceremonial systems, is the key link to supernatural cure and empowerment. Haile suggest that each chantway has specific names, which imply its duties in the ceremonies "adapting" and "adopting" common "repertory" found in native Navaho ceremonial systems. For example, a chantway by the name of "Hoofway" implies that the ceremony will more than likely entail the use of "hoof rattles". When addressing the issue of gender within the context of the reading, one may conclude the "role" of male and female is interchangeable. It is stated that the male and female participants may perform either "the female way" or "the male way". If there is no possessive pronoun "way" then there is little need to "postulate" one. Finally, within this particular ceremonial system human afflictions are adjusted and satisfied within the "realm of ceremonialism". This means that ceremonies are the only medication to cure any affliction because of its direct linkage to the supernatural world. According to Haile's study, the link between ceremonials to the unexplainable are the Navaho governing systems (Holyway ritual, Ghostway ritual, Blessingway rite, etc.), all possessing elements directly related to supernatural phenomena. This article was interesting, fairly easy to read, and from one perspective-very persuasive because of the specificity targeted in the research. However, one's option is to either accept (as stated by Haile) that "Chantways are part of a standardized system" or to question what elements make this particular system "standardized"? Furthermore, what other system should one-compare Navaho ceremonial systems to and what and /or why should this constitute this system's validity? CLARITY RANKING: 4 MILLICENT M. JOHNNIE
Haines, Francis. The Northward Spread of Horses Among the Plains Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 429-437. The author is committed to revisiting the work of Clark Wissler who
studied the expansion of the horse to the western tribes of Haines used the accounts of Bourgmont with the Kansas Indians and DuTisne
of the Pawnee to support his argument. Unlike his predecessors Haines
incorporates valid personal accounts creating a stronger argument. Using
historical facts in addition to personal statements and comments from
the journals of visitors, he is able to solidify his data. During the
Pueblo Revolt in 1680 for example, the Spaniards were driven out of their
territory. The author uses this historical event to demonstrate how the
distribution of horses towards the west sped up as a result. In addition,
men from 1735-1743 revealed from their journals that no horses were present
north and east of the Missouri River in the It is hard to refute data in the form of historical facts because we know that they occurred without question. In Haines’ case a combination of personal accounts solid historical circumstances complement each other well, making for a concisely supported argument. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MELANIE THORNTON:
Haines, Francis. The Northward Spread Of Horses Among The Plains Indians. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 429-436. This article concerns the northward spread of horses from Spanish settlements. Haines' begins in the year 1600, and discusses the rate of spread, lines of distribution, approximate dates of tribal acquisition, and geographical features.
The author argues that the stock-raising area of The author's purpose was to determine the origin and outcome of the northward spread of horses. By comparing dates, locations, and tribes it was determined that the northward spread of horses lasted roughly one hundred forty years, from 1630-1770. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Haines, Francis. Where Did The Plains Indians Get Their Horses? American Anthropologist 1938 Vo1.40(1):112-117. In this article, Haines focuses on the improbability that the Plains Indians had acquired horses much earlier than the coming of white explorers. This goes against the commonly accepted theory for the introduction of horses in the region. The theory in question states that because of the favorable conditions for horses throughout the region west of the Mississippi, horses "lost or abandoned" by the expeditions of Coronado and DeSoto could have easily multiplied and supplied the region. Haines states that the best way to determine when horses were available in the area is to determine when the original parent stock was introduced and then trace the distribution and the rate of spread. After study, Haines suggests that it is unlikely that lost or abandoned horses could multiply and make their way north to the plains. Haines argues that the Spaniards' dependency on the horse led them to keep careful notes about horses and their losses so that no substantial loss of animals would have gone unrecorded. In order for a successful introduction of horses, the Spanish would have to lose eight to ten animals, and they would have to be lost at the same location. He speculates about the survival chances of such a herd, facing a new environment with limited resources. In addition, he notes that the sixteenth and seventeenth century plains were not productive places to raise horses due to the large number of predators and buffalo. Also the Indians of that period were incapable of providing the care and protection they needed. Haines also describes the packs of "fierce dogs" that Indian tribes kept for hunting and their known troubles with other livestock such as sheep and cows. He also mentions the horses of DeSoto and Coronado and dismisses any ideas of lost horses that were not recaptured or killed by Indians after capture. Later reports on the region do not mention horses. Because of the high value placed on horses at the time, this means there were none. The first mention of an Indian tribe with horses was in 1683, and it was observed that they were scarce and probably recently introduced. In conclusion, Haines states that the likelihood of horses originating from DeSoto and Coronado is very unlikely and in fact improbable. He suggests that a growing white settlement supplied horses and the example for how to utilize them. Indians quickly adopted the horse. Haines believes that Sante Fe was the center of distribution of horses in the region and was the origin of the plains Indians' stock. This would result in the plains tribes becoming "horse Indians" no earlier than 1630 and more likely 1650. This article was fairly easy to read. After stating his initial thesis, Haines basically gives one example after the other followed by a conclusion. The purpose of this article was to debunk the older theory of how the Plains Indians acquired horses. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Haines, Francis. Where Did the Plains Indians Get Their Horses? American Anthropologist January-March, 1938 Vol. 40 (1):112-117 In this article, Francis Haines discusses the debate concerning when
the horse was introduced to Native Americans living on the Horses were extremely important to Spanish explorers. In most accounts that he read, Haines notes out that the Spaniards kept very meticulous records regarding their horses. The Spaniards made mention any time two or three horses were reported missing at the same time. Haines also argues that a single horse that was lost would have a difficult time surviving alone, and would not be able to procreate. If two horses were lost at the same time in the same place, they could potentially produce offspring. But many factors, such as environment and predators would be working against them. The Plains region during this time contained numerous wolves, coyotes, and other animals that would likely have wiped out any lost horses. Haines continues his argument by noting that Native Americans were not
yet engaged in raising animals, something that would not happen until
they were on reservations. At this time, if the Native Americans wanted
horses, they would likely just steal horses from the Spaniards. He also
mentions their tendency to eat animals that they did encounter on the CLARITY RANKING: 4 CHRISTOPHER M. FINK:
Hallowell, A. Irving. The
Incidence, Character, and Decline of Polygyny Among the The author of this article informs his readers about the practice of
polygyny in the Polygyny was greatly deterred by the efforts of missionaries in the area. The Cree had only a few instances of polygyny, while the Saulteaux remained less Christianized and had a greater incidence of polygynous males. Hallowell presents a comparative index for the reader. He notes that earlier studies of the Cree and Ojibwa (Saulteaux) assert that polygyny was permitted in the culture, but fail to give concrete facts and statistics concerning polygyny. He also challenges the validity of Indian informants who might attempt to pass their own personal fantasies as accurate portrayals of times past. Hallowell comments on the presence of sororal polygyny among the Indians. He explains this practice by giving consideration to the solidarity among sisters. He ignores the idea of a formal rule dictating the practice, and credits the ability of sisters to get along as the reason for the practice’s existence. The first wife is said to be somewhat superior in rank among the wives, but again, no formal rules are credited. A relatively small number of the Indian population practiced polygyny. So who were these men? They are identified as men who held a position of leadership within the culture. Whether it was economic, magico-religious, curative, clairvoyant or skill as a hunter, polygynists seemed to evoke a sense of social prestige. The decline of polygyny among the Cree and Saulteaux is documented and accounted for in a number of reasons; the most influential factor appeared to be the hostile attitudes that the missionaries of the region had towards polygyny. Missionaries were converting the Indians to Christianity and slowly eliminating the practice of multiple wives. Deaths within the older generation of Indians, deaths of the wives, and separation among the polygynous couples also contributed to the decline of polygyny. The author uses historical statistics and social features to explain the decline of polygyny among the Cree and Saulteaux peoples, but fails to convince the reader of his finding’s validity. CLARITY RANKING: 3 JAY POROPATICH:
Hallowell, A. Irving. The
Incidence, Character, and Decline of Polygyny Among the Before the arrival of Christian Missionaries in the According to A. Irving Hallowell, the most notable factor undermining the presence of polygynous marriages was the existence of missionaries in the area. Besides the treaty books, another reliable data source attained by the author came from personal accounts made by the Christians. The decline in polygynous men seemed to be negatively proportionate to the level of "Christianization" instituted upon them by these missionaries. These attempts were further discussed in the writings
as were individual cases of polygynous marriage with which they came
into contact. The Christianization was so successful that it led to the
decline, and eventual extinction of polygyny among the various bands
of Cree and Saulteaux in the The author gathers many types of information regarding the polygynous practices of the Lake Winnipeg Indians. Polygynous men usually had only two or three wives if they had more than one. In some instances the men would take double that many, and in the most extreme case, a man had nine wives. Besides the first wife being the "boss", due to her age. Other than the first wife having authority there was no other hierarchal structure to a man ' s wives. Perhaps, this is because more often than not, the man would take a sister or a kinswoman to his first wife. This was because it was believed women from the same family would cooperate on housework much better than two strangers. The men that took multiple wives were only the most prestigious among the Cree or Saulteaux bands. To have multiple wives and many children was a prestige unto itself. As more and more settlers moved into the area, and more Natives adopted Christianity, the practice continued its decline. Regardless of the place it held in their society prior to the white man's arrival, the practice was extinct by the early 1900's in all but the most remote parts of the Lake Winnipeg region. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hoijer, Harry. The The issue at hand in Harry Hoijer’s article is to determine
the linguistic relationships of the Different Athapaskan dialects are examined by geographical
region, and similar characteristics such as pronunciation help to categorize
them. "The As evidence for this conclusion, Hoijer dedicates entire pages to listing different prefixes and their current pronunciations in different tribes. To the layperson, these listings look like a word jumble. Letters, combined with vague and unusual symbols to indicate palatal stops and guttural noises, are strewn about the page and are dizzying to look at. CLARITY RANKING: 1 CHRIS FARNSWORTH:
Hoijer, Harry. The In this paper, Hoijer discusses the issue of the development of the
Southern Athapaskan Languages, particularly in the American Southwest.
These languages include Navaho, Hoijer's main thesis rides on how the stem and prefix
consonants "indicates,
first, a basic homogeneity of the Southern Athapaskan languages~ secondly,
an early division of the primitive CLARITY RANKING: 3
Kluckhohn, In this article, the author examines the ceremonial behaviors of a Navaho
group in the region between Ramah and Kluckhohn’s other objective is to use the information that he has gained to respond to the statement "Every culture tends to have certain preferred modes of feeling and reacting." In his response, he aims to answer the question "To what extent does an inductive analysis of the behaviors of the individuals making up a particular Navaho groups support the generalization that a preferred Navaho mode of reacting is ceremonial?" He aims to support the idea that ceremonials are a "focal point" of all actions of the Navaho tribe. Kluckhohn successfully provides a detailed picture of ceremonial behavior and its place within the Navaho society, and shows that most activities are based around it. However, it appears that he was only present in Navaho society for six months and a longer field stay would be recommended to avoid making assumptions. CLARITY RANKING: 4 THERESA ROURK:
Kluckhohn, In this article Kluckhohn explains ceremonial participation in Navaho society . Three varieties of participation exist in the Navaho society. The first is, members of one community may attend or take part in ceremonials given in another Navaho community. Second, they may attend or assist in ceremonials given for members of their own community by singers from the outside. Finally, twenty song ceremonials that are known by one or more living member of the society can be preformed. Kluckhohn also noted that not one living individual know the war ceremonial. Twenty out of sixty-nine adult males in the society Kluckhohn studied actually had direct ceremonial knowledge. The Navaho distinguish these twenty men by their knowledge of the ceremonials. If a man knows at least two three-night ceremonials then he is called a singer. The others are called curers. In this society three of the men were singers. During the time Kluckhohn studied this society 148 ceremonials were preformed by these singers and curers. Adult men average about one-fourth to one-fifth of their productive time in ceremonials, women are about one-fifth to one-sixth. Kluckhohn also talked about non-ceremonial religious activity, which included songs, chants, and prayers. A large number of his informants said that they had secret good luck songs designed to protect herds and other forms of property. Certain songs are also sung when certain things are done or happen. Most of these non-ceremonial activities are not spontaneous. These singers and curers get paid for their time doing these ceremonials, generally the longer the ceremony takes the more the performer will get paid. Outside performers get paid the most. The money that these performers get from these ceremonials account, on average, for about twenty percent of their annual income. He concludes that ceremonials are not only important, but linked to both supernatural and economic factors in Navaho Society. CLARITY RANKING: 4
LaBarre, Weston. Native American Beers. American Anthropologist April-June, 1938 Vol. 40(2):224-234. Weston LaBarre takes on a prevalent, though largely overlooked subject of alcoholic beverages used by both Northern and Southern Native Americans. LaBarre begins his essay with a glossary of Native American drinks and clarifies the terms used throughout the rest of the article. LaBarre argues that knowledge of Native American alcohol can reveal a great deal about lifestyles, for many of these cultures include alcohol in many of their ceremonies. Although each group has a specific use for alcohol, many similarities
can be seen ranging from reasons for use to methods of production. Most
groups had very limited tools and used simple methods to ferment maize,
corn, fruits or beans to create their alcohol. Some groups, such as the
Indians of the Guarani group would boil, chew and allow their maize to
ferment in clay pots. Chewing the plants was a popular method of fermentation
because, as was the case for some groups in From birth (the Tarahumari tribe adds their "wine" to a mother’s
milk) to death (the Chiriguano tribe uses their beer as a sacrifice),
alcohol is present in countless different rituals. Puberty, marriage,
funerals, plant harvesting, victories and even hunting and fishing are
events that call for homemade intoxicants. Three Mexican tribes, the
Maricopas, Pimos and the CLARITY RANKING: 4 ROBERT MACGREGOR:
La Barre, Weston. Native American Beers. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(2):224-234 The author seeks to prove to the reader that Native Americans throughout
the More than thirty beers and wines, from "aguardiente" to "ui", are described to orient the reader with the more widely known beverages. Many are produced from the fermentation of crushed corn and maize from the different regions. A number of others are produced from fermented juices of various plants and fruits. He also notes an odd practice where a number of liquors are produced by boiling the plant, corn for instance, and then chewing it before placing it in pots to ferment. The saliva is believed to influence the "spirit" in the drink. A spiritual element is incorporated in to the production and consumption of many native beers. All equipment used in the processes of fermenting and storing are of the most basic, such as earthenware pottery and animal skins. The author traces many examples of these liquors being used in ceremonial
and cultural rituals and celebrations. Tribes in La Barre provides the reader with a brief look at many different CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lantis, Margaret. The Alaskan Whale Cult and Its Affinities. American Anthropologist July-September, 1938 Vol. 40(3): 438-464. In her article, Margaret Lantis focuses on the ritual aspects of a whale
hunt. Looking closely at areas in the North Pacific, the With great emphasis on the individual whaler’s secret knowledge, Lantis explains special behavior prior to and during a hunt. We also learn the importance of these behaviors in relation to magical beliefs. The article is broken down into elements that allow the complex and vast area under study to be simplified. In Element 32 for example, the author describes the belief in the connection of wolf-spirit with whales. This is the concept that the same spirit can be a wolf on land and a killer whale in water. An element that describes whaler initiation demonstrates the ritual preparations, songs, hiding places and ceremonial uses (magic) of certain objects, such as human mummies that are linked to the magical beliefs. By outlining these types of specific whaling cult practices Lantis brings us closer to an understanding about the hunters as a collective unit. Clearly these elements are carefully laid out in specific order, but
they tend to overlap each other. Rituals and characteristic behavior
common among the peoples of Nootka, Quinalt and CLARITY RANKING: 3 MELANIE THORNTON:
Lantis, Margaret. The Alaskan Whale Cult and its Affinities. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(3): 438-464. In this article Lantis spends most of her time comparing and contrasting
the rituals incorporated with whale hunting in the North Pacific and
the Along with Lantis' brief descriptions of the different forms of rituals she includes the above tribes and places them with their appropriate form of ritual to get a feel for who practices these forms of rituals and where they occur. Specific rituals Lantis focuses on are located in the sec9nd half of the article. One of the main rituals which she deems necessary to discuss more in depth is that of using the remains of ancestors or dead whale hunters to bless the hunt and obtain whale hunting powers before and during the hunt, depending on which tribe you are studying. Lantis also goes into detail about the ritual treatment of the whale, and how many of the cults would take portions of the whale home with them to decorate and honor it so that the spirit of the whale could return to the sea happy. The last ritual, which she discusses in her article, is that on the taboos surrounding the whaler's wife and her involvement with the hunting ritual. This article was a little confusing to read at times Lantis includes so many different tribes, it is hard to keep track of what tribes are associated with certain rituals. Her use of comparing and contrasting the different whale cults is not uniform in that the tribes are scattered throughout the paper, so it is hard to make clear distinction between them Other then that, this is a very informative article discussing the different rituals of Alaskan whale cults. CLARITY RANKING: 3 HANNAH KRAMER Florida State University (Dr. Adrienne Harmon)
Lindgren, Ethel John. An Example of Culture Contact without Conflict: Reindeer Tungus and Cossacks of Northwestern Manchuria. American Anthropologist October-December, 1938 Vol.40(4):605-621. The author of this article attempts, through a comparison of his own research about the Russo-Tungus culture contact in Northwestern Manchuria with studies conducted elsewhere, to find significant correlations between contact cultures. Lindgren asserts that "contact phenomena, despite the differences between the cultures involved in each case, nevertheless have characteristics which permit valid generalizations." He further suggests that a study of individuals or groups within a culture "will throw light upon factors present in inter-cultural relations." He admits that previous work done on this subject has made him aware that the contact phenomena are very susceptible to generalizations. He claims that inter-cultural comparisons should help make any over-generalizations apparent. Lindgren provides a comprehensive ethnography of the Tungus including "Early History of Contact," "Territorial Organization and Relations," "Size of Groups," "Types and Frequency of Contact," "Race and Miscegenation," "Language, Literacy, and Bilingualism," " Social Organization and Political Relations," "Economic Organizations and Trade," Interchange of Material Culture," and "Religious Duality." His conclusions include the idea that "psychological traits reputed to characterize the Tungus and Cossack peoples in general seem to explain the absence of conflict between these particular communities." The author, admittedly, does not provide a systematic or complete ethnography of the Cossack culture. He suggests that the lack of conflict between these cultures may be due to a lack of "interference by politicians" and "propagandists". He, however, does not make any concrete conclusions without proper documentation of the Cossack culture. CLARITY: 5 ANDREW SPITZ: Union College (Linda Cool)
Lindgren, Ethel John. An Example of Culture Contact without Conflict: Reindeer Tungus and Cossacks of Northwestern Manchuria. American Anthropologist 1938 Vol. 40(4): 605-621 |
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