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American
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Beaglehole, Ernest. Polynesian Anthropology Today. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:213-221. The First Pan Pacific
Science Conference convened in 1920 to determine a comprehensive research
program for Collection of data
for CLARITY RANKING: 3 JOYCE ASKEW Beaglehole, Ernest. Polynesian Anthropology Today. American Anthropology, 1937 Vol.39:213-221. Ernest Beaglehole reports the status of various anthropological projects in “Polynesian Anthropology Today.” To begin, he discusses the foundation for current Polynesian Anthropology, the First Pan-Pacific Science Conference in 1920. Renowned scientists met and discussed the present and immediate future of Polynesian study. Among the goals reported from the meeting included: coordinating synthetic work, organizing previous surveys and focusing research in neglected fields such as linguistics, cultural history and race. Moreover, the convention recognized the urgency to attack these objectives by essentially setting 1930 as a deadline for these aims to be realized. Beaglehole then
reports on the progress (or lack there of) made since this mad rush
toward For instance, he
notes the blatant absence of linguistic studies in The author continues
down his list of specific suggestions and priorities for quickly and
systematically researching Ernest Beaglehole’s purpose in “Polynesian Anthropology Today” was not merely to describe the progress made in this field, but rather to look toward the future. Although he indeed mentions these advancements, a majority of the essay deals with areas of study in need of examination. Realizing fully the factor of time in the preservation of native Polynesian culture, the author stresses an agenda that walks a thin live between quality and quantity. CLARITY: 5 TOM
PELLMAN .gif){kind=small} Boas, Franz. Waldemar Bogoras. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol.39:314-315. This is a short
biographical sketch of Boas’ friend and expatriate, Waldemar Bogoras,
who died May 11, 1936. Bogoras, exiled to Siberia as a youth, lived
with and observed the natives of eastern Upon his return
to CLARITY RANKING: 4 PEGGY
VERRET Childe, V. Gordon. The Antiquity of the British Bronze Age. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:1-22. In the article,
V. Gordon Childe examines the data used to determine the length of
time of the British Bronze Age. Through analysis of funeral and hoard
site inventories in Childe believes
there are three primary reasons for the misinterpretation of the British
dates. First, there were "poor and monotonous" material findings
in Briton compared to the findings in Childe thinks that
the previous dates for both the CLARITY: 2 WENDY SHIMMIN Collins,
Henry B. Jr. Culture Migrations and Contacts in the The main purpose
of this article is to show that the Point Barrow Eskimo tribe living
in CLARITY RANKING: 4 Davidson,
D.S. The Question of Relationship between the
Cultures of D.S. Davidson’s
article critiques the theories of Rivet and Koppers regarding the historical
unity of the two cultures. Koppers’ theory proposes that two groups
from the same culture in Asia traveled to South America via the Bering
Strait and to Davidson briefly
notes that although Koppers’ theory of a group traveling across the Both theorists are
criticized for a lack of substantial evidence, using superficial commonalties
between the two cultures and ignoring the possibilities of more realistic
explanations. Thus, Davidson concludes that neither theorist provides
satisfactory evidence supporting the theory that the basic cultures
of CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Davidson,
D. S. The Question of Relationship Between the
Cultures of This article by
D. S. Davidson examines two theories on a historical relationship between
the peoples of Koppers explained
that the two cultures were related by means of a common ancient parent
culture located in Asia from which both migrated to their latter locations,
Australians by means of the East Indies and Rivet believed that
the Fuegian culture is a direct descendant of the Australian with the
ancient Australians traveling between 3,000 and 6,000 years ago. His
initial claim was that a group of Australians traveled from the continent
to South America via the islands of Melanesia and CLARITY: 4 M.
KELLY DAVIES Davis, Kingsley and W. Lloyd Warner. Structural Analysis of Kinship. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:291-313. In this article, Kingsley Davis and W. Lloyd Warner formulate a system of kinship, using symbols and graphs, with which one can compare and contrast different kinship organizations among cultures. They explain that kinship can be viewed on two levels: biological and social. They argue that the variable, sociological patterns of kinship are based on the fixed, biological structures, so that analyzing the biological aspects of kinship will lead to a greater understanding of social patterns in different kinship systems. They begin by defining biological kinship terms such as birth-cycle and sibling-link and then placing them on two axes, vertical and horizontal. The vertical axis represents time and genetic processes, while the horizontal represents collateral relationships such as the sibling-link. They show how these two axes intersect and therefore depict graphically the distance of a particular relative to ego. They stress, however, that this representation is most true to reality when considering the immediate family, since the outer reaches of kinship are often more variable. Next, the authors turn to terminology and how it "bridges the gap between the biological and the sociological levels" (p.289). They believe that terminology systems of kinship are what distinguish one culture from another. They go on to describe and define the difference between classificatory, descriptive, and isolating systems of kinship, all which designate people or categories of people in different ways. The authors also describe three linguistic devices used by certain cultures. They are primary terms, categorical words, and combined terms. They then devise an apparatus of symbols to represent all of these terms and categories, for convenient representation of kinship systems, suggesting that, "this should enable the student to correlate with greater precision types of nomenclature with types of societies, and particular features of kinship with particular features of social organization" (p.307). CLARITY RANKING: 2 Devereux, George. Mohave Soul Concepts. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 35:417-422 This article discusses Mohave concepts of souls. It covers the Mohave explanation for the origins of souls as well as their conception of four different types of souls. Devereux begins by explaining the four soul types: the real shadow, the power soul, the worldly wealth, and the last soul that is only seen at death. Each soul type contributes to the individual in different ways in both life and death. Devereux explains the concept of the souls of twins as being immortal. He discusses how witchcraft and shamanism play a role in the nature of the souls. He explains that the souls wander for four nights and days until going to the land of the dead. Within this time period it is likely for the souls to appear in the dreams of survivors. But if the visits persist, a shaman must be called to visit the land of the dead. Different customs apply to different types of death. Witchcraft plays a major a role in how one treats the dead. Devereux goes on to explain that if twins are taken by witchcraft their immortality is lost. He even comments on the Mohave concept of soul with reference to insects and bugs. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Eggan, Fred. Historical Changes in the Choctaw Kinship System. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:34-52. In this article
Eggan describes the Choctaw kinship system and its origins. He gives
detailed descriptions and models of the five major kinship patterns
in the Southwest. He outlines the ‘crow’ type and its variations: the
Choctaw pattern, the Chickasaw pattern, the Creek pattern, the Cherokee
pattern, and the Yuchi pattern. Eggan discusses the history of the
Choctaw and its effects on the kinship system. He argues that the Choctaw
pattern differs from the others due to a longer and more influential
missionary period. The Choctaws were introduced to missions more than
three decades before any of the other tribes in the Southwest. They
were also more compliant to the missions’ demands to change their way
of life. Eggan explains that the Choctaw were one of the first tribes
to leave their land and move to so-called CLARITY RANKING: 1 Emaneau,
M.B. Toda Marriage Regulations
and Taboos. Emaneau attempts
to supplement and shed more insight on W.H.R. Rivers' detailed account
of the marriage customs of the Toda people of the Nilgris in southern Emaneau examines
the sexual relations of the tribe that don't necessarily follow the
same marriage regulations. Polyandry was practiced whereas a man can
have sexual contact with a woman not of his half of the tribe though
a man may not have intercourse with any woman that is related to him
by a whole female or whole male line. The sexual customs are compared
to that of Hindu south The taboos of language and interaction between those of opposite sex are mainly geared to avoid the topic of sexual intercourse by a number of methods from preventing physical contact to the forbiddance of uttering certain words. Rivers' and Emaneau's accounts both disclose that there is generally irregular sexual intercourse. Taboos begin to operate at the onset of puberty and are not set by generation. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ERICA
L. CLARK Field,
Henry and Eugene Prostov. Archaeology in
the Field and Prostov's
article is an exhaustive overview of archaeological work in the The majority of
archaeology in Soviet Union during this time was undertaken by two
groups, the IAE ( Sites examined encompassed
a wide range of time periods, from the Lower Paleolithic of which twenty
sites were found in Abkhazia alone, through the Neolithic, Medieval,
and in to the 14th century AD. Significant attention is devoted to
the region of Goodwin, Grenville. The Characteristics and Function of Clan in A Southern Athapascan Culture. American Anthropologist. Vol. 39. 1937:394-407 The Southern Athapascan group treated here is the White Mountain Apache. The article examines the different clans and their functions. The clans are grouped into three phratries and one unrelated clan. An individual recognizes true blood kin by only true siblings, mother, and those with whom blood connection can be traced through the intermediacy of females of the clan irrespective of generation. It is a common custom to marry within the father’s clan, although they may address him in terms used before marriage. Clans and phratries are exogamous; marriages within them are considered incestuous and examples of witchcraft. Clan is a factor in religion and ceremony, but a relatively unimportant one. Clan participation in ceremonies varies. In the girl’s puberty ritual, for example, the man and woman who attend with her must be outside her clan, because the woman endows her with womanly attributes other that those naturally inherited from the girl’s own clan. The man performs the same function. Three fifths of the adults of the nuclear clan or group were women because of customary matrilocal residence. They usually belonged to the nuclear clans, but were sometimes related by marriage. Hereditary chieftainships followed clan and bloodlines. A chief must be of the same clan as his predecessor, and was usually his brother, sister’s son, or sister’s daughter’s son. No one type of blood relationship took precedence over another. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Hawley, Hawley’s purpose in this article is to inform the reader about the Kokopelli, a figure with a hunched back that is usually portrayed as playing a flute. Their heads appear to symbolize the bodies of fish. The modern Kokopelli are represented without the flute, but the ancient Kokopelli are represented with flutes. Why is this so? Located in According to Kidder
in the article, northern CLARITY RANKING: 5 Hawley, This article suggests
that social organization and linguistics are key elements in uncovering
the diverse history of modern CLARITY RANKING: 3 Herskovits, Melville. The Significance of the Study of Acculturation for Anthropology. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol.39:259- Melville Herskovits begins his article with a discussion of the two of the most influential schools of thought in anthropology at the time - the Boasnians and the British structural functionalists - and their disagreement over the role of history in ethnography. The Boasnian's interest in historical reconstruction and cultural relativism often came into conflict with the British school's relatively ahistorical approach to the study of social and political structures of a culture. Herskovits argues that the study of acculturation could potentially bridge the divide between these two schools of thought by looking at both "cultural dynamics and the importance of cultures as an historical continuum" (261). In support of his case, he gives a number of examples of how the research could be tailored to suit the particular interests of an anthropologist. At one point, he highlights the possibilities of studying the effects of acculturation on the psychology of different cultures in an attempt to lure in the culture and personality school. At the time the
article was written, there was a tendency within the discipline to
study what was considered "pure" culture, or to at least "salvage" the
cultural traditions of groups whose traditional ways of life were quickly
changing. Herskovits argues that rather than avoid confronting the
changes that occur through culture contact, anthropologists should
proactively research it. He points to the study of Mexican cultures
and his own research on peasant culture in A fair warning:
if one is looking for an introduction to acculturation, this article
is not a good starting place. It is situated in the debates current
in anthropology at the time, and without a background in the history
of anthropological theory, it is sometimes difficult to follow Herskovits'
references. For example, throughout the article, he hints at how the
study of acculturation fit into the debate over "applied anthropology" (which,
at this time, more often than not referred to the how ethnography could
be useful to colonial governments) but does not provide any context
about the issue. Herskovits is clearly writing for an insider. RACHEL
BREUNLIN Kennard, E.A. Hopi Reactions To Death. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol. 35:491-496. E. A. Kennard evaluates the Hopi concepts of predetermination and individual will as they relate to death. His analysis includes three distinct reactions to death, all centering upon the strength or power of will. The reactions to death vary, depending upon the circumstance. Old age is seen as a natural progression to death, the aged reaching the end of their road and dying. The death of the young is more difficult, but the Hopi response is to get beyond it and not dwell on it. Unexplainable deaths of those who are then labeled “qovi’sa” are seen as the will of the person to cause pain among his/her people and thus is reacted to with anger. All of these reactions follow the Hopi beliefs that one can will their own death, or without sufficient strength to cope with difficult circumstances, one may die from a lack of will to live. Reactions also point to ways in which strength can be deteriorated among the Hopi. This weakening of will can be brought about by focusing on the future or the dead rather than on the present and the living, or by having an angry (mean) heart. All of these agents to death are evidenced in the discourse of the Hopi. They are encouraged to live happy, strong lives so they may travel to the end of their road. The internal discourse of the Hopi also serves the purpose of perpetuating their belief systems about death and individual will. Kennard gives evidence of this in a conversation between a father and his son. The father advises his son to be happy, not mean, in order to have “a peaceful (ho’pi) life”. Kennard relies on Hopi ceremonies, folklore, and Hopi narratives about death and individual will to illustrate his findings. Hopi ceremonies incorporate a spirit of the dead. In every ceremony “a hole is opened in the floor of the kiva to represent the place of emergence and to provide means of communication with the underworld” . The communication with the underworld serves an important purpose in validating Hopi beliefs. Kennard notes that many tales exist in Hopi folklore of people who travel to the underworld “by magical means” and return with a message. These messages warn the living not to dwell on the dead and not to have angry hearts. They encourage the Hopi people to live and be strong. Kennard’s conclusion, then, is that the Hopi reactions to death are part of a socialization process that is validated in their rituals, mythology, and discourse. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NICOLE
TAYLOR Kennard, E.A. Hopi Reactions to Death. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol.13:491-496. The Hopi have their own culture in which they view life as something that is predetermined in important aspects, in which happenings from past to future has been known from the beginning of time. All things such as happiness, long life, and health that are desired are not seen as separate in themselves but as interconnected into an “essential whole”. In rites, the Hopi believe that the spirits of the dead are involved. They can be present in the form of clouds, or simply of those living in the underworld. The twelve-month calendar is divided into halves, repeating the six winter months in the summer. Therefore, a meeting or ceremony held to acknowledge one would counter one sphere of life held in the corresponding month in the opposite sphere. At the end of any rite a de-charming must be performed, otherwise the contact between the living and the dead will not be broken. Also, the Hopi are quite unwilling to speak of the dead outside of the rites. Kennard presents a psychological reason for this, stating it is “related to ideas concerning the role of will in human life”. When the will of the people is collectively concentrated, it is more powerful as a whole; but when there is even one who in his heart is not wholly good, the effectiveness of the collective will is destroyed. Unanimity of will is important not only in collective aspects, but personal as well although they do hold as much significance. Will can be directed towards gaining happiness or long life; aside from this unanimity, the individual must be without any mental conflict, or anything mentally bothersome. Those who have a type of mental conflict usually end up dreaming of the underworld- visiting in their own mind- where they experience death but always come back to life. Any person who maintains strength in his will can obtain what he desires. Chance and accident are not even thought of as viable explanations when something that is desired makes its way to the living world; Kennard sees these as three views toward dying. For example, when someone is sick, a cure can always be found. The explanation for death is that the person did not have strong enough will and therefore passed on. However, this does not explain why younger people die. This explained by the idea that the young person was capable of adjusting to a new or tough situation. The examination of will can also affect life even when death does not take place- like when a woman has a miscarriage. Interpretations of will can be easy to learn about when the people are still alive and can tell of their experiences, but one cannot find out if a person can actually will themselves to die- since they are not alive to tell anyone if they succeeded. CLARITY: 1 MEGAN KROL Kidder, V. A. Samuel James Guernsey. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:135-136. V. A. Kidder's obituary
of Samuel James Guernsey (1868-1936) provides us with a short biography
of an important early American archeologist and museum curator. Originally
an artist, Guernsey combined
his training in the social sciences and art in his work at the In addition to his
work at the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Kroeber, A. L. Athabascan Kin Term systems. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:602-608. This article is
a brief analysis of Athabascan kinship terminology. It is written as
a comparative supplement to M. E. Opler's previous work on the kinship
systems of seven groups of CLARITY RANKING: 3 Li, An-Che. Zuni: Some Observations and Queries American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:62-76. In this article,
An-Che Li explains that as a student of anthropology from Li begins with a discussion of religious practices, disagreeing with Ruth Benedict’s and other researchers’ assertion that the Zuni lack a "spontaneous outpouring of the heart" in their religious practices. Li reminds his readers that the Christian religion has just as many prescribed services and "stereotyped prayers and songs" as the Zuni. Researchers would not and do not use them as the basis for judging Christian religious devotion. He provides examples from his own research, as well as other written material, to present a more nuanced portrayal of the religion. Li takes a similar approach in his discussions of leadership and discipline in Zuni culture, pointing out some misconceptions of previous students of the culture and gently correcting them with his own research and insight. He reminds his readers that if researchers use their own cultural standards to evaluate another, they risk drawing the wrong conclusions. As an example, many Zuni have aspirations for leadership roles, but their "valuation of the ways and means of achieving it" is different than in the Western world. Similarly, disciplining children among the Zuni is approached in a different manner (p. 68). He notes that problems with child-rearing rise as more children are exposed to different standards and expectations imposed by Western missionaries and schools. In the final section
of the article, entitled "Man and Wife," Li explains the
relationships between men and women in Zuni society and compares them
with his own Chinese culture. Unlike the Zuni's matrifocal society,
Chinese culture is patrifocal. It is notable that during his fieldwork,
his opinion about the role of women in his own society changed. By
observing Zuni men who were in a similar position to women in CLARITY RANKING: 5 Lips, Julius E. Public Opinion and Mutual Assistance Among the Montagnais-Naskapi. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:222-28. For the Montagnais-Naskapi
Indians of the In case of illness, accident, or famine, the Indian sets up signs calling for help. It is a signal system understood by every Indian. There are two different kinds of signal posts: one signifies illness or accident the other hunger and starvation. Both can be combined, since hunger and illness often occur simultaneously. The sign post is shaped differently if the sign indicates illness or accident. Both signs are put up if the person or his family seeking aid is not only hungry but also ill. Aid arrives in time as a rule. Sometimes the helper may not be prepared for the emergency. In any event he will use the signpost as a signal to inform the caller for aid that he has seen the sign and that he is willing to bring help. It may happen that the helper arrives after the suffering individual or family has died. In that case he makes an appropriate marking on the signpost, a death message. If a person doesn’t go and refuses to assist, or, if a case should become known where an Indian maliciously disregarded a signal erected in extreme need, he would likewise be disregarded in care of his own need. The enforcement of law in earlier cultures was not in the form of positive acts but in the threat of passive conduct. It is erroneous to contend that, in cased where a law is not enforced by positive rules and the “systematic application of the force of politically organized society”, it cannot be considered a law. Public opinion enforces by negative and passive means the positive act of the individual. In any event the fear of retaliation is sufficiently strong to compel observance of the legal norms within the community. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Nimuendaju, Curt
and Lowie, Robert. The Dual Organizations
of the Ramko’kamekra (Canella) of Nimuendaju and Lowie’s article on the Ramko’kamekra of Northern Brazil is divided into two parts. The first is ethnography and the second is a comparison of their finding to other works from this geographical region. The ethnography describes the social structure of the Ramko’kamekra, from the physical set up of the village to the organization of lineage and the "moieties." Moiety is defined as a halving of a social group. Nimuendaju and Lowie provide information about the physical arrangement of the village and its relation to moiety groups. Diagrams, charts and maps are used to help the reader to understand the various patterns of the Ramko’kamekra people’s family and social structures. The comparative notes are focused on refuting H. J. Spinden’s Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America, in which it is suggested that "no clear case of kinship class has been reported south of the area of the United States" (p.186). The authors use data they have collected on the Canella and Bororo peoples to compare to Hopi-Crow kinship patterns, as well as those of the Trobrianders. The article further suggests that the South American groups Nimuendaju and Lowie observed, while following established patterns of kinship, sometimes do not follow any existing patterns at all. Nimuendaju and Lowie argue that the presence of similar moiety patterns in the South American region are hardly a coincidence and compare the Ramko’kamekra history to that of the North American Choctaw and Pueblo groups. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Nishioka, Hideo
[Schenck, W. Egbert, trans]. An Outline of
Theories Concerning the Prehistoric People of The basic point
of Nishioka’s article is to provide a basic outline of the current
theories of the prehistoric people of The evidence indicates
that the views expressed previously to 1877 were pure speculation based
on superstition. Post 1912, fieldwork was done and data collected.
But due to the lack of official approval, "this is not a topic
for free speculation in There are two lines of speculation regarding the origin of the Japanese. The first includes theories suggesting the prehistoric people were not Japanese, while the second suggests that they are Japanese. There are four headings in the first group: the Koropokguru theory, the Ainu theory; the Ainu-Japanese confronting theory; and the eclectic theory. Each of these theories is briefly explained and the foremost proponent of each is discussed. At the end of the piece, a summary graphically charts the theories in two categories: origins deduced from the classic literature (mythology), and those based on physical anthropological and archaeological data. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Opler, M. E. Apache Data Concerning the Relation of Kinship Terminology to Social Classification. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:201-212. In this article, M. E. Opler disputes a statement made by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown that a "fairly close correlation" exists between kinship terminology and what Radcliffe-Brown terms "social classification" (p.201). Radcliffe-Brown used Opler’s previous field studies of the Apache to make his argument. Opler, in turn, uses the same material to point out the discrepancies in Radcliffe-Brown’s argument. Opler centers his discussion on three examples that directly confront and dispute the relationship between kinship terminology and social classification. Opler used three different relationships that existed in the Apache tribes (cross/parallel cousins, the mother’s sister, and the grand and great grandparent) to identify and exemplify the differentiation between kinship terminology and "social classification." In doing this, Opler hoped to convey to the reader that different rationalizations may exist for a particular usage of kinship or terminology classifications and that both usages are valid and functional. Opler’s final point in this article is to help the reader to understand the flaws in Radcliffe-Brown’s statement. He impresses upon the reader that under Radcliffe-Brown’s argument, "when the social classification of kin can not correlate to terminological classification, a functional inconsistency between the social system and the classification exists" (p.210). This reinforces Opler’s own position and argument. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Opler, M. E. Apache Data Concerning the Relationship of Kinship Terminology to Social Classification. American Anthropologist, 1937. Vol. 39 (2): 201-212. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown hypothesized that there is a direct correlation between the societal naming of a kinship role (i.e.- aunt, uncle, cousin, sibling etc) in Apache society and the way in which that individual functions, is received, or impacts others. In this article, Opler attempts to illustrate that kinship terminology and social classification do not exclusively or completely coincide in the Apache culture, and that there may even be “grave discrepancies between kinship terminology and… ‘social classification’” (201). He clearly states that while at times a name can be indicative of the functionality of the individual, terminology is not the only means by which prescribed behavioral patterns can be conveyed. Opler uses such examples as myth, beliefs, stories, and instruction as alternative manners in which these familial relationships can be determined. Opler arrives at his argument by refuting A. R. Radcliffe-Brown’s theory that there is a direct correlation between terminology and behavioral patterns. Opler uses his own fieldwork and “data drawn from comparative ethnological studies of Apache tribes” (201) to arrive at his conclusions. He compares terminology and function between such tribes as the Mescalero, Jicarilla, Chiricahua, Lipan, and White Mountain Apache. Specifically, Opler looks at the relationships of opposite-sex cousins, mothers and their sisters, and grandparents and grandchildren. Opler effectively presents his argument by the systematic evaluation of these separate relationships and the terminology used in different tribes. He points out that while the behavioral patterns remain the same across the borders of the groups, the system of naming changes. Opler points out a major mistake in the hypothesis of Radcliffe-Brown, the assumption that an individual’s role is singular in fashion and cannot be multi-faceted. In Radcliffe-Brown’s opinion, when two functionally similar roles are represented by two differing terms, one must be in error, a “functional inconsistency”. What Opler attempts to show is that there is no one way that adequately describes a kinship role and that while terms may vary, they may each illustrate one aspect of that role. “Since terminological classification is obviously an arbitrary and limited procedure, we have no reason to believe that it can or does adequately symbolize complex relationships”(209). CLARITY: 4 JULIA BUCK Provinse, John
H. Cooperative Ricefield Cultivation among
the Siang Dyaks of Provinse examines
nonirrigated ricefield cultivation in the jungles of Provinse begins by explaining the processes involved in selecting a site, clearing the land of trees and brush, burning, planting, controlling pests, harvesting the rice, and storing the rice. He then gives general descriptions of a typical Siang village, their family structure, their customs and beliefs, their diet, and the weapons and tools which they utilize for hunting and agriculture. Provinse indicates that each family has its own ricefield, which may be jointly cultivated with other families on the same plot. After providing a basic overview of ricefield cultivation and the culture of the Dyaks, Provinse further investigates the tedious process of clearing the jungle for planting. He also analyses the different levels of social cooperation involved in this and other stages of "hill" cultivation. Due to the intense work involved in removing trees and brush from plots, families typically employ the help of others. Provinse shows that this cooperation usually comes in one of two ways. The "hando" system of labor exchange is an informal agreement between a group of men. All of the men involved in this arrangement work together in a single ricefield each day and rotate daily to another field. This rotation continues until the ricefield of each man involved in the pact is completed. The second system of labor exchange identified by Provinse is known as "haweh," which he labels "feast" labor. When a man announces that he will have "haweh" at his field, all willing Dyaks are invited to offer their help. In return for their assistance, the owner of the ricefield provides a feast that typically includes pig or chicken and the native rice wine. Provinse then examines the different roles of men, women, and children in the cultivation process. Provinse contrasts his work to that of Bronislaw Malinowski and Raymond Firth by stressing the limited influence of "external social and religious forces," such as magic, taboos, and omens, in motivating the Siang Dyaks to cooperate socially. As evidence of this, Provinse points to the Dyaks’ rational approach to the activities of cultivation, and he cites the simplicity of their cooperative ricefield cultivation. As a means of providing "objective information on primitive economic activity," the appendix contains a record of the daily activities of seven individuals. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Ray, Verne, F. The Bluejay Character in the Plateau Spirit Dance. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol. 39:593-601. Verne Ray wrote
this article to demonstrate the importance of the guardian spirit concept
of the Salishan groups of the Plateau area of The Salish developed the guardian spirit as a religious complex based on the world's beginning. The guardian spirit was ever present as a source of energy to be drawn upon when needed. The bluejay dance was a religious event of emotional content, which occurred during the winter months. Everyone with a guardian spirit participated. The Bluejay represented the guardian spirit. He was a tribal member who had special powers such as being able to locate lost objects. He went through rigorous conditioning by wearing only a breechcloth during the winter months of the Bluejay dance. The Bluejays avoided humans, became a scavenger of food, and mimicked the behavior of the blue-jay bird. He was able to accomplish his metamorphous as the Bluejay character independently but required the intervention of humans to go through a symbolic death and become human again. The function of the Bluejay was to act as a sentry during the dance and to ensure that everyone conformed to the proper rules of conduct. During the dance, he perched on the rafters ready to swoop down upon anyone found breaking the rules. There were tribal variations of the Bluejay's activities and rituals, but the main duty of acting as the guardian spirit remained the same. CLARITY RANKING: 3 JOYCE
ASKEW Rodnick,
David. Political Structure
and Status Among the In this article
David Rodnick describes the Assiniboine Plains Tribe as “interesting
for their crystallized, yet loose, formal political structure” and
notes that the band was the basic political unite of Often, several bands
would come together, especially for important meetings. Usually, when
bands came together, the councils from each band formed a circle of
tipis, with each tipi representing one of the bands. Although each
band was represented in the circle, they would still only govern themselves.
The only exception to this was Crazy Bear. Crazy Bear was appointed tribal Chief of
the Assiniboine Plains Tribe by the Rodnick also describes the internal make-up of each band. He talks about the stations of the chiefs and how leadership and age affects the perception of those in each band. Success was achieved and perceived in several different ways. Age, war, hunting and wealth were all factors. It should also be noted that women had no rank or social status whatsoever. Only their relatives might hold women of some value. CLARITY RANKING: 2 JENNIFER
TRIGUEROS Senter,
Donovan and Senter and Hawley compare and contrast the details of one Hopi and two Navajo children’s burials that were unearthed by an enthusiast. Determining current burial practices and comparing their findings to prehistoric Southwestern practices enabled anthropologists to gauge the rate of acculturation. Since burial customs in general are less deeply rooted in a culture they are more vulnerable to change. In Hopi burial ceremonies, preparations of the body are done by a family member and do not differ greatly by gender or age. Personal possessions of the deceased are commonly used. Symbolism is a major factor displayed by the adornment of the body with feathers. The burial bundle was protected from the environment by sheepskin. Sticks protrude from the gravesites, which act as ladders for the soul. The child's spirit is believed to be reborn in another child of the opposite sex. Funeral offerings are in the form of food, clothes, and toys left for the dead to be used on the death journey. The Hopi see their dead as animate clouds called katcinas. The fear of their dead is so great that Navajo will sometimes ask white men to aid them with the task. Remnants of food and clothing tomb offerings were found at the gravesite. White grave robbers in search of the precious stones and jewelry have been known to raid Navajo burial tombs. Where the Hopi adorn the body with feathers, the Navajo do so with stones. The bodies were found in pine boxes engraved with a cross, evidence of Christian influence. Materials once owned by the deceased were found in the grave. The Hopi infant was found nude while the older Navajo children were clothed. Funerary customs are not deeply rooted in culture and the little change from prehistoric custom suggests that the Hopi and Navajo are the last to be affected by outside influence. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ERICA
L. CLARK Hawley, In this article Donovan Senter and Florence Hawley discuss the similarities between Hopi and Navajo child burials and how both cultures have sustained their cultural traditions while also being influenced by white culture contact. The Hopi and Navajo child burial information was based on data from archaeological excavations in the American southwest. The Hopi and Navajo both fear the dead so avoid contact with the bodies as much as possible. However both revere the dead and believe that the spirit will need earthly possessions in the future. The Hopi infant was buried on the cliffs of a mesa near Mishongnovi. The grave was covered with stones. A stick protruded from the grave which would be used by the soul as a ladder, to depart westward. The Hopi child’s face was covered with a piece of fine cotton cloth symbolizing the spirit’s future existence as a cloud. The child was wearing moccasins and had prayer plumes placed on various parts of its body. Nearby, archaeologists found a range of earthly possessions: modern glass beads, an empty Post Toasties box, and rubber baby pants. The Navajo children
studied were buried in separate crevices on a cliff in The accounts of the Hopi and Navajo burials show how both cultures have kept many of their traditional beliefs and customs. Yet at the same time both have been influenced by American commercialism. The Navajo have also been influenced by Christianity. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LYNN
SHAULL Smeaton, Winifred. Tattooing
among the Arabs of In this article,
Winifred Smeaton examines tattoos among the Arabs of Iraq. Smeaton’s
focus is on the purpose of the tattooing, and the names given to the
various designs. It does not go into the history or origin of tattooing,
but rather discusses the custom as it existed in 1933-35, when the
fieldwork was conducted in Smeaton obtained information through observation and questions. She also collected information from conversation with, and demonstrations given by, professional tattoo artists. She has found that the tattoos is divided into two categories: those applied for magic or therapeutic reasons, and those applied as decoration. According to Smeaton, magic or therapeutic tattoos are simple or crude in design. They are placed on the area of pain or injury for curative purposes. There are three types of magic or therapeutic tattoos. The first is used to cure skin infections, pain, colds, and most commonly, sprains. The second type of magical tattooing is applied with the intention of bringing about some desired effect. For example, inducing pregnancy, protecting against death, and charms for gaining love fall into this group. A dot on the end of a child’s nose is the most general form of magic tattoo encountered by Smeaton. This practice is done with hopes of guarding the child against death. The third type of magical tattooing is a form of sympathetic magic. This type is accompanied by having someone read the Qur’an while the tattoo is being applied. However, Smeaton notes that she only came across a few women who practice this. An example of this type is a tattoo of three dots shaped in a triangle placed on the palm of a woman’s right hand to insure the keeping of her husbands’ love. A similar design, placed on the left hand of a woman, would mean that the woman no longer wanted her husband’s devotion. The vast majority
of tattoos are for ornamental purposes. The face, hands, arms, feet,
back, thigh, chest and abdomen are all areas for tattooing. Through
sketches Smeaton gives examples of such tattoos in her article. According
to Smeaton, the majority of women are tattooed. She theorizes that
tattooing may be a rite of passage for women. Most young girls are
tattooed before marriage or puberty. However, it is noted that some
men get tattooed for curative and ornamental reasons. All such tattoos
are blue, and are geometrical designs or stylized representations of
natural objects. Smeaton claims that different patterns also depend
on the part of the body being tattooed. She supports this assertion
with a full account of different designs, and the name and purposes
for each. In conclusion, Smeaton’s article contributes to the knowledge
of tattoos and tattooing in southwestern CLARITY RANKING: 4 Tax,
Sol. The Municipos of the Midwestern Highlands of In this article,
Sol Tax explains that social and cultural units in Tax then goes on to describe different types of municipos, some having pueblos (town-centers) where there are no permanent Indian residents which are called “vacant-town” municipos. In this case, the Indian lives in the country and occasionally makes a trip to the town to attend church, the court-house, or the market-place. The other extreme is called a “town-nucleus”, in which practically all residents live in the town. In this case, the men leave the town early in the morning to work on farms in the surrounding country, so that the visible population of the town during the day is mainly comprised of women. The final type of municipo is a combination of the above two, where about half of the residents live in town, and half in the country. Tax then explains the distinction between an Indian and a ladrino through language and clothing style, and then states that the majority of ladrinos (Spanish-speakers) are town-dwellers in the Midwestern Highlands. Tax states that although contiguous municipos differ from one another less than those separated geographically, they nonetheless differ through blood, tradtion, history, language, culture, and costume. The residents disapprove of marriage outside of the municipo, and they feel as foreigners when visiting a neighbors municipo. The names given to the inhabitants reflect the municipo from which they come (one from Quezaltenango is a Quezalteco), and this identification lasts even for two or three generations when a member has left the homeland. Tax states that the municipos differ from each other in brith and baptismal customs, forms of marriage and courtship, family organization and kinship systems, and religious beliefs. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Titiev, Mischa. A Hopi Salt Expedition. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:244-258. The article is a
detailed account describing a 1912 salt expedition made by the author
and three Hopi men: a chief, a "common" man, and a "novice." All
three were initiates of the Hopi Wuwutcim ceremony. Titiev recounts
the ritual preparations for the journey and the rites, offerings, and
omens encompassed in the salt expedition. He asserts that the main
reason for a ceremonial qualification is that the journey is especially
dangerous because the salt deposit is located near the home of the
dead. There is frequent use of prayer-feathers and corn meal, along
with careful attention to ceremonial rites, to ensure a good journey
and a safe return. Most rites center directly or indirectly around
the Little War Twins, the "patron deities in charge of salt," to
whom the Hopi attribute the creation of the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Todd, Wingate T. The Scientific Influence of Sir Grafton Elliot Smith. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol. 39:523-527. In this article, Wingate Todd summarizes the many contributions that Sir Grafton Elliot Smith made to science in the field of mammalian ecology, neurology, physical anthropology and cultural anthropology. Elliot Smith demonstrated early in his career his willingness to explore unknown territory with an unprejudiced mind and an instinct to solve the problems that he encountered. Smith's career was a progressive path of scientific endeavor leading him from the study of the primitive Platypus "smell-brain" and culminating in the study of the Royal Mummies of Egypt. As a young doctor,
Elliot Smith was appointed to catalogue the great collection of mammalian
brains at the Museum of the Royal Collage of Surgeons in While Smith was
in CLARITY RANKING: 3 JOYCE
ASKEW Voegelin, Erminie
W. Suicide in The main concern of this article is to look for evidence of the practice of suicide in Native American Indian tribes of the northwest coast. Voeglin considers the work of two other anthropologists, Isabel T. Kelly and Cora Du Bois, as well as his own ethnographic data. According to Voeglin, of the sixteen tribes where informants were interviewed, half acknowledged the practice of suicide among their people. Four of the five case studies presented by Voeglin come from the McCloud Wintu and all contain the same scenario. In each, a Wintu man gambles away his money and comes home to an angry wife who refuses to feed him. He then goes off to drown himself in a sacred pool of water. Voeglin questions the four cases, suggesting that they may all be variations of the same myth, rather than actual cases of suicide. Voegelin considers whether or not suicide predates contact with white men. It appears that some informants from the different tribes support this possibility, but others deny the practice of suicide before contact. In his conclusions, Veogelin outlines three patterns for suicide. The first pattern is based on information regarding the five McCloud Wintu cases. The second pattern involves the Klamath and Modoc tribes, and their notion of romantic love and despair, which sometimes leads to suicide. The third pattern focuses on the similarities of the Atsugwi, Achomawi, and Surprise Valley Paiute tribes, all of which present details that suicide was committed by eating wild parsnip. Although suicide was frowned upon in these groups, the victims were given the same burial as they would have received for a natural death. CLARITY RANKING: 2 VALARY D. Voegelin, Erminie. Suicide
in In this article
Voegelin discusses suicide among several groups in northeastern I believe the author’s
intent is to prove that suicide is a problem in northeastern The article is very
poorly written. The author’s focus is not clear. He does not even explain, to an appropriate
level, who the people are that he is studying. He introduces the paper in a short two paragraphs
and then immediately jumps into regurgitating stories and myths, which
were told to him about suicide. The
problem is that the stories (or myths) sound very much like one-time
affairs. They also seem to not
even prove ‘suicide’ but merely death by accident or unsure cause of
death. Several times in the
paper he says, “There is no mention of … committing suicide”. This appears to defeat the purpose of the
entire paper. Even if the
stories, which he refers to as ‘myth’ in several cases, were true they
are only exemplary of five cases and not a representation of the community
at large. The author does
mention that, “Suicide was usually motivated either through jealousy
or quarreling” but this does not address how often it really happened
although it does help to explain the few cases that were discussed. CLARITY RANKING: 1.7 JENNIE WOOLF Whorf, B.L. The Origin of Aztec TL. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol.39:265-274. By studying the linguistics of Uto-Aztecan, the author of this article is able to determine that the phoneme “tl” and “t” of the Aztec language is derived from the Uto-Aztecan original “t”. There are of course, as with learning any language, rules and exceptions, which are explained and defended. It is also important to point out that there are language differences between the Uto-Aztecan and the Aztec, that one must understand before being able to understand Aztec “tl” and “t”. This article provides an in-depth explanation of the differences between the languages. It also provides an in-depth view of the factors proving the birth of Aztec “tl” and “t”. All of this leads the author to conclude that “tl” is distinct to a Aztec/Central Nahuatl dialect, and was not found in Uto-Aztecan speech. This article is
not for the linguistically weak. It is complex and at times confusing.
I think it only fair to recommend this article to those with some sort
of a linguistic background, otherwise the reader will lose interest
or simply not understand the true meaning that was meant to be conveyed. LISA
JORDAN Whorf, B.L. The Origin of Aztec TL. American Anthropologist, 1937 Vol. 39: 265-274. In The Origin of Aztec TL, B.L. Whorf argues for the existence of a rule in the Aztec language where the tl sound is derived from the sound that t makes in certain situations. This is based on previous research by J. Aldon Mason’s 1923, A Preliminary Sketch of the Yaqui Language. Whorf examined many different Uto-Aztecan languages to determine that, with only three exceptions, the tl sound is used under one set of rules while the t sound is used with the complementary and alternative sets (Whorf, 1937). The author’s evidence for this thesis can be traced to his extensive knowledge of Aztec linguistics and the existence of special “ultra-short vowels” which may alter the use of the tl or t sound in many Uto-Aztecan languages. The author was also able to utilize his knowledge of the current state of the Aztec language in his observation that the ta sound is still present as a stem in numerous words in the dictionary (Whorf, 1937). Whorf’s article presents a great wealth of information, but at a level that left the reader skimming the paper for any significant events or ideas. Whorf invented his own symbol for the tl sound which complicated his already complicated thesis. Whorf does not offer enough evidence in a cogent manner to support his thesis. Anyone without a strong linguistics background or specific knowledge of the Uto-Aztecan language family will have difficulty with the article. CLARITY: 1 BRONSON
HAYES Wieschhoff,
Heinz. Names and Naming Customs Among the Mashona
in In this article,
Heinz Wieschhoff addressed the naming customs of six culturally similar tribes of the Mashona
group in southeast In summarizing the data, Weischhoff revealed a pattern. First names were most likely connected to circumstances of birth, such as rain-storm, blindness, or feebleness. He noted that first names expressed a prevailing spirit of ill fate and possible death: “the child is thin,” “it will not live very long,” or “the child will die” (p. 503). Second names revealed individual behavior and were not always flattering: “he sits down wherever he goes,” “friends do not like him,” “he talks too much,” or “she is selfish” (p. 503). Weischhoff concluded that the meanings of the chosen names indicated an understanding of acceptable social norms among the Mashona people. CLARITY RANKING: 4 PEGGY
VERRET Wyman, Leland C. and William C. Boyd. Blood Group Determinations of Prehistoric American Indians. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol. 39:583-592. Wyman and Boyd address three problems present in American anthropology with regard to blood groups: the antiquity of the blood groups present in the New World, whether prehistoric or the result of historic migration from the Old World; the relations between the Basket Maker people and the later Pueblo people, and how these peoples relate to other peripheral groups; and the relation of ancient Peruvian peoples to ancient North American groups and to the groups presently living in South America. Wyman and Boyd briefly
describe their methods and materials of research, which focus on the
chemically stable substances called agglutinogens A and B. Agglutinogens
can be found in tissue as well as the blood. The samples tested were
ground tissue, usually muscle, taken from 226 human burials that dated
back to various periods of prehistory. Of the specimens, 133 were from In their results, Wyman and Boyd claim to have definitely shown the presence of the antigens A and B in prehistoric American Indians, and they present the specific findings for the sample material of each location. The authors question whether the mutation rates in humans could be high enough to account for this presence of these antigens. Wyman and Boyd propose, instead, that human populations, lacking one or more of the blood groups, have appeared intermittently through accidental isolation from an original population that possessed all three factors A, B, and O. Wyman and Boyd assert that the presence of antigens A and B in prehistoric American Indian tissue suggests the antiquity of these genes in human evolution, and thus, does not support the theory that these genes were the result of recent mutations. The authors also offer tentative hypotheses suggesting relations between the Lovelock Cave group and the pre-Pueblo people, distinguishing the Basket Maker group from the Pueblo people, suggesting a more recent origin for the presence of agglutinogen A among the Navaho, confirming the antiquity of the agglutinogen B in South America, and relating the ancient South Americans to the Big Bend Cave people and other groups. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Wyman, Leland C. and Boyd, William C. Blood Group Determinations of Prehistoric American Indians. American Anthropologist 1937 Vol.39:583-592 The issue addressed
by this article in American Anthropologist is whether or not
it was the European immigration into the The process used to determine the presence of A or B alleles was relatively straightforward. Blood type is determined by the presence or absence of two proteins (A and B). When neither type is present the blood type is O. When just A is present the blood type is A, when just B the blood type is B. When both are present the blood type is AB. When proteins are bonded with anti-proteins the result is a neutral compound. So in order to determine the blood type of the ancient samples Anti-A and Anti-B proteins were added. These would bond to the corresponding proteins in the sample if they exited in the sample. Later A and B proteins were added to the sample as well. Any Anti-proteins still remaining would then bond to these new proteins. Thus if there was any A or B proteins left unbonded, it meant that the corresponding Anti-protein had bonded with that protein type in the sample. So whichever proteins were unbonded at the end were of the same type as the sample. If neither were left – the sample was O. If just A was left then the subject was A. If just B was left then the subject was B. If both proteins were left unbonded then the sample was AB. The process is reliable
for determining whether or not the A or B proteins existed in prehistoric
Indians. Even though the sample
was too small to accurately describe the distribution of the blood
proteins in the Indian populations, it does show that the alleles existed
before humans arrived in the CLARITY: 5 MEGHAN HANSON Zolotarev, Alexander M. The Bear Festival Of The Olcha. American Anthropologist. 1937 Vol. 39:113-130. Alexander
M. Zolotarev examines the bear festival among the Olcha tribe. The
Olcha reside around the lower part of the Zolotarev details the length of the festival, which varies, but usually averages about nine days and does not exceed fifteen to seventeen days. The preparation for and the ritualistic nature of the activities during these days are examined. During the first seven days, preparation of the bear takes place and families arrive to partake in the process and the festival. The Eighth day is seen as the beginning of feasting or (toje) and the great amount of food consumed by the guests bestows honor upon the host. The ninth day begins with the beating of the bear with sticks as a cleansing, “this ceremony is called docpocambau”. The bear is then taken to a cleansed area and shot with arrows and killed. The tenth through fourteenth days the guests slowly depart and the bear is boiled, this is referred to as a time of tranquility. The fifteenth day the bear is eaten and shared among various clans and family members. The sixteenth day the remaining bear is eaten by the host family and clan. The Olcha refer to the bear festival as playing with the bear and their reasons for this are explored by Zolotarev. Many of the Olcha partake in the festival because it has been done since ancient times yet others give reasons as follows, “(1) for meat; (2) as a reason for the relatives to come together; (3) the clan who often “play with bear” has good fortune in hunting and fishing; (4) the bear is fed and brought up as panja in commemorations of a dead person”. The Olcha also believe that the bear is a forest man who has altered his appearance. The forest men are believed to exist and live like humans, only with powers over the animals and the ability to transform themselves, mostly into bears. This myth centers on the concept of reincarnation and the fruition of good tidings among those who partake in the ritual. The Olcha are thus driven by tradition, mythology, kinship ties, and the power found in ritual to sustain the bear festival. CLARITY RANKING: 4 NICOLE TAYLOR
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