|
|
| |
American
Anthropologist
Adam, Leonhard. The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Nepalese Tribes October-December 1939 Vol. 38(4):533-547. In his article, The Social Organization and Customary Law of the Nepalese Tribes, Leonhard Adam provides a detailed account of Nepalese tribal organization and law. He begins the article by describing how Nepalese culture is composed of two elements: a Tibetan element and a Hindu element. Therefore, one might expect Nepalese law to reflect both of these elements. However, although we are well informed on Brahmanic law, we know much less about tribal law and Indian legal institutions. It is thus necessary, according to Adam, to study the law of the Nepalese tribes in order to deduce what is of Indian origin. Adam describes the social organization of the Nepalese as divided into numerous tribes with many divisions. Primarily, there are divisions such as "menial tribes" that have a specific professional business, such as blacksmiths, but are not warriors. Each tribe is further subdivided into clans, followed by kindreds. According to Adam, there exists a possibility that the tribal organization of the Nepalese was once combined with totemism because of the food prohibitions associated with Hindu caste rules. There is no link between totemism and Brahamanic prescriptions and is thus likely of Indian origin. Adam describes some characteristic institutions of the Nepalese civil
law. First, he describes family law and the notion of artificial brotherhood,
a relationship similar to natural brotherhood. Artificial brotherhood
and sisterhood are very common in Nepalese tribes and although similar
relationships are found among various Indian tribes, Adam posits that
the Nepalese artificial relationship is independent of that of the Indian
tribes. The main role of artificial brotherhood is to maintain tribal
endogamy by extending the social life of the individuals beyond their
clans and kindreds. Another form of law that Adam remarks on is the
remarriage of widows. Although, the remarriage of widows is strictly
prohibited in Brahmanic law, the widows in Although the author provides detailed descriptions of Nepalese social organization and law, his statements regarding the Indian influence are extremely vague and appear to lack sufficient evidence. CLARITY: 2
Belo, Jane A Study of a Balinese Family American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):12-31 Jane Belo’s article, "A Study of a Balinese Family" begins by giving a convoluted summary of the family of a Balinese man by the name of Rendah. After a brief description of a typical day in a Balinese family, Belo details a lengthy, confusing family tree of Rendah, the family he was born into and family he begat. The article almost immediately loses its direction when Belo embellishes on the extended family of Rendah. Underneath the confusing compilation of relations among Rendah’s brothers, sisters, mothers, father, and cousins, Belo relates various cultural practices of this Balinese family. Principle in Belo’s discussion is the subject of marital relations and relations between men and women of the culture. The interactions of the men and women in Rendah‘s family are not surprisingly mostly paternalistic and even polygamist in nature. For example, several male family members are married to multiple wives, with the only provision being whether or not they can afford separate dwellings for each wife. Not surprisingly, men have a multitude of rights which the women do not have including property rights, decision making authority and the capability to "throw away" their wives. Another unique practice this Balinese family, shared by many Balinese is the prevalence of incestuous marriages. In Rendah’s family, there are married cousins and brothers and sisters. Belo should be given credit for offering a sample representation of a Balinese family, rather than declaring that most Balinese’s families exhibit similar practices. She makes clear her intention is only to describe a particular Balinese family, and not try to describe an entire culture. Belo does not make very many hypotheses, but simply writes a descriptive analysis of the family of Rendah. Therefore, her data collection and presentation of evidence is somewhat irrelevant, considering the reader knows that Belo conducted a field analysis. This article could have been articulated better, had Belo not spent the greater portion of her article describing the family tree of Rendah and simply concentrated on more cultural practices of his family. Belo’s substance gets clouded over by a exceedingly long family tree, which is very difficult to comprehend in such a brief article. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Belo, Jane. A Study of a Balinese Family. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):12-31. The object of this article is to describe the family life of the djaba caste, the fourth and lowest Hindu caste. Belo describes the order of the family’s lineage, proper identifying names, inheritance rites, the rules of marriage, and the layout of their household. She includes diagrams of genealogy and a floor plan of the house so that one can better understand the complex system under which the family lives. Belo talks at length about the relationships that exist within the family, what are the duties of each member, and the terms used to refer to them, with respect to their position in the household. Relationships in the family are affected in many ways due to these factors. Status, where one sleeps, how much food one gets from the crop, and who will inherit certain things, is all based upon the order of birth and sex. The author makes no attempt to generalize about the entire population based upon her observations. She is only trying to give a glimpse into the overall dimensions of a typical djaba family. She does not want others to misinterpret her data and use it as a basis for an entire population. CLARITY RATING: 4
Benedict, Ruth Marital Property Rights in Bilateral Society. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38 (3): 368-373. The author addresses the social structure and property rights of primitive societies. She states that bilateral descent is more common among the most primitive societies than historically believed. Benedict believes, however, that bilateral descent in primitive societies has different characteristics than bilateral descent found in American society. The article provides detailed accounts of inheritance under varying circumstances. The author compares property rights and social structure of unilineal and bilateral societies. The author distinguishes between the right to use property and the right to control property. Property, such as food and shelter, which is shared among the nuclear family, is shared between the spouses and with the children. This characteristic also occurs in modern Western societies. However, the most primitive societies differ from Western societies in that it is generally the consanguineal kin, excluding the spouse, who possess the rights to economic goods that were controlled by the deceased. For example, the wife and children of an Arapaho man would receive no inheritance from him and the man’s brothers possessed all property rights. Property from one’s family remains in the possession of blood-related relatives and property acquired and shared after marriage is pooled. The author concludes that family structure is similar throughout both unilineal and bilateral societies. Primitive societies share similar rights to property use with Western societies, but differ in inheritance rights. Status and property rights from the unilineal kin group establish an individual’s place in his or her community. CLARITY RATING: 3
Benedict, Ruth Marital Property Rights in Bilateral Society. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38 (3): 368-373. The author addresses the marital property rights of primitive bilateral societies in this article. She explains the difference between bilateral societies as we know them now and the bilaterality found in primitive societies; also commenting that bilateral descent is more common among primitive societies than people historically believed. Benedict then provides numerous examples of primitive bilateral societies and explains how inheritance and property rights are dealt with for each case in point. She also goes on to compare the inheritance structures found in unilateral societies with that of bilateral societies. The difference between rights to property and control of property is also explained. This is important when deciding who an item belongs to, regardless of who might use it. Benedict also considers the ideas of Professor Lowie, which are based on two wide spread principles. One is that inheritance is often sex-linked; an article such as a weapon, used only by the men to hunt, might be passed from father to son or from one brother to another but is pooled only among one sex. The second principle, which Lowie calls the “sib principle” discusses the inheritance from an individual to his or her consanguineal kin in societies with formal clan systems. In many of the societies Benedict included in her study, property is inherited by the consanguineal kin, which does not include the spouse, after their relative has died. Sometimes the property acquired by an individual before marriage is left to only the blood relatives while property obtained following the marriage is shared. These examples are in direct contrast with many of the Western bilateral societies in which the spouse and children inherit the property left by the deceased. The author concludes by commenting on the similarities between unilateral kin groups and those which are bilateral. She also remarks that although the Western and primitive bilateral societies have quite different inheritance procedures, they have similar rights to property use. CLARITY RATING: 4 SUSAN WILLIAMS
Beyer, Hermann Mayan Hieroglyphs: Glyph G8 Of The Supplementary Series American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):247-249 The author’s objective in writing this brief paper is to validate the existence of Glyph G. The Glyph G had not been recognized for many years; however, Beyer asserts that it was combined with Glyph F into a "composite hieroglyph" (247). Beyer provides evidence of the existence of Glyph G through research completed on partially destroyed Glyph G-F. He provides four examples of where Glyph G8 and F are combined to form one character. The author also provides substantiation where "Glyph G8 forms a separate unit adjacent to Glyph F" (248). Beyer may as well have been writing in hieroglyphs when inscribing this paper. The average reader would have no idea the significance of this paper, nor the meaning or magnitude behind the discovery. It is extremely brief and provides no background information about what it is he is discussing. It would have been beneficial to provide discussion on the hieroglyphs, the Mayans, and where the glyphs were discovered. The paper is dull and complicated. Clearly the only person who may value its significance is an archeologist working exclusively with hieroglyphs in the Mayan culture. CLARITY: 1
Beyer, Hermann. Mayan Hieroglyphs: Glyph G8 of the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol. 39(2): 247-249 This essay responds to two previous essays whose argument was that "…there is no case of a Glyph G occupancy in the eighth position." Hermann Beyer studied Mayan hieroglyphs and found that this was not the case. His belief was that this form of Glyph G often bonds to and creates a composite with a Glyph F hieroglyph making it hard to distinguish one from the other. Pictures of the Glyphs in question are included in the essay. Beyer describes his findings and his reasoning behind the Glyph G8 series. He highlights four examples where Glyph G8 and F form one composite and two examples "where G8 forms a separate unit adjacent to Glyph F." Considering his new findings, the Mayan series of the Nine Lords would be complete. Previous cases examined were thought to be exceptions to the Glyph sequence. These otherwise outlying cases would now fit in with and create a consistent series. For complete understanding of the article, a previous knowledge of Mayan hieroglyphs would be necessary. The description of the Glyphs and their meanings were difficult to follow. The essay would be helpful mostly to those looking for evidence to support the notion of Glyph G occupancy in the eighth position or those deeply interested in Mayan hieroglyphs. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Mary Butler, stimulated by a study of the pottery found in 1931-1932
at the Mayan Old Empire site of Piedras Negras, discusses the anthropological implications of negative
painting. Negative painting is the process of using hot wax or a similar
resistant material to paint designs on polychrome wares and then melting
off the resistant material, leaving a lighter colored design. In the
article In examining the origin of negative painting on pottery Butler asserts that "painting pottery with hot wax or a similar
resistant substance is not a process native to pottery decoration, nor
one that would have evolved naturally from it" (453). She suggests
that negative pottery most likely resulted from one of two possible occurrences. Either negative pottery was developed through observation and utilization
of the properties of hot wax, or it arose through a technique used in
some other craft. She also recognizes the importance of discussing other
theories about the invention of negative pottery design. There are several
hypotheses CLARITY RANKING: 4
Butler, Mary. Ethnological and Historical Implications of Certain Phases of Maya Pottery Decoration. American Anthropologist July-September, 1936 Vol. 38(3):452-461. The author of this
article is looking at the historical implications of negative painting
in polychrome waves for Maya Civilization.
Negative
painting "consists of painting a design on a vessel in a resistant
substance such as hot wax, covering the vessel with a darker coat of
color, and subsequently melting off the resistant material, revealing
the design in the lighter color." Painting pottery with a resistant substance such as hot wax has no precedent
in pottery making, nor would it evolve naturally out of the art. The
author poses two possible origins: observation of hot wax’s use
or the application of a method from another handicraft to pottery. While
hot wax was almost certainly used in ceremonial practices, this does
not necessarily rule out other methods such as the adaptation of cire perdue metal
working to pottery design. From here CLARITY: 3
Colbert, Edwin H. Was the extinct Giraffe (Sivatherium) known to the early Sumerians? American Anthropologist October-December 1936 Vol.38(4):605-608 Colbert’s objective is to discuss the relationship
between the extinct giraffe, Sivatherium,
a genus of Giraffidae, and if Sivatherium was known by the early Sumerians. He
is concerned about the actual relationship between the two because an
object, which was proved to be a cooper rein ring, was found at an archaeological
excavation in The author makes the point that the figurine could also resemble the species Cervus eldi or Cervus axis, species of deer. He is very skeptical about the similarities. Colbert states in the article, "if the figurine does represent a deer, the two small conical knobs or prongs on the forehead, directly above the eyes, are difficult to explain. No known deer have frontal growths such as these" (p 605-606). He also points out a small Indian antelope, Tetracerus quadricornis, "which has an anterior pair of frontal horns as well as the typical bovine parietal horns" (p 606). Evidence shows this animal is very small in size, and the horns are prongs, not resembling the skull structures of the figurine. Sivatherium originated in This article is short and to the point, however, it does not conclude if the extinct giraffe, Sivatherium, is related to the genus Giraffidae. It focuses on the main points that the figurine in question does not resemble a deer or an antelope, but it does not actually provide evidence of what the figurine really resembles. The author proposes theories about how the early Sumerians may have seen the species Sivatherium, but he has no actual core facts. There are illustrations, which show the similarities between the figurine and Sivatherium. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Colbert, Edwin H. Was the Extinct Giraffe (Sivatherium) Known to the Early Sumerians? American Anthropologist October-December, 1936. Vol. 38(4): 605-608. This article by Edwin H. Colbert focuses on a copper chariot rein ring
found on the Field Museum-Oxford University Joint Expedition in CLARITY RANKING: 5
Davidson, D.S. Australian Throwing-sticks, Throwing-clubs, and Boomerangs American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):76-98 The article discusses the different types of Australian weapons that are thrown or held by hand and used for striking. These weapons are simple in shape and vary in size depending on the type. The four types discussed are throwing-sticks, throwing-clubs, clubs, and boomerangs. First the throwing-stick is mentioned. The throwing-stick is found in Throwing-clubs are the second type mentioned in the article. An interesting
fact that Davidson brings up is that throwing-clubs are found in the
areas of Clubs are the third
type of weapon discussed by Davidson. Clubs are described as "round, peeled, stout sticks with or without incised
or painted designs" (85). The club is found almost everywhere in The final weapon mentioned is the boomerang. Though the article focuses
on weapons, Davidson also mentions types of boomerangs that are used
for play also. Boomerangs are actually a separate class of throwing-stick,
but the author chooses to write about them in a separate section of the
article instead of grouping them with the other throwing-sticks. One
of the better known types of boomerang that is mentioned is the returning
boomerang. At the end of the article there is a small paragraph about
the origin of boomerangs. The boomerang is thought to be indigenous to This article was not difficult to read, although it did go into some detailed descriptions of quite a few different weapons, which tended to make the article somewhat dry. I did find the section on boomerangs to be interesting. This is a good article to read to get information on the different types of Australian weapons. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Davidson, D. S. Australian Throwing-Sticks, Throwing-Clubs, and Boomerangs. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):76-100. D.S. Davidson in
his article, Australian throwing-sticks, throwing clubs and Boomerangs,
considers the "weapons of secondary import." He
describes the simplicity that characterizes these weapons; in doing so
he also shows the large variety of weapons that can be found. Additionally,
Davidson identifies the areas of The article is divided into different sections, one each for throwing-sticks,
throwing-clubs, and boomerangs. Under each of these broad headings, Davidson
examines the weapons in great detail. Appearances, measurements, and
distinct areas of Visual images are incorporated into the article, which aid the reader
in understanding minute distinctions that can separate two weapons classified
under the same category. These pictorial diagrams clearly illustrate
many variations, although some slight, found in one type of weapon. Davidson
also includes maps showing regions in Davidson’s objective is to help the reader understand the abundance and uniqueness of hand-held weapons other than "the spear…the uses and varieties of which have been considered elsewhere". One problem surfaces in this article, which Davidson continually reminds the reader about: because of a lack of specific information, the exact origins of many of the weapons he discusses cannot be identified. Thus he often concludes his comments with statements such as "this question cannot be answered at this time". CLARITY RANKING: 4
De Laguna, Frederica Indian
Masks From The In this article, De Laguna gives detailed descriptions of wooden dance
masks made by the Ingalik group of the Tena. She also gives some accounts of the dances or other
activities in which specific masks played a role. The masks were obtained
in a village on the There are three villages in this region that entertain each other at
potlatches and masked dances. These villages include Hologochaket, Anvik on
the The purpose of the Feast of the Animals’ Souls is said to be a thanksgiving for abundance of fish and game, with the intention of securing a further supply. The festival also has the purpose of entertainment, usually one village entertaining another. At the Death Potlatch, the relatives of the deceased give presents to everyone but especially those who assisted at the interment of the dead. Some days before the potlatch is held, a messenger wearing a mask representing a woman’s face with a sorrowful expression, travels to neighboring villages to invite the guests. Both men and women take part in the singing and dancing, which are accompanied by one or more large drums. Both the old and new masks from Hologochaket are in the same style. Two main groups can be distinguished: human beings, and animals or animal "owners." In the human masks, both the new and old sets contain masks representing "Up-River Indians," which are the Koyukuk Indians and former enemies of the Ingalik. All of the human masks are similar in design and painting. The faces are painted white, the hair is black, and single feather rises from the middle of the forehead. Also, the eyes are outlined in black and connected across the bridge of the nose. There is a mask that represents a Plains Indian, buffoons, and one that represents the mythical Half-Man. There are several other masks in both collections for which De Laguna gives detailed descriptions. Among the masks representing animals, birds, and spirit owners there are the Berry Woman and the Dog Salmon Woman that are used in separate dances for the purpose of insuring a plentiful supply of food. Some bird masks include Seagulls or Terns, the Crane, the Raven, the Arctic Owl, the lush, and a Woodpecker. The designs and decorations of these masks are varied as well as the dances they are used in. Other animal masks include the Red Fox, the Caribou, the Bear or Moose-Man, and Otters. An important feature of all the animal masks is the appearance of a round human face usually on the back of the animal. This represents the "thinking spirit," or "owner" of the animal. This article is informative about the designs, ornaments, and functions
of masks used in festivals in the lower CLARITY RANKING: 5
De Laguna, Frederica. Indian
Masks from the In this article, Frederica de Laguna discusses archaeological and geological
finds in the Yukon River area, Among the masks, there are two groups: that of humans and that of animals
or animal owners. All masks lacked a lot of black paint and some had
a mouthpiece to hold the mask on. In the human mask collection, there
are different types of geographical areas represented. There are the
Up-Rovers, the Outside Siwash, and the Roosian (Russian) In the animal collection, there are also different varieties. There are Dog Salmon Women and Berry Women. Each character mask from the Bird Collection to the many Salmon masks represents a distinctive dance that de Laguna attempts to describe. Almost every animal in the Eskimo area is represented with a distinctive dance. Dr. de Laguna’s article is very extensive, but would have been more successful if she had not attempted to chronicle the dance of every animal. The article became repetitive after she deviates from the human dances and the background of the masks. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Feng, H. Y. Teknonymy as a Formative Factor in the Chinese Kinship System American Anthropologist. January-March, 1936 Vol.38(1):59-66 "The Chinese kinship system is primarily built upon the foundation of old patronymic sib organization and the sharp differentiation of generations" (59). H. Y. Feng points out in his article that since generation is such an important factor within the Chinese kinship system, due to the sib and generation factors that permeate the whole system and regulate marriage, it should be consistently noticed throughout Chinese kinship terminology. The author comments on the Chinese system of kinship as being a consistent one, yet remarks on the noteworthy inconsistencies that have been discovered in the contemporary usage of kinship terminology. Different kinship terms were used to distinguish generations of relatives, but over the course of time these terms gradually merged into each other. He argues that some factor must have occurred to alter the relative organization of the Chinese kinship terminology causing it to become so befuddled. Although there is some confusion in trying to decipher the present context of certain Chinese kinship terms, Feng admits that there are certain advantages with working amid the Chinese system. Changes in kinship terminology are capable of being traced from period to period and reasons for the changes are usually discernible. By citing past and present published works concerned with Chinese kinship terminology, including Chinese dictionaries and poems, Feng explores several possibilities for the discrepancies within this terminology. He also employs the use of a chart to help the reader follow the changes that take place within the kinship terminology. Different hypothesis are presented to demonstrate how the author moves to the idea of teknonymy as a probable theory to the changes within the kinship terminology of the Chinese. The author begins by stating that a possible reason for the terminology changes is due to a blending of generations. Inconsistencies arise within this cross-cousin marriage hypothesis. There happens to be a time conflict as to when certain terms were in use and that there is absolutely no evidence, historical or contemporary, to support the hypothesis. With this hypothesis being contrary to the generation principle, it holds no support and thus is rejected. Feng makes a vital observation in noticing extensions of the meaning of the word chiu, mother’s brother and wife’s brother. He remarked that Chinese scholars had been using teknonymy to explain this variation in uses long before its introduction into ethnological discussions. The idea of teknonymy is best understood in the following context. "Wife’s brothers are chiu to one’s own children. The father adopts the language of his children, so he also calls his wife’s brothers chiu" (p. 62). In the same way this example applies to the speaker being of male origin, the previous example can also be applied to female origin. "A man or woman calls his or her father’s older brothers po and father’s younger brothers shu. The category of the sex of the speaker is usually not distinguished by terms in most cases within the Chinese system" (p.62). The author focuses on yet another hypothesis to assist in demonstrating an imperative line of reasoning. He states that after extensive use of a kinship term, that the term eventually dominates the previous word or words and thus replaces the older term that was in use before. Finally, Feng rests on the hypothesis of teknonymy with an addition of psychology. It was observed that similar kinship relationships had been grouped under a single kinship term, such as mother’s sisters and wife’s sisters. This finding was due impart to the psychological similarities between these relatives, thus they are all referred to by the same kinship nomenclature. In conjunction with this latter hypothesis, the author moves on to questioning the universality of teknonymy throughout the Chinese culture and whether it is plausible that it is of such an age to be held accountable for producing such variances in the Chinese kinship terminology. H. Y. Feng does a wonderful job of suggesting different hypothesis, to either support or refute, the inconsistencies seen in contemporary Chinese kinship vocabulary. Although he accomplishes his task in presenting the supportive material, some of the material is thorny in framework, having to match the proper kinship term with the confusing family relationship. While this article is short in length, it takes a second glance to understand the complexity of the inconsistencies seen in Chinese kinship terminology. CLARITY: 3 SARAH M. LITTLE
Feng, H. Y. Teknonymy as a Formative Factor in the Chinese Kinship System. American Anthropologist January-March, 1936 Vol. 38(1):59-66 The author of this
article takes a detailed look at the manner by which the foundations
of the Chinese kinship system are created
using the peculiar
techniques involved with "teknonymy" which
essentially is a subtle manner to explain embarrassing relationships
in Chinese culture. According to Feng, teknonymy as a usage is based upon both
kinship itself and the preferred-nomenclatures that accompany
the Chinese kinship system. This concept is closely related to the old
patronymic sib organization of Feng sorts through largely confusing collections
of data involving the generations and derivatives of that inter-relate
to each other to create the kinship. Feng claims
that the current kinship system in Overall, the article is quite confusing and seems to ramble on as more terms gain different meanings. I believe the author’s point was lost somewhere in his long and drawn-out attempt to present the data and his opinions. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov Recent
Archaeological Investigations in the This article summarizes different archaeological sites in the The different sites in this article are each briefly described to give one an over view. The article also tells when the site was found, how the site was located, and who found it. Then it explains what was found at the site. Most sites contain findings such as flint implements, houses, tombs, axes, and other various artifacts. Maps of the different geographic regions, and drawings of stone implements found at the site, are nicely incorporated in the article. This article is
well organized and gives just the right amount of information for the
reader to absorb. The maps are a useful
supplement to the text,
allowing the reader to better understand where the sites are located.
I think the author sums up the implications of this article best when
he says: "From this material the student of anthropology may avail
himself of these recent archaeological data and should further detailed
information be desired he may correspond either with the institute under
whose auspices the research work was conducted or with the leader of
the expedition." (290). This article would be extremely useful to
one who is studying anything to do with archaeological research in the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Field, Henry and Eugene Prostov. Recent
Archaeological Investigation in the This article, as stated in the conclusion, incorporates a brief summary
of the results obtained at approximately two hundred archaeological sites
by fifty-seven Soviet expeditions. In this long and drawn-out article,
the two authors attempt to catalogue Paleolithic and Neolithic findings
in areas throughout the former This article is
only a descriptive catalogue of others’ findings
of tools in various parts of the former CLARITY RANKING: 1
Fortes, M. Ritual Festivals and Social Cohesion in the Hinterland of the Gold Coast American Anthropologist October-December, 1936 Vol.38(4):590-604 Fortes identifies social
cohesion as a basic anthropological concept by which social life is
rationalized.
He asserts
that social cohesion is "a first law of social life like Newton’s first
law of motion, by which everything can be explained." (590) In Fortes’ ethnographic
study of the Tale society in Fortes finds that the Tale groups speak dialects of the same language family and they have almost identical cultures, but they have no centralized political organization, or products of social cohesion. There are no villages, or marks to differentiate one settlement from another and no "common allegiance" (590). The Tale society consists of two main divisions, the group of clans known as the Namoos, and the group of clans known as the Tallis. These groups are virtually autonomous with one exception. The heads of clans do cooperate in certain ritual situations. Using this observation Fortes examines how these ritual situations serve as underlying mechanisms of social cohesion. One fact evidencing social cohesion lies in the fact that these groups have been intermarrying for generations. Fortes asserts that intermarriage "entails common legal techniques and principles, as well as a single type of domestic organization." (592) Intermarriage also implies that these groups trade goods in kinship obligations, and that the Namoos and Tallis have kinsmen amongst each other. In further support of his position, Fortes describes his observations of separate rituals performed by the Namoos and the Tallis. Often clan leaders cooperate in coordinating ritual events, where the groups are able to maintain a symbiotic relationship. During ritual events these groups often visit the other group’s ceremonies to watch the festivities and find mates, even though they are not allowed to act in the other group’s ritual. Even though these rituals somewhat isolate the other group by not allowing them to participate it also unites them in common responsibility for the welfare of their land. Fortes suggests that these ritual collaborations evidence the underlying social cohesion between the two groups. There is an understood social closeness between the groups even though they are for the most part separate. Fortes asserts that the simple fact that the "Namoos and Tallis are culturally equivalent communities, dwelling in close juxtaposition, having intimate economic and social relationships…sets a limit to the degree of antagonistic differentiation tolerable" (602). I find that this article was for the most part clear. It contains a lot of detail which is in some ways overwhelming to the reader, but the article is organized well. Fortes clearly states his purpose at the beginning of the article and brings it all together with a concise conclusion. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fortes, M. Ritual Festivals and Social Cohesion in the Hinterland of the Gold Coast. American Anthropologist October-December, 1936. Vol. 38(4): 590-604. M. Fortes begins this article with a note about
how social cohesion is seen as a self-evident concept in anthropological
literature. To the contrary, he found nothing self-evident during his
short ethnographic residence in the The first section of the article is an overview of Tale social and political structure; some knowledge of which Fortes feels is necessary to appreciate the significance of the festivals. He describes the two main groups of settlements, the Namoos and the Tallis, their origins, and the relationship between them. This relationship is characterized by the interaction between the heads of these settlements, the Namoo Chief and the Tallis Tendaana, which Fortes explains in detail. The next section of the article deals with how the relationship between these two groups is reinforced by the ritual festivals performed by each group. The festivals of both groups take place at the same time, during the last rainy month of the Tallensi lunar calendar called the "Moon of Waters." Fortes lived among the Namoos from September through November of 1934. His description of these festival events is "from their point of view" because they are his primary informants and he essentially makes himself part of their group. Despite this relatively short period for ethnographic study, Fortes was initiated into the Namoos group and can thus provide rich, detailed information about their rituals. Festivals described are the Gingauh and Daa festivals of the Namoos, the Bogaraam festival of the Hill Tallis, and the Daa festival of the Baari. "For everybody these are festivals of reunion in which family and wider agnatic connections, the unique fact for the individual of having been born into a certain family and clan, receive special emphasis." In the final section of the article, Fortes explains how these festivals act as a mechanism of social cohesion. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Gillin,
John Quichua-Speaking Indians of The author’s objective is to provide a comprehensive description of the Quichua-speaking inhabitants of the Providence of Imbabura lying just south of the northernmost territorial limits reached by the Inca Empire. 138 adult, Quichua-speaking Indian men were studied using complete anthropometrical measurements and were then compared statistically with other extant Quichua series, as well as with other non-Quichua peoples from whom measurements have been published. Gillin begins by giving a brief history of the inhabitants of the area, including their origin, leaders, and some generalizations about the different cultures that accompanies them. He then proceeds to describe the composition of the present population with contains a very ancient aboriginal element present before Cara invasion, a costal element represented by the Caras, a Bolivian element possible some Amazonian element, and a Peruvian or Inca element. Their clothing, society, government, and artistic endeavors are briefly addressed as well as the influence that white immigrants have had on these people. What follows is a qualitative and detailed description of the physical make-up of these inhabitants including extensive studies of stature, cephalic size, length of the face, shoulder breadth, sitting height, chest size, forehead shape, width of the face, skin color, hair composition, eye color and shape, and bite shape. The author finishes with four conclusions that can be formed from the data gathered: "(1) Much mixture has taken place either in Imbabura, or in each of the compared populations, or in all, to account for the lack of affinity between the several groups compared. (2) The most important foreign elements in Imbabura are associated with peoples at present living in the Amazon drainage – the Machiganga…(3) The Bolivian and Peruvian Quichua groups, plus the Imbabura group, show so many mutual differences of statistical significance when compared with each other that we have no basis for believing in a ‘Quichua’ or an ‘Inca’ physical type, among living inhabitants of the Inca area, which is in any way correlated with the Quichua language. (4) Very few similarities exist between the Imbabura people and either the Cayapa of the Esmeraldas coastal region or the Maya of Yucatan, which indicates that whatever blood the alleged Cara invasion may have carried into the highlands has become modified and unrecognizable somewhere along the line" (553). This article is a comprehensive and easily understood article detailing
the previous and present inhabitants of northern CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gillin,
John. Quichua-Speaking Indians of The author of this article presents a summary of observations and data
collected from 138 male Quichua-speaking inhabitants
of the Although the author achieves his objective by providing evidence gathered from current Imbabura Inhabitants and formulating hypotheses from the data, a clearer representation of the evidence would have made this article a bit easier on the reader. CLARITY: 4
Gillin,
John An
Urn From The Rio Aguarico, In this article Gillin reports on an archeological
site found near the Rio Aguarico in The urn proved to be one artifact of many that lay five feet underneath the surface of the creek. Gillian found in the site several pieces of "gray undecorated pottery and a hearth of charcoal." The original urn found is described as having a brownish red background surface with white painted designs. The urn seems to be covered in a gum glaze. The interior of the urn is grayish, with a few pinkish marks of firing. Gillin concluded that the urn was used for ceremonial purposes based on the fact that no significant marks of smoke or firing could be found. In this article the author gives a detailed description of the location
of the archeological site as well as precise measurements and description
of the urn itself. The author also notes that no people currently inhabit
the area on which the site was found. Despite the distinct decoration
of the urn, the writer is unable to conclusively place it with any particular
group from the Amazon basin. Some analogies are made between the style
of the urn and artifacts found on the This article is relatively short, easy to read and understand. CLARITY RATING: 5
Gillin,
John. An
Urn From The Rio Aguarico, The author of this article focuses on an urn from Rio Aguarico that was not commonly used by the Indians of that period. Preserved in clay near a tributary of the Aguarico in the Amazon basin, the urn raised questions as to whom it belonged and for what purpose it was used. This mystery grew even greater since at the time the urn was found,
the land surrounding the area was not settled. By close scrutiny, the
author gives a detailed account of the urn’s description,
including its measurements, color, and design. Immediately, indications
pointed to the urn as being used for ceremonial purposes, since no significant
fire markings were found on it to indicate otherwise. As to its design,
it had a combination of broad and narrow lines, sharp curvatures and
angles, and perhaps its most definitive feature the conventionalized
faces marked by what seem to be a pair of eyes painted in with ovals.
Such urns, with designs of very general faces on them, have been used
by cultures on the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Goodenough, Florence L. Goodenough is a psychologist, addressing anthropologists regarding the misuse of the term measurement. Measurement is mistakenly used when scientists are classifying individuals based on a sample of their observed characteristics. Goodenough is concerned that the scientific community’s tests, comparing the differences between primitives and whites, have been conducted in a manner that makes it difficult to determine the results and differences between racial groups. Generalization of group traits, such as temperament and intelligence, are likely to be invalid due to cultural differences. Measurement of performance on mental functioning tests, which come from a rational and direct standpoint that limits generalization, may generate scientific results. Methods of approach for study should be simple and direct and involve no assumptions. These tests should be representative only of what is being measured and not something that cannot be directly measured. Judgment on what these results mean should be suspended until additional evidence is available. It is the author’s hope that psychological interest will shift to the study of basic abilities, as they actually exist within different cultures. Goodenough discusses various experiments done to show differences between primitives and whites. Sensation and perception are the subject of testing in the first set of examples and are inaccurate due to testing methods. Tests that measure general intelligence are the subject of the second example. These tests are not proper measurements of intelligence because they do not involve a real measurement but rather a sample. Another problem with these tests is that scores are the result of tests designed for white people and have little use with other cultural groups. A case is made for the inaccuracy of measuring of primitive groups in the examples presented. Cultural bias in testing and the overemphasis on ranking races are made apparent through the piece. The solutions Goodenough has for measuring racial differences appear to be improvements over the example she presents. However it seems very unlikely that this would produce results that are anymore valid. The article is readable gives in-depth examples to back up the argument. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Goodenough, The problem that the author discusses in this article is the methodology used in testing and comparing "primitive" peoples to American and European whites in the psychological categories of general intelligence, temperament, personality, and the senses. Goodenough argues that the tests do not take into account many factors that affect the outcome of the results. An example of this includes, administering tests designed to test everyday knowledge of the average American or European to groups that have very limited, if any, knowledge of Western culture. The author also criticizes the conclusions of the studies preformed, stating that the information would be a good initial start to more testing that implemented different methods. She feels that the previous studies leave much to be desired and that the data cannot sufficiently provide an accurate portrayal of the differences, if any, between Americans and Europeans and other cultural groups. By looking at the methodology of the tests and the conclusions drawn from them, the author shows how the results were interpreted to stress certain points and not others based upon what the bias of the researchers. Goodenough chides those who still use the findings of these tests as the basis for other work, without having first questioned the validity of the methods that were used to obtain the data. "Further tests should be made" (1936:3). Also, the author raises the question of sampling and how samples may not be representative of the groups being tested, and thus accurate conclusions cannot be made. Those wishing to gain better and truer knowledge of the psychological differences between cultures must conduct further research using different methods and more representative samplings of the groups being studied. CLARITY RATING: 3
Hallowell, A. Irving. The
Passing of the Midewiwin in the The author of this article examines the path that the ceremony or a Medicine Lodge, called "Midewiwin" followed as it moved through the Lake Winnipeg Region. He examines the data collected by his own research as well as data collected by other researchers, although the majority of the information comes from his own studies. The majority of this article examines the ceremony and how it traveled from one location to another over a period of time. Due to the focus of the article, it is necessary to look at the progression of the ceremony and he begins with a look into the origins of the Midewiwin. The article claims that this ceremony was confined to Algonkian and Siouan-speaking peoples. It slowly traveled between tribes as members acquired the knowledge of its mystery from a "tutor" of the previous tribe. The article is segmented and numbered as to each area in which the Midewiwin is found. Each heading describes the manner by
which the ceremony is practiced in that locale and is followed by examples
of mysterious occurrences that supported belief in the practice. One
example that is provided tells of a medicine man who overheard group
members complaining that they desired the feathers of a golden eagle
that flew overhead for their arrows. He was prompted, due to the complaining,
to take a small iron spearhead in one hand and slap it with the other.
The eagle quickly fell and the men retrieved it. Yellow Legs instructed
his wife to cut open the heart and inside she found the head to the spear.
This was one of many instances in which this ceremony has produced miracles
that were inexplicable to the group members. Hallowell looks extensively
at the path of the Midewiwin and the effect
upon the regions of its practice. Hallowell discusses the final region
to practice the Midewiwin and names the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Henry, Jules The Linguistic Expression of Emotion American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol 38(2):250-256 The author’s objective is to disguise the
linguistic expression of emotion. He uses the Kaingang Indian
(of "Upon one’s knowledge of how to manipulate
sentence structure depends on one’s ability
to slide out of a ‘tight corner’ at the right time in a situation of
conflict, to ‘shilly-shally’ with proper delicacy, and to be elaborately
vague at the right moment" (252). In order to adequately explain
this, the author uses the Kaingang’s language
and ability to make sentence without subject or objective. This allows
the Kaingang to discuss disagreeable matters
without mentioning who or what they are discussing. Yet there are languages
that do not use syntax or even rhetoric, but whose word implications
have an emotional aura simply because of a knowledge of their definitions. An example of this is
the English words "liberty" and "democracy" which
can have a immense effect on people simply because
of their relation to The Kaingang fear anger, forming a fear-angry equation. They associate the word anger or to be angry with to murder or to kill. If someone says, "Let us be angry with them", they are actually saying, "Let us kill them". Thus as liberty may have an emotional effect on the English, anger has a fear effect on the Kaingang. The use of "I am angry" can also imply that, "I am dangerous". So the word angry within the Kaingang language can have multiple meanings, none of which appear to be good. The effects of language depend on the culture’s definition of the words used and the emotional reaction to them. The author writes a good article. He uses clear examples when discussing the Kaingang and their language uses. Though he spends most of his time on the Kaingang, he does succeed giving a good sense of how language can express emotion. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Henry, Jules. The Linguistic Expression of Emotion. American Anthropologist April-June, 1936 Vol.38(2):250-256. In this article, the author attempts to use his research on the Kaingang Indians of Brazil in order to explain certain expressions of emotion. He believes that although the language of these people is very simple, the different intensities and emotions they use when they speak can allow for a large interpretation and a very colorful language. The way that words are spoken and given suffices, allows for a single word to be interpreted in many different ways. Henry explains that reading the Kaingang language couldn’t show the richness of the spoken language that uses different unconscious articulations through the pharynx. Jules Henry remarks how he found the Indians and their language amusing because of the high-pitched tone and the facial expressions used. He recounts the story of how one leader told a story that Henry found hysterical because of the vocal pitches, but the rest of the tribe only smiled slightly. Henry also found it peculiar that the Kaingang can make a sentence without the use of a subject or object. What Henry stresses is the idea that the Indians use the emotion of danger and hate to convey the sense of rage. Jules Henry gives adequate examples in his article from showing stories to actual word articulation. I think that his article is very clear as he actually visited the Kaingang Indians and lived with them. By describing his personal experiences with the Indians, he conveyed a sense of the actual language of the Indians. CLARITY RATING: 4
Hill, W.W. Notes
on This article serves as a short but descriptive outline of the Pima community and the organization of land ownership laws. The outline specifically describes the Pima people, the division of land, and the agricultural rules and regulations regarding irrigation and harvesting. The Pima rely on an agricultural |
.jpg){kind=small}
.gif){kind=small}
.gif){kind=small}
.gif){kind=small}