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American
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Andrews, E. Wyllys. Glyph X of the Supplementary Series of the Maya Inscriptions 1934 36: 345-354. This article is
very difficult for someone who has no formal training in the Mayan
calendrical system. It is suggested that only those who have a strong
background in the Mayan calendrical glyphs to read this article. It is intended to
clarify dates on a Glyph X, of which there are six different forms
of the glyph. He compares Glyph X to the coefficient Glyph C. It is
not stated where these glyphs are found. There are two different changes
within one hotun (five years) seen between the Glyphs X and C. Dates
range from 9.12.15.0.0. to 9.16.5.0.0. Andrews suggests
that there are two obvious lunar months shown, 1) the period from new
moon to new moon (seen in Glyph C), and 2) the period between any two
days where the moon rises at the same time (seen in Glyph X). He provides
an equation that states the relationship between the two glyphs. The
C-cycle would consist of five groups with six months, and the X-cycle
would consist of four groups with six X-months and one group with five
X-months. Andrews provides several illustrations, drawings and charts
to clarify the distinction and comparison between the two glyphs studied. CLARITY: 1 .gif){kind=small} Andrews, E. Wyllys. Glyph
X of the Supplementary Series of the Maya Inscriptions. American Anthropologist. 1934 Vol. 36: 345-354. Andrews begins with
the some of the history of research on Mayan inscriptions. Sylvanus
G. Morely and his initial work on the Glyph X are first described. After a seventeen-year break from studies,
Teeple arose with a new discovery in 1928. Andrews
then discusses his research findings and insight into Teeple’s discovery. Six forms of the
glyph are introduced by Andrews in his article, each of which only
one could appear with consecutive coefficients of Glyph C. Texts introduced as evidence, seventy in
total according to Andrews, showed that only two did not correlate
with Teeple’s findings. Andrews
explains that Glyph X and Glyph C work in dependence of one another
and relates this to the lunar phases. It
is shown through Andrew’s explanation that the C-Cycle contains five
groups of six synodical months and the X-Cycle contains four groups
of six X-months and one group of five X-months. Thus
in relation to the astrological cycle, Andrews explains that the X-system
is one month short of the end time. Andrews concludes strongly with
the knowledge that there is substantial proof that a uniform moon date
and legible Glyph X are indeed evident. This article, extremely
complex in nature, is a research paper in style, geared towards those
considered specialists on Mayan inscriptions. Andrew’s research is so inclusive and current
as of publication, that he even includes an addendum on the latest
find in the field. In addition
to the complexness and inclusion of information, a number of tables
and figures are presented, designed to help the reader better understand
the data in the article. Among
these visual aids are information on dates with uniform C-Dates and
legible forms of X, the relations of Glyphs C and X, forms of Glyph
X, sources of forms of Glyph X, a diagram of cycle between Glyph C
and X, and a chart showing complete C and X cycle. CLARITY: 3 KRISTIN MOZER .gif){kind=small} Beals, Ralph
L. A Possible Culture Sequence at The analysis centers
on the apparent presence of two types of building construction techniques
in and around Beals supports his
theory that Type I construction preceded Type II by discussing the
details of the construction of the Type II construction
is frequently observed built on top of Type I and occasionally uses
cut stones which apparently came from a Type I building. Large amounts
of pot sherds are observed in the adobe of all Type I structures and
sherds are found in and around both Type I and Type II buildings. Beals
concludes that the Type I construction occurred first and that some
dramatic change in population resulted in the drastic change in building
styles. Beals concludes by noting that the Mitla construction and pottery
does not resemble that seen at CLARITY RATE: 4 KATHY O’BRIEN Beals, Ralph. A
Possible Culture Sequence at Beals suggests that
the ruins at Mitla in Beals characterizes
type one buildings as those that lie North of the river and are faced
with cut stone. The interior walls of these structures are made of
rubble and adobe similar to type two structure's freestanding walls.
There are subterranean chambers containing intricate fretwork carving
underneath type one structures. The superstructure is decorated with
detailed stone carvings as well. It is also significant that no potsherds
were found in conjunction with type one sites. In comparison the less
well-known type two buildings can be found on either side of the river
and are much more ruinous. They are built of adobe brick and rubble
stone over the type one structures but are not faced with cut stone.
No subterranean chambers or carvings are found in these structures.
However many varieties of potsherds were found. Beals constructs
his argument around observations he has made in the field and presents
them as hypotheses which, he asserts, can easily be proven by reviewing
the works of previous excavators and/or a small amount of excavation.
He uses construction methods to prove that there are two types of construction
that characterize two different periods of time. The fact that period
two structures are sometimes built over period one structures using
the cut stone for bases provides the strongest physical indication
for the proposed chronology. Beals loosely organizes his data in opposing
descriptions of type one and type two structures. Beals also extensively
describes the CLARITY RANKING:
4 Blish, Helen
H. The Ceremony of the Sacred Bow of the
Oglala Dakota. American Anthropologist 1934 Vol. 36:180-187. In her article,
Helen Blish describes the origins and ceremonies of the organization
of the Sacred Bow. Because this is the first ethnography about this
particular organization, there is no previous evidence that Blish is
concerned with refuting or agreeing. Blish wants only to show that
the organization of the Sacred Bow is like other warrior societies,
but that is more spiritual. Blish explains that
all of the information that she receives is from a pair of elders from
the Oglala. They explained to her the myth of a young Oglala who had
a vision to create the organization. Blish then explains that the organization
is actually borrowed from Cheyenne Indians, but that it is truly Oglala.
The ceremony of the organization is performed for war preparation.
Although the ceremony is only for resignations and induction of officers,
these things usually coincide with battle. The organization itself
was highly structured with detailed rules about how many men served,
and what kind of rules they had to follow in battle. Blish also describes
the ceremony of the organization, as well as the various symbols of
the organization, and the types of war paint on both the men and their
horses. This article maybe
of interest to people whom simply want to know about organizations
of the Dakota Indians. Blish never really accomplishes her attempt
at showing the Sacred Bow organization to be more spiritual than other
warrior societies because she does not compare it with any other societies.
She says only that the Indians that she talked to spoke with great
reverence about the Sacred Bow, but they were Oglala. Blish mentions,
at the end of her article, that the Sacred Bow is a reflection of the
attitude of war as an everyday existence. Blish seems to be holding
on to a stereotype of Indians as savages, rather than truly trying
to explore their traditions. CLARITY RANKING:
4 Blish, Helen
H. 1934. The Ceremony of the Sacred Bow of the Oglala Dakota. American
Anthropologist 36 (2): 180-187. In "The Ceremony
of the Sacred Bow of the Oglala Dakota," Helen Blish addresses
what the Ceremony of the Sacred Bow is to one Dakota tribe, the Oglala,
a topic that she believes has escaped the attention of fellow ethnologists.
Blish argues that the Sacred Bow society is more than a common warrior
society; it also has a significant ceremonial and spiritual role. Her
most important sources are two older members of the society, He Dog
and Short Bull. Through them, Blish constructs a history of and describes
the elements of the Sacred Bow society. She begins with the spiritual
origins of the group. While sick with the small pox, one man, CLARITY RATE: 4 Butler, Mary. A
Note on In "A Note
on Maya Cave Burials," Mary Butler discusses the connection some
individuals have made between a pre-conquest cult and a Maya Cave Cult
that arose after the Spanish arrival. CLARITY RATE: 3 Butler, Mary. A
Note on Mary Butler’s article, A
Note on Maya Cave Burials, addresses the debate of a possible
connection between various Maya cave burials found in Old Empire
Maya cities with a Maya cave cult or even with a post-conquest Nagualist
cult reorganization. She contends that while there may be a cave
cult associated with the burials, it is not viable to conclude a
relationship exists between the cave burials and the ancient, native
religion of Nagualism. Her presentation
begins with a reference to the burial sites found in Yucatan Oxkutzcab, Mary Butler believes
the caves could be associated with a pre-Columbian nagugal cult, but
any later occupation of the caves was not related to Nagualism. The
discoveries of the cave cults identify Old Empire use of the caves,
perhaps as a place to celebrate its rites after being pushed by social
and political forces. The fact that post-Conquest occupation cannot
be found in these cave burials leads Cole, Fay-Cooper. Frederick Starr 36 (3): 271 This one page article
is an obituary of Dr. Fredrick Starr. It summarizes his academic field,
interests, and contributions. Dr. Fredrick Starr died on August 14,
1933 in He was the author of many publications including "First Steps in Human Progress", "Indian Mexico" and "Korean Buddhism". Dr. Fredrick Starr was adored by his students, and also accepted many honors and medals from institutions around the world. CLARITY RATE: 5 Cole, Fay-Cooper. Frederick
Starr. American Anthropologist March,
1934 Vol. 36: 217 Fay-Cooper Cole
wrote a superb obituary summarizing the extraordinary life of Dr. Frederick
Starr, Associate Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the While Dr. Starr was clearly an amazing professional, it should also
be noted that he took great pride in his field studies and writings. He authored numerous papers and fifteen volumes. Dr.
Starr also took full advantage of the variety in our world and studied
in places far beyond the Dr. Starr was a world-renowned anthropologist who established strong
friendships wherever he went. He
received multiple awards from several different countries including being
a Chevalier of the Order of the Crown of Italy along with countless other
honors. However, beyond the awards
and publications lies his overall popularity among colleagues and students
alike. He had a passion for anthropology
that he expressed in the classroom and all over the world. Dr. Frederick Starr died of bronchial pneumonia
in CLARITY: 5 Four different Indian tribes participated in the recording of their
traditional songs. Song types include dance, ritual, games, war, and
medicinal. The purpose of the study was to not only preserve the songs,
but to also analyze and compare them to other Indigenous songs from all
over the The tribes studied were the Alibama Indians of Livingston, Texas, the
Chitimacha of Charenton, Densmore gives the number of songs that each tribe recorded, the type of songs they were (dance, ritual, games, etc.) and how each tribe’s songs were unique to them by their melodic structure and the meanings of the songs. Some songs are given their folkloric description and what they meant to the singers themselves. Songs are referred to having similar stories or same melodies as to
those in the CLARITY RATE: 3 Frances Densmore’s article focuses on a study of Indian music in the Four Indian tribes were included in the study. The writer that conducted
the first study went to Throughout the article, Densmore tries to connect the musical customs
of a tribe with the use of period formation. Many of the tribes used
songs for healing, for dance, or to communicate history. Densmore’s article
expresses the need for an increased awareness of comparison in Indian
music among different tribes. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Eggan, Fred. The Maya Kinship System and
Cross-Cousin Marriage. American Anthropologist 36 (2): 188-202. Fred Eggan, in "The Maya Kinship System and Cross-Cousin Marriage," interprets
the relationships between individuals and determines a possible method
to confirm if a couple could marry among the Maya. He argues that the
kinship terms of the Maya reveal that cross-cousins were the preferred
marriage partners. Through an analysis of the kinship terms of the Maya
recorded in two dictionaries of the Maya language, Eggan interprets how
one individual understood his or her relationship to others. He suggests
that, the nature of many terms, such as cic, meaning "older
sister, man’s mother’s brother’s daughter (if older), and man’s son’s
wife’s mother," suggests cross-cousin marriage. He continues to
study other terms, such as those for daughter-in-law and brother-in-law,
which he understands as also suggesting cross-cousin marriage. In his
conclusion, Eggan goes on to examine two other possible interpretations
of the terms recorded in the Maya Kinship System: exogamous moieties
or daughter exchange households. Using studies completed by others, however,
Eggan argues that the cross-cousin system is more plausible than the
exogamous moiety possibility. Some terms appear to fail to fit correctly
into this latter interpretation. Eggan is willing to consider the second
option, however, because the exchange of daughters between households
is common in the cross-cousin system. He examines evidence that suggests
tribes in CLARITY RATE: 2 Eggan, Fred. The Maya Kinship System and Cross-Cousin Marriage. American Anthropologist 1934 Vol. 36: 188-202. Fred Eggan, in The Maya Kinship System and Cross-Cousin Marriage,
focuses on the issue of how social organization and marriage practices
of the ancient Mayan culture have been underestimated by American ethnologists.
Many researchers have collaborated and have come to the conclusions about
the existence of cross-cousin marriages among the Mayans. The Mayan kinship
terms included in the article strongly indicate a marriage system of
the bilateral cross-cousin type. Research has indicated that the kinship
system is of the "classificatory" type in that the father is
classed with the father’s brother and the mother with the mother’s sister.
Sexual differentiation is also stressed. Eggan examines Mayan kinship terms and their applications to illustrate
cross-cousin marriage. For example, under the cross-cousin marriage system,
a man’s elder sister may, in certain cases, also be his son’s wife’s
mother and so on. The broadness of the kinship system in vague but relatives
seemed to have been recognized to the third or fourth cousin at least.
Eggan hypothesizes that the terminology may also suggest that a system
of exogamous clans with reciprocal daughter exchange by households is
possible in Mayan culture. Eggan concludes that the accuracy of the information on Mayan kinship
must rely upon what is found in literature, information from surviving
Maya groups, and on the internal consistency that is achieved within
the kinship system. There is a possibility that a social structure based
on cross-cousin marriage is also evident and widespread in Central America,
and even northern CLARITY RANKING: 2 Gillin, John. Crime and Punishment Among
the John Gillin provides an ethnographic account as to the types of crimes
and punishments amongst the Carib Indians. They are an Indigenous group
that live along the Gillin believes that their location hinders their development of a legal and judicial system. His general take on the judicial system in the Carib tribe is that because they are in an unfavorable environmental condition and have exterior political influences does that confound to their development of a stable political system. Therefore they have not been able to develop a stable judicial and legal system. There are two types of offenses seen by the Carib: those against humans and those against religion. Gillin describes their system of hierarchy, with each settlement having their own headman who helps to instill punishment. Gillin gives examples of crimes committed by the Carib and also shows how the Carib try to prevent crime from happening. He then details two types of punishment: public and private. There are three different types of public punishment as well as three different types of public punishment. He gives examples as to the six types of punishments, and what would constitute that particular type of punishment. CLARITY: 5 Gillin, John. Crime and Punishment Among the The article, as evident from the title, concentrates its discussion
on crime and punishment among the Carib Indians. Prior
to presenting the political aspects of that society, the author describes
the environmental surroundings as well as the subsistence patterns of
the Carib. The Indians live in
small communities that are very isolated and depend on hunting, fishing,
and some agriculture. The article
mentions the lack of central authority, formal law, and official standards
of justice among the Carib Indians. A
headman is chosen by others, based on personality rather then leadership
qualities; he appears to be a symbolic leader rather then a voice of
power. The author then
proceeds to provide a detailed description of the kinds of crimes that
take place and the punishments that are carried out. The two kinds of crimes in the Carib society
that take place consist of those against spirits and humans. The former result in subtle inconveniences
that the spirits exert upon the offender, while consequences for the
latter take a more direct and physical form. There
are certain rules that the Carib Indians follow in order to evade the
punishment from the spirits. Once
the crime has been committed it is still possible to evade the punishment
from the spirit by contacting a sorcerer. The author provides
a more detailed description about the crimes and punishments that take
place among the individuals. He discovers the most serious offenses to
be murder, poisoning, use of sorcery, theft, and adultery. Interestingly enough, there are no strong
beliefs about right and wrong; all of the aforementioned offences are
not seen as inherently wrong and become crimes only if an individual
is harmed. If a homicide takes
place, but is deemed to have been an accident, the offender is not
seen as guilty of crime and is not punished. Thus,
while the first three are viewed as crimes if committed out of malice,
they are also considered types of retribution if used to punish an
offender. The last three are considered to be committed
only out of malevolence and thus deserve punishment. To punish an offender
the victim may resort to individual sources such as murder, poisoning,
or may contact a sorcerer. Most
of these punishments take place in secret so not to disturb the existence
of the whole society. Aremi
emu and kanaima are two means by which an individual can
carry out the punishment using magic. Becoming
a kanaima is said to be the last resort for punishment and carries
many unpleasant characteristics. The
author provides a detailed description of how one can become a kanaima,
the means by which that individual carries out the punishment, and
the consequences that result from entering into the role. The author suggests
that the small size of the Carib society and their environment are
the primary factors that contribute to the lack of central authority
and result in the individual execution of punishment. The article is a very clear ethnographic
description of the Carib Indians that concentrates on the criminal
aspects of that society. CLARITY: 5 NATASHA
DOLGINSKY Hallowell, A.
I. Some Empirical Aspects of The Indians studied
in this report are the Pigeon River Indians, from western The article is an analysis of their religious system, which is a mix of what the author calls Paganism with Catholicism, Christianity and/or the Protestant church, depending on what community has been most influenced by the churches and the missionaries. The article describes their cosmology, mythology and interpretation of the universe. In order to have strong faith in their own beliefs, it is necessary that the Indians have 1) direct experiences with nature phenomenon, 2) dreams, and the 3) observances of conjuring performances. These three categories are very important to their religious philosophy. The first two are ubiquitous to the individual’s experience. Dreams are seen as being important in giving direct knowledge of spiritual entities. The third form is important in that it includes supernormal and psychic phenomena of all different kinds. CLARITY RATE: 5 Hallowell, A.
I. Some Empirical Aspects
of Northern Saulteaux Religion. American
Anthropologist 1934 Vol.
36: 389-404. Disregarding previous
ideas on unilinear historical reconstruction of cultures, Hallowell
describes the Saulteaux Indians and their religion as a type of coherent
philosophy that has rational, empirical support. He had done research with the Saulteaux for
the summers of 1931 and 1932. There
had been a large Christian influence in the There are several
basic religious beliefs in the Saulteaux religion that relate their
beliefs to their actions and behaviors. The most fundamental dogma in their religious
philosophy is the idea that everything in the universe is animate. Each
entity has a soul and a body. The
second idea is that all entities have specific “owners” or “bosses.” Different
animals have the same “owner”, giant animals like the great snake has
an “owner” as well. Human institutions
and services, like medicinal information, curative treatment, sorcery
and magic, or clairvoyance, also have spiritual “owners.” Hallowell explains
that the Saulteaux employ the same common sense as the next human;
that the Indian is using the same mental procedure as common man. Some
of the Saulteaux beliefs translated into experience fall into three
categories defined by Hallowell. The
first is through direct experience of natural phenomena. One
example is the belief that no Saulteaux Indian can be convinced the
earth is round. Even the way
that most people believe this idea today is based entirely on authority. It is rare for anyone to experience this
first hand. There is also a
belief that bears can understand human language. This
belief influenced a man’s behavior when he encountered a bear hunting. Because
the bear seemed to have understood the man telling the bear to go away,
the man’s faith in this belief was given further empirical evidence
to sustain it. The second belief
translated to direct experience is through dreams. At puberty, dreaming is institutionalized
for boys. In the dreams, the
man becomes familiar with the entities, or protectors, which he believes
will be at work in the world around him. If
a man wishes to hunt or fish, he can do it without the help of his
guardian spirit. But if there
is exceptional luck in hunting or fishing, it can be explained because
the man probably had a good connection to his guardian spirit in his
dreams. The third source
of experience is the conjuring tent. There is an institution of conjuring, and
its real purpose is to reveal information about a person or persons
at a distance, recover stolen property, or reviving a witched person. There are few bona fide conjurers in the
area, probably because of Christianity, but many still believe in the
authenticity of the institution of conjuring. Their
beliefs in this institution can best be compared to our continued interest
in fortune telling, psychics and spiritualism. CLARITY RANKING:
5 ANGELA CAMPBELL Hambly, Wilfrid Dyson. Occupational Ritual, Belief, and Custom Among the Ovimbundu. American Anthropologist 36 (2): 157-167. During a visit to CLARITY RATE: 3 KATHY O’BRIEN Hambly,
Wilfrid Dyson. Occupational Ritual, Belief, and Custom Among the
Ovimbundu. American Anthropologist 36 (2): 157-167. Wilfrid Hambly did
field research on the Ovimbundu in the Benguela highlands of A large portion
of Hambly’s food supply section focuses on the life of a hunter. He
describes initiation rituals, dances, sacrifices, and weapons that
are specific to this occupation. Other ethnographic tidbits included
were the division of labor seen in agriculture and the Ovimbundu polygamous
lifestyle. For the harvest, men generally clear the timber and burn
the brush. Women’s agricultural contribution includes hoe cultivation,
but often with the help of men. Not only is there a division of labor,
but in their system of polygyny, the wife gets her own field to cultivate,
utensils, and separate hut. The main occupation
of Hambly’s handicraft section is the blacksmith. He points out the
stronger superstition concerning blacksmith tools and his difficulty
obtaining a large hammer. Blacksmiths begin their apprenticeships at
the age of 18 and must be physically strong. Before a the young male
becomes a full fledged blacksmith he must make a complete set of tools
while saving the big hammer for his initiation day. On this day, the
hammer is made red hot and used to kill a pup and the blood of goats
and chickens are used to sprinkle over the new tools. Women are usually
not trained to be blacksmiths but are experts in basket making. There
is careful attention paid to the type of plant used and the extraction
of dyes. House building also
exhibits a division of labor with respect to age and sex. The men cut
holes, dig trenches, and bind cross pieces with bark. The job of women
is to carry water to the clay pit and provide the men with mud to plaster
the inside of the house. Children get the fun job of puddling the mud
with their feet. Lastly, medicine-men
must first possess the “spirit of the head” and have specialized therapeutic
knowledge. Treatments can include the usage of plants, urine, and a
cow-tail switch. Medicine-men usually focus on curing sickness, impotence
and sterility whereas medicine-women focus on childbirth complications. CLARITY: 5 DENISE
SU Hansen, George
H. This article is
a quick write-up regarding a discovery made of a skullcap with unusual
characteristics. Three boys who were playing out in the dried-up Two points are given as to the uniqueness of this skullcap: 1). The fact that it was found far out in the middle of the lake and underneath nine inches of mud indicates that it had been there for many years, and 2) that the skull cap is different from those found in the mounds around the lake shore and of contemporary Native American skull shapes, or the Utah Lake Mounds People. The skull is unusually thick and has strong supraorbital development. The skullcap is
compared to other primate skulls physical measurements, including:
Modern, Cro-Magnon, Brunn, Neanderthal, Pithecanthropus and Anthropoid
apes. It is concluded that based on the Calvarial Height, Bregma Angle,
Bregma Position and Frontal Angle that the CLARITY RATE: 4 Herskovits, Melville J. Walter E. Roth. American Anthropologist 36 (2):266-270. In this article,
Herskovits examines the life and works of Walter E. Roth who died on
April 5, 1993. His most important sources are Roth’s son, Vincent Roth,
and the obituary recording his death in CLARITY RATE: 4 Herskovits, Melville J. Walter E. Roth. American Anthropologist 1934 Vol. 36:266-270. Melville J. Herskovits’ description
of the life of Dr. Walter E. Roth provides insight into a man who contributed
to the field of anthropology. Dr. Roth was born in In 1906, Dr. Roth
was appointed to CLARITY RANKING:
5 Jessup, Morris
K. Inca Masonry at In this article,
Jessup examines the techniques involved in building CLARITY RATE: 3 Jessup, Morris
K. Inca Masonry at Morris K. Jessup,
in Inca Masonry at Cuzco, hypothesizes on the construction of
Inca masonry, walls specifically. He tells of two significant features
that he believes is the evidence for the awesome, mortar lacking masonry.
The first feature is the tightness of the joints between each and every
stone. As Jessup tells us, it is said that not even a penknife can
penetrate the stones. The second feature is that each stone appears
to occupy a unique position in the wall. Thus, Jessup hypothesizes
that the stones are shaped in situ. Jessup uses two
Plates with three photographs each as evidence for his hypothesis.
He deduces a highly logical procedure for the masonry based on several
observations of different samples. He notes the curvature of the joints
and how superbly interlocking they are. Jessup cites the famous "stone
with twelve corners" as an excellent piece of evidence for the in
situ construction. He also speaks of a grinding method, which would
lead to the stones interlocking vertically. Thus, aiding greatly in
wall stability. Although, having not seen the inner surfaces of the
walls, Jessup is unable to cite any evidence for this hypothesis. Increased quarrying
skills are cited as evidence for the increase in the quality of masonry.
As evidence, Jessup notes that the stones become more rectangular.
He also notes that it appears as if each layer were laid independently
and flattened by grinding before the next layer was begun. Thus the
walls become more vertically and horizontally oriented. As generations
passed, Jessup expected that the number of skilled grinders increased.
He believes that this would have led to more skilled grinders transferring
to quarrying. Due to the increased quality of quarrying, Jessup speculates
that the skill of masonry shifted from an unskilled labor to a more
skilled labor. CLARITY: 4 Kelly, Isabel T. Southern Paiute Bands. American Anthropologist vol. (36.): 548-560 Southern Paiute
is divided into fifteen bands. Namely: CLARITY 4 Kelly,
Isabel T. Southern Paiute Bands. American Anthropologist 1934 Vol.
36: 548 – 560. Kelly discusses
the distinctions of Paiute groups in the American Southwest. The
author offers a detailed map that describes the extent of the territory
inhabited by each of the fifteen bands she distinguishes based on linguistic
evidence. Kelly compares her assertion of fifteen bands
to the thirty-one proposed by John Wesley Powell and George Ingalls
60 years before and accounts for the numeric discrepancy. The article is essentially descriptive in
nature, but elaborates on the criteria used to narrow down the distinctions
to the total of fifteen. The area inhabited
by groups constituting the Southern Paiute language group encompasses
the area surrounding what is now Las Vegas in the south, with the western
border being Death Valley, the northern extents reaching central Nevada
and Utah and running nearly as far east as the Utah-Colorado border. Within
this area, Kelly catalogues the territories of bands described as “speak[ing]
the same language but [their] voice sounds different.” Using
living informants, Kelly tracks the boundaries of their former territories
as they existed in the mid 19th century. The majority of the article reviews the information
on the map and offers physiographic descriptions of each region and
linguistic evidence to distinguish each of the fifteen bands. Kelly then compares
her data to that gathered by Powell and Ingalls, intending to account
for the difference of sixteen groups. She offers a chart with her band classifications
and those of Powell, offering the territorial outlines and substantiating
her claim with dialectic evidence. Kelly posits that the CLARITY: 5 DAVID
MASON Klineberg, Otto. Notes on the Huichol. American Anthropologist vol. (36.): 446-460 The author provides notes under unfavorable conditions experienced. The village set up and current problems between the people and the miners are described. Materials are from direct observation as well as from an informant. The bi-cultural syncretism of the Huichol is discussed. The blend of the Catholic and Pre-Colombian cultures through religion is described. Brief descriptions of a number of festivals that are celebrated are given: Fiesta de la Virgen de Guadalupe, Fiesta de las Aguas, Fiesta of the Squashes, Fiesta of the Green Corn, Fiesta of the Harvest, Fiesta of the Planting and Fiesta of the Peyote. The author tells of the significant uses and effects of peyote. Another fiesta mentioned is for the inauguration of the new officers. The author describes the roles of the officers: Gobernador, Juez, Capitan and Alguacil. Other important people in the village such as the shamans who play a significant role are discussed. The author takes notes upon death rituals, childrenEs roles, marriage ceremonies, economic system, products, leisure, and emotional expression. CLARITY 5 Klineberg,
Otto. Notes on the Huichol. American Anthropologist July-September, 1934 Vol 36 (3): 446-460. As an anthropologist,
it is extremely important to accept the fact that sometimes research
observations need more in-depth study before certain interpretative
conclusions can be reached. There
are times when true insights into a culture can not be accurately obtained
due to constraining aspects such as lack of time, language difficulties,
and even the possibility of a hostile community. Otto
Klineberg spent two months living in Huichol territory in the Klineberg intended
to collect ethnographic information that illustrated the Huichol’s
norms, while keeping a constant focus on their emotional expressions,
however, at the end of his project, he felt that he barely scratched
the surface to the deeper truths about Huichol. This was mostly due to in insufficient understanding
of the language, as well as the unwelcome and distrustful attitude
that was at first displayed at his arrival. Klineberg’s rocky
start turned out to be costly in regards to time, yet he was still
able to record sufficient amounts of data about basics of Huichol life. His
evidence of this culture flowed from one observation to the next. The
location of the village was accessible only by horseback over cliffs
and gullies into uninhabited areas. The
houses were built in a circle with a surrounding low stone wall, and
connected to each home was a thatched-roof storehouse. Klineberg took note of social fiestas honoring
seasons, gods, deities, and crops. He
broke the governmental system down into four main officers, all elected
by the kawitero who “dreamed” of who should be in power. Klineberg also observed the fierce faith
put into the cuandero, or the healer, and the implicit confidence that
the community had in him to cure all. There
was also information regarding the isolated strength of childbirth,
the parental influences in marriage customs, and the ritual of a five-day
mourning period for the death of a loved one. Throughout all of
Klineberg’s notes, he incorporated specific references to emotional
expressions, such as his determination that the Huichol were Klineberg’s main
idea was that to truly understand the particular focus you are observing
in a culture, you must first have sufficient time, linguistic skills,
and acceptance of the people themselves. The comprehensibility of this point was clear
because Klineberg accurately described Huichol lifestyle and customs
while incorporating behavioral norms, but he also admitted to his incapability
to take his observations to a deeper, interpretative level. CLARITY: 5 BONNIE
YOUNG Kroeber, A.L. Native American Population. American Anthropologist 36 (1):1-25. Kroeber provides
his estimate of native population at the time of contact with Caucasians.
The work is relies upon material gleaned from several sources. James
Mooney’s figures are used for North America north of the Within the framework of population estimates Kroeber discusses Native American farming methods, the cultural habits of warfare which he viewed as illogical and tending to reduce population, and the surprising results of population density studies which showed that the West Coast of the United States and Canada had supported the highest population densities and not the agricultural areas to the east. Indeed, the Southwest area supported a higher population density than the apparently more fertile East. CLARITY RATE: 4 KATHY O’BRIEN Kroeber, A.L. Native American Population. American Anthropologist. January-March 1934 Vol.36(1):1-24. A.L. Kroeber describes
his article as an abstract of conclusions reached as to aboriginal
American population in a study undertaken as part of a monograph dealing
with cultural and natural areas in Native America. Most of the article
is devoted to estimates of the native population north of Kroeber takes into
account weather and other factors that play roles in the population
control of a region. He also guestimates how much land was under cultivation
in the Southeast for example at the time of contact. Although Kroeber
says some of his population estimates were achieved through "dead
reckoning", they seem to be similar to contemporary ideas of native
population distribution at the time of contact. Given the vast amount
of natives and their different ways at that time, Kroeber’s analysis
of culture and modes of production are rather general. CLARITY: 4 Loeb, Edwin. Patrilineal
and Matrilineal Organization in Part 1 of this paper
appeared in American Anthropologist 35 (1): 16-50 and presented the
organization of the Batak of Sumatra. Part 2 provides a detailed discussion
of the Minangkabua, also of The Minangkabua
are matrilineal and Loeb devotes considerable efforts to describing
the form of government, social classes, property, land, criminal law,
kinship terminology, a linguistic analysis of Indonesian kinship systems,
kinship usage, marriage restriction, marriage, childbirth, treatment
of children, puberty ceremonies, names, and the division of labor.
He then presents his argument that both the patrilineate and the matrilineate
developed from a form of bilateral family and that in neither case
is the development complete. The conclusion of the article is devoted
to a discussion of kinship practices in CLARITY RATE: 3 KATHY O’BRIEN Loeb,
Edwin. Patrilineal and Matrilineal Organization
in This article focuses
on the familial and cultural customs of the Minangkabau people. This
cultural examination acknowledges the history of colonialism in Beginning with the
influence of colonialism in The Minangkabau
government was based on tribal partnerships rather than land territories.
Although the formation of each council became complex, what is clear
is that each male chief was based along female genealogical lines.
No contracts were legal without the approval of the chief. The chief
listened tentatively to his people before making such decisions. For
if he did not, he was removed from his position. This possibility ensured
that the chief responded to the needs of his people. Different from other
islands in In terms of kinship
terminology, it is important to know that children believed that their
reason for living derived solely from their mother. Each female relative’s
title is one that reiterates the female genealogical line. It is through
the study of each title that one can see the importance of the matrilineal
line. Furthermore, the
child was raised by only female relatives. Names were given by five
days of age and generally had a Hindu influence. At initiation rites
circumcision was the norm for boys and incisions were performed on
girls. The evidence given
does seem to support the author’s claims on the matrilineal and patrilineal
influences on the Minangkabau people. It incorporates complex descriptions
to analyze the social structure and reasons for that development. CLARITY: 3 ROBIN CHAPDELAINE Lowie, Robert H. Some Moot Problems in Social Organization. 36(3): pp.321-330. This article is a critique of two papers written by E.M. Loeb and R. L. Olson. They both describe social organizations as having been originated from one single center, and diffusing out. Both Loeb and Olson are highly analyzed in their writings by Lowie. He points out their statements and arguments, and refutes them w |
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