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American
Anthropologist
Alexander, Hartley
B. Francis
La Flesche. American
Anthropologist. 35(3) 328-331 American Indian history has been punctuated by many brilliant personalities
and on Monday, September 5, 1932, another chapter within this voluminous
work ended. Francis La Flesche died in the Omaha Indian community near The trials and accomplishments of this highly influential figure in
the Indian community embody unique qualities. Having descended from an European lineage, strongly influenced by Indian maternal
relations, junior La Flesche steered away from the French or American
life styles, consciously identifying with his Indian roots. Another distinguishing
trait of La Flesche was his commitment and devotion to the Native American
community. This life-long predisposition and orientation was clearly
observable in his relentless undertakings to fight over-consumption of
alcohol by his tribal people in CLARITY RATING: 5
Alexander, Hartley B. Francis La
Flesche. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol. 35:328-331. This is a biography
of Francis La Flesche, who died on Monday, September 5, 1932. He was
born on December 25, 1857. Francis
was the son of Estamaza “Chief
Joseph” La Flesche, son of a French fur trader and an CLARITY RANKING: 5 JASON T. SMITH
Beyer, Hermann. A
Discussion of the Gates Classification of Maya Hieroglyphs, 35: 659-694 The author, Hermann
Beyer, has analyzed and examined a book by Mr. Gates. The book is titled "An Outline Dictionary of Maya Glyphs, With a
Concordance and Analysis of their Relationship." The book was written
after thirty years of study of the Maya hieroglyphs. The author (Hermann
Beyer) criticizes Mr. Gates book by explaining that Gates book was written
well over twenty years earlier and Gates only added only a few phrases
to modernize it. Beyer summarizes his criticisms as follows: "Mr.
Gates begins the study of Maya hieroglyphs not with their oldest types
as represented on the carved monuments, but with their latest as depicted
in the codices. On the whole, the short treatise is faulty in methods,
full of errors regarding well-known facts, and abounds in mistakes in
cross-references," (Beyer p 659). Beyer goes on to explain that
Gates has only used the hieroglyphs of three Maya manuscripts. He also
states that this method is inaccurate as it commences at the end of the
history of the Mayans opposed to the more convention methods, which is
nearer the origins of the Maya. Mr. Gates has excluded a large body of
hieroglyphs, which would limit the detail necessary for serious work.
Mr. Gates tabulation of codex glyphs is incorrect and he has used no
clear system to differentiate between references. Beyer methodically
goes through Mr. Gates text showing the incorrect interpretations of
glyphs and codexs. CLARITY RATE: 3
Beyer, Hermann. A
Discussion of the Gates Classification of the Maya Hieroglyphs. American Anthropologist
1933 Vol. 35:659-694. In this article,
Hermann Beyer critiques the work of Gates on Mayan Hieroglyphs. Due
to what Beyer suggests is a flawed
methodology leading
to false classification groups, Beyer’s critique aims to prove Gates’ conclusions
completely false as well. He begins by accusing Gates of using hieroglyphs that are not the original, ancient glyphs, nor he claims, are they
even close to these forms. Beyer suggests that Gates wrongfully groups
together, in a collection for study, simple and compound glyphs. He then
evaluates Gates’ bad judgement, which, according to Beyer, stems from
his linguistic background that causes him to view the glyphs like spoken
language rather than a writing system ideal for conveying single statements.
Beyer then gives examples of many of the glyphs, the way Gates categorizes
them, and, in contrast, the way he believes they should be grouped. Beyer concludes
by saying that Gates’ work is not scientific, but also
sarcastically states that there are some good points in the piece. Gates’ work
could be a good introduction for someone inquiring about glyphs, Beyer
decides, after listing a few details that Gates got right. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Blumensohn, Jules. The
Fast Among North American Indians. American Anthropologist 35(3) 451-469. Blumensohn’s article
is a succinct captured account of the objectives and rationale underlying
fasting rites and practices
among the North
American Indian tribes. In particular, through citing many examples,
the author brings into focus a vivid mental tapestry of religious and
spiritual practices among the Plains Indians. Although he finds fasting a
prevailing ritual of many tribes enervating a variety of occasions, there
is no unifying predisposition that characterizes them all. The aspirations
prevailing many adherents’ approaches to fasting could be classified
as seeking purification, engaging in puberty rites, offering a form of
human sacrifice, empowering oneself prior to waging war against enemies,
or simply as an irrational religious rite. To these prevailing
attitudes, the Central Algonkian intent of establishing a personal
relationship with the extra somatic
ethereal phenomena stands
in sharp contrast. Further, fasting and other self-mortification practices
were practiced to win compassion from the gods. The specific cognitive
conditions surrounding this general "pity me" approach to the
supernatural forces and their behavioral manifestations, however, remain
shrouded in mystery. Expressed in other words, if they had various methods
of self-mortification at their disposal, why did fasting constitue a
frequent option? CLARITY RATE: 4
Cressman, L.S. Aboriginal
Burials in The remains of approximately twenty-two individuals were discovered,
most of which were extensively deteriorated due to the wet conditions.
Only one partially complete skull was recovered. The dentition of this
skull exhibited both wear and pathology; the individual had eighteen
rather than sixteen maxillary teeth. All of the remains were interred
in the same manner. They were in flexed positions placed on the left
side and facing west, with the head to the south. Each grave appeared
to have been covered with a scattering of broken stone. Cressman postulates
that this series of burials represents three separate strata, although
this was not readily observable in the soil due to both water seepage
and relatively recent agricultural disturbance. The designation of the graves as pre-Columbian in origin was supported
by the lack of associated items of European derivation. The culture type
suggested by the accompanying artifacts was indicative of a relationship
with the CLARITY RANKING: 4
De Laguna, Frederica. Mummified
Heads from In this article, Frederica De Laguna examines a finding of three mummified
heads, one a woman's, in a cave on an island in southeastern De Laguna describes the placement of the heads and the methods of their
preservation. She also provides a description of the accompanying matting,
cords, and wooden boxes in which the heads were placed, as well as the
beads found under the box that was determined to have been placed last
in the cave. Photographs augment the detailed descriptions. Drawing upon knowledge of the burial techniques of the local inhabitants
and an oral history of the area obtained from a local Indian informant,
De Laguna concludes that the heads belonged to members of the Wrangell
who were killed during a massacre by the Kagwantan natives of CLARITY RANKING: 4 WENDY SHIMMIN
De Laguna, Frederica. Mummified
Heads from Six mummified heads were discovered by Mr. I. Myhre Hofstad and sons,
in a cave located thirty miles from CLARITY RATE 3
Dixon, Roland
B. "Tobacco
Chewing on the The author examines the evidence as to whether or not the Tlingit and
Haida Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast of America chewed tobacco,
given the name Nicotiana attenuata. The evidence he presents is
based on what others have written about the question and his own perception
of climatic conditions related to the growing of tobacco. First, there
was no evidence that at the end of the eighteenth century any of the
coastal tribes including those of The author has presented circumstantial evidence that the tribes of
the CLARITY RATE: 2
Dixon,
Roland B. Tobacco Chewing
on the CLARITY RANKING: 3 JASON T. SMITH
In this article, Henry Field addresses the cultural and biological evidence
regarding ancient humans in the From archaelogical data regarding ancient flora and fauna, Field extrapolates
that the climate of the Middle East was previously more favorable for
habitation; he further supports
this assertion with the data regarding the wide spread of human remains. He hypothesizes that the land was widely
inhabited until the climate became more arid, similar to contemporary
conditions in the Field’s data includes
tool specimens from This article is often unclear due to the changes in terminology since its authorship, especially regarding the geographic area but also in the field of biological anthropology. CLARITY RATING: 2
Golomshtok, This article was written by an American Anthropologist from the First, he describes the functions of scientific institutions, such as
the The aim to describe anthropological findings and the state of anthropological
research was accomplished. However, the methods for exchanging and disseminating
information are somewhat vague, probably because specific details could
not be described at that time, and in fact were not implemented until
the 1980s. The article is somewhat ponderous, and its focus could have
been improved. CLARITY RATE: 4
Gorodzov, V. A. The Typological Method in Archaeology. American Anthropologist January-March 1933 Vol.35(1): 95-102. In this article, Gorodzov endeavors to systematize the application of the typological method in archaeology. According to Gorodzov, before the typological method is applied, one must understand the forces which create change in forms of material culture. These forces are causality, evolution, borrowing, and the differential survival of forms of material culture. Causality refers to the fact that artifacts are the result of changes from previously existing forms, and are directly tied to those forms. Evolution is the process by which these new forms emerge out of the previous forms. Borrowing is the implementation of new forms of material culture that exist in other cultures with which the culture in question has contact. The differential survival of forms acknowledges that multiple forms of culture often exist to fill the same function, and that one of these will take precedence over the other, possibly to the exclusion of the latter. According to Gorodzov, understanding these forces aids in the execution of the typological method. The typological method entails the categorization of specimens of material culture into increasingly specific classes. These classes include categories, groups, genera, and types. Categories are the first, most general division, which should be made according to the function of the specimen. The next division into groups is determined by the material with which the item was made. Genera and types are both sorted according to the form of the object, with genera pertaining to the general form and the type being more specific. Due to the variability of material culture, determining types may be difficult, and decisions regarding categorization into types may be subjective. Due to this difficulty, Gorodzov advocates giving description of the typological categorization, including distribution in time and space. Gorodzov compares the typological method in archaeology to taxonomy, supporting the presented methodology with a demonstration of biological typology. Furthermore, Gorodzov demonstrates the application of the method with examples from archaeological data. CLARITY RATING: 4
Hough, Walter. The Origin and Development
of Metrics. American Anthropologist 35 (1): 443-450. The emergence and development in the notions germane to methods of measurement
as regards to length, area, weight, capacity, numbers, direction, time,
and geographic location is the topic addressed in this article. The
author advances the assertion that the exploration of this topic is as
salient
as investigations in the "invention" of language, both inextricably
bound with the evolution of human culture. Moreover, it is argued,
these concepts evolved first by resorting to the human body as the
primary
reference point. Relying on conjecture based on utility and informed by data from tribal
societies of recent past, Hough reasons by way of analogy and simile,
tracing the origins of ideas surrounding measurement techniques. As significant
as he finds this endeavor, he admits that at times the beginning and
intermittent steps in the refinements of methods are clouded with ambiguity.
Three such examples are the concepts of capacity, sense of direction,
and spatial and temporal position. Some other forms of measurement, however, render themselves well to
deductive reasoning and comparative analysis of historical records. For
instance, weight measurements could not have arisen had there not been
any primitive tools, which necessitated the utility of the concept of
balance. One case in point is the enormous Chellean ax, which had to
have balanced the concepts of a heavy blow with a swift recovery. A more
primitive notion, one of higher value to the evolution of culture and
its foundations was that of length. This, Hough argues, utilized as its
unit the length of human anatomical segments, incurring minor variation
throughout the early human populations. CLARITY RATE: 2
Hough, Walter. The Origin and Development
of Metrics. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:443-450. This article is a speculative inquiry into the evolutionary path of
humanity's acquisition of a system of measurement. Hough equates the
development of measurement with the origin of language and the mastery
of fire as a vital step toward the conquest of culture over nature.
He assumes a slow process, instigated by both "primitive" human
needs and the development of the necessary technology. Various contemporary
categories of measurement are examined: weight, length, direction, capacity,
time, location in time-space, and numbers. Of these, Hough deems length
the oldest form of measure, being an extension of early humans' own body
dimensions. The survival of terms of measurement derived from body dimensions
is discussed, such as units of length based on arm, hand, and foot size,
as well as on space. Regarding direction, "primitive man" is
said to have begun with only two points of reference, sunrise and sunset.
Hough claims that humankind, through the development of culture, has
lost the instinctual sense of direction that is possessed in the animal
world. The process of reformulating a system has been a slow one. The
development of complex systems of agriculture and exchange are thought
to have prompted the necessity of the concepts of area, weight, capacity,
and to some extent numbers themselves. Area is attributed to relatively
advanced cultures because the territorial boundaries employed by early
humans consisted simply of perimeters demarcated by natural land features.
While the idea of the limits of weight and of balance were early concepts,
necessary for the making of weapons, the measurement of weight was not
possible until the suspended beam came into use. True measure of capacity,
as opposed to the rudimentary concepts of empty and full, was the result
of technological necessity arising in the areas of agriculture, transport
and exchange. The development of perception of time and the consequent
system for its measurement is presumed unknowable. Again, the system
is thought to have reached its pinnacle with the adoption of agriculture,
which necessitates a system of measuring the long-range time periods
of months and seasons. Hough calls an understanding of location in time-space
a requirement of any sentient human or primitive culture, but notes that "it
is suspected that this consciousness has not permeated the whole human
race of yet" (p.449). While some concepts that led to the formulation
of a system of measurement began with the musings of very early humans,
Hough sees a direct correlation between the adoption of an advanced
system and an increase in the technological complexity of cultures. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, Walter William Henry Holmes. 35:752-764 William Henry Holmes was born in December 1, 1846, and died April 10,
1933. After a superior education, Holmes studied drawing. He subsequently
studied art in CLARITY RATE: 3
Hough, Walter. William Henry
Holmes. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol.35:752-764. This is a biography of William Henry Holmes who died on April 20, 1933.
Holmes was born on December 1, 1846 and ventured into the sciences, particularly
anthropology, geology, and archaeology, as an artist. He studied art
in In 1882, William Holmes became Curator of Aboriginal Ceramics in the
U.S. National Museum and in 1889 became employed by the Smithsonian’s
Bureau of American Ethnology where he determined that some American
implements considered Paleolithic were in fact modern. The implements
showed no
signs of use and were found to be merely discarded chips. Holmes worked
as Head Curator of Anthropology in the William Henry Holmes returned to the Smithsonian as Head Curator of
Anthropology in the U.S. National Museum and became the Chief of the
Bureau of American Ethnology in 1902. He resigned from that position
in 1909. In 1920, Holmes became Director of the National Gallery of Art
and worked there through the rest of his life. This biography lists many honors that Dr. Holmes received and describes
him as an avid mountain climber for whom two mountains were named. He
was first to climb several peaks in the CLARITY RANKING: 3 JOLIE A. PRÉAU
Jones, W. B. Archaeological
Field Work in The Committee on State Archaeological Surveys of the Division of Anthropology
and Psychology of the National Research Council has compiled the summary
reports of archaeologists’ field works in Southwestern Alaska, J. Alden Mason, Southern California, Malcolm J. Rogers, Southwest California, M. R. Harrington, The In addition to the above, the following states also reported field research
activities: CLARITY RATING: 5
Kroeber, A.L. "Process in
the Chinese Kinship System". American Anthropologist
vol.35: 151-157 The author’s objective is to describe in detail how the Chinese assign
specific names to family relationships, and how their system is a "rich" system
compared to our "deliberately impoverished" system in The author accomplished his objectives in this detailed article that
must be read very slowly and carefully for an understanding of the particular
relationships being described. CLARITY RATE: 3
Lesser, Alexander. Cultural Significance
of the Ghost Dance. American
Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:108-115 This article deals with the spread of the Ghost Dance among the Pawnee
Indians in the late 1800s. Rather
than a description of the dance itself, author Alexander Lesser draws
on the ethnographic work of James Mooney to elaborate on the cultural
significance of the Ghost Dance for the Pawnee. Lesser
attributes great significance to the social-economic context in which
the spread of the Ghost Dance took place. He describes a period in which “the final
destruction of native culture was well advanced.” The most destructive influence of white colonization,
according to Lesser, was the annihilation of the buffalo herds. “With
the disappearance of the The Ghost Dance brought hope. “It
promised a destruction of the invading white man, a return of the buffalo
and old Indian ways, and a reunion of the Indians and their deceased
forebears.” The Ghost Dance allowed the dancers to have
visions in which they would see a “ghost”, an old custom that had passed
with the deceased without being taught. In
this way, space was created in Pawnee ideology about the passing of knowledge
that allowed for a semi-political renaissance and recovery of Pawnee
culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Loeb, E.M. Patrilineal and
Matrilineal Organization in Loeb’s article focuses on the social organization of the Batak people
with some comparison to other groups in The Batak government is democratic and the villages are ruled over by
radjas. Batak villages consist
of six or seven houses, holding three to eight families each. There are also council houses and different
buildings primarily for work. Each
marga or sib (group of kinsmen) has land rights and rents to the members
of its group. There are specific
rules of inheritance that extend to the Batak men but not to the women.
Loeb gives a list of Batak terms relating to kinship. Loeb
then goes on to explain the complex practices and restrictions on marriage,
descriptions of who can and who cannot marry, and the different reasons
for it. Then he itemizes the special
relationships between the members of the families. There are certain
customs regarding pregnancy and childbirth, including certain taboos
that are observed. Children are treated very well and have great freedom
through their adolescence and it is not until a woman marries that she
must work, but when she has children her life becomes more difficult. While in theory a woman is bought and sold
as a material object, she is well protected and often gets her opinion
into the council house. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Lowie, Robert H. Crow Prayers. American
Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:433-442. Robert Lowie, reporting on fieldwork done in 1931, shows through examples
of Crow Indian prayers how the Sun is often invoked and plays a major
role in the majority of these prayers. He explains that even when a
specific reference to the Sun is not stated, another supernatural being
will be
represented, which is in some way related to the Sun. For example, "Old-Woman’s
Grandchild," a favorite hero of the Crow, is in fact the son of
the Sun, who usually transforms into the Morning Star. Lowie gives an example of a prayer said by a man who has been fasting
and then cuts off a finger joint, offering it to the Sun. The next prayer
involves Medicine-crow, who is going to seek a vision and faces the Sun
while praying. Another prayer dictated by Yellow-mule is translated,
which involves the use of extra feathers tied on a horse. Lowie views
this as an offering to the Sun in place of flesh. Lowie goes on to cite other examples of Crow prayers that do not invoke
the Sun. Instead, these prayers contain references to supplementary powers,
which in fact have no relation to any mythological figure. In this way
the Indians apply supernatural power to any part of the world around
them such as willow trees and charcoal. Lowie states that these objects
become powerful for a short time, and later revert back into inanimate
objects after being utilized in a prayer. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lowie, Robert H. "Erland
Nordenskiold". American Anthropologist vol.35: 158-164 This is a brief biography of Dr. Nordenskiold who was born in This short article is easy to read and gives enough information to enable
the reader to from an image of a careful and thorough ethnographer who
was a real human being who enjoyed interacting with his students and
peers. CLARITY RATE: 5
Lowie, Robert H. Erland Nordenskiold.
American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:158-163. Robert Lowie’s obituary of Nils Erland Herbert Nordenskiold focuses
on Nordenskiold’s life accomplishments and scientific achievements
as an archaeologist and ethnographer. Lowie writes very admiringly
of Nordenskiold
as a professional colleague and as an acquaintance. Erland Nordenskiold was born in Nodenskiold was admired professionally and personally. Lowie states
that Nordenskiold had a modest personality and the graciousness of
a man of the world. He never disguised his fondness for the people
he studied.
He is remembered as a leader in the history of Americanist research.
Nordenskiold’s legacy to anthropology is his methodological approach
to fieldwork and his sympathetic approach to the natives. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lowie, Robert H. "Queries". American
Anthropologist vol.35: 288-296 The objective is to question several hypotheses or ideas espoused by
other anthropologists. STABILITY is questioned from the viewpoint of
Professor Boas who stated that "it is exceeding improbable that
any customs of primitive people should be preserved unchanged for thousands
of years." Lowie asks, "What conditions make for stability?
What conditions determine fluidity?" EVOLUTION AND THE KULTURKREISLEHRE
is questioned in terms of the "organic bond between cultural phenomena".
Several rambling statements imply that an example would be between woman
inventing cultivation and because of this, a matrilineal society develops.
The question is: would the matrilineal society develop independently
of woman inventing cultivation? IRREVERSIBLE DIFFUSION is questioned
in terms of when does diffusion between cultures go back and forth between
higher and lower cultures and not just from the higher to the lower?
CONJECTURAL HISTORY is questioned in terms of "whether Professor
Radcliffe-Brown sometimes makes guesses as to why and how parts of culture
change, and which of its features precedes others". LAW is questioned
in terms of whether "a law works in certain specific but unspecified
conditions? In other words, are we to consider it a law than societies
sometime develop clans and sometimes do not?" Lowie states this
is obvious and not a law, just as Newton’s law is not that bodies either
fall or rise. L’ENVOI is questioned in terms of when does one learn from
one’s predecessors? The author poses some interesting questions, but the writing is awkward
and quite convoluted. Instead of stating something simply and directly,
Lowie states it in a way that will confuse and bewilder the reader. CLARITY RATE: 2
Lowie, Robert H. Queries. American
Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:288-296. This piece probes into some of the inconsistencies and problematic areas
in anthropological thought as perceived by Robert Lowie. Using a wide
array of examples from many parts of the world, Lowie explains the inconsistencies
he sees and calls for further clarification by certain authors and theorists. First, Lowie calls into question the concept of stability of cultural
traits. He begins with a criticism by Franz Boas of Elliot Smith’s
theory with regards to stability. Boas champions the probability that
a cultural
trait changes over time. Lowie questions this probability. The clarification
desired is for further definition of stability and fluidity, and whether
or not conclusions of any historical depth are possible without the
assumption of stability. Next, Lowie grapples with the work of Father
Wilheim Schmidt.
Lowie holds that Schmidt claims his position to be anti-evolutionary,
while simultaneously using very pro-evolutionary concepts in his discussion
of kulturkreiss. Irreversible diffusion is then challenged. Five theorists are named
who operate with the assumption that diffusion occurs irreversibly
from a "higher center." Lowie outlines several examples in which
diffusion flows mutually between societies. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown’s work
is twice the subject of inquiry. Radcliffe-Brown’s rejection of the validity
of conjectural history is questioned while Lowie explains how Radcliffe-Brown
uses conjectural history in his explanations of kinship in Aboriginal
Australia. Questions about the guesswork involved in theorizing ensue.
Lowie questions the importance Radcliffe-Brown places on sociological
law. Lowie states that some of Radcliffe-Brown’s laws are too vague
to be considered laws. The conclusion of this article is intended for the younger generation
of anthropologists. Included are thought-provoking questions and tips
on where one may find sources of information. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mead, Margret. More Comprehensive Field
Methods. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:1-15. In this article, Margaret Mead stresses the need for departure from "armchair" ethnography
to a form that makes use of more comprehensive and uniform field techniques.
She begins her argument by pointing out that most current ethnography
is only focused on the ceremonial aspects of culture, that is, "the
conspicuous, the conventional and the bizarre" (p.2). Mead says
that this approach to ethnography consequently ignores the nonformalized
aspects of culture. She believes that one must concentrate on the nonformalized
and formalized aspects of culture, because ethnography cannot be done
correctly without the study of all parts of the culture. Mead extensively draws on examples from her fieldwork in Mead thinks that it is only from this more in-depth form of ethnography
that one will ever truly be able to produce a comprehensive picture of
the culture in question. To compromise nonformalized aspects of culture
in the pursuit of only the ceremonial aspects of a culture will render
the study incomplete. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mead, Margaret. More Comprehensive Field Methods. American Anthropologist January-March, 1933 Vol.35(1): 1-15. In this article, Margaret Mead discusses the subject matter which ethnographers should address through fieldwork. According to Mead, ethnography should address not only the explicit, formalized parts of culture, such as ceremonies or taboos, but also the implicit, unformalized facets, such as attitudes and interaction. Mead asserts that a particular aspect of culture may be explicit or implicit in different cultures; furthermore, its importance within the culture does not correlate with whether it is formalized or unformalized. Therefore, implicit facets of culture should be studied with the same emphasis as explicit aspects of culture. In order to study these unformalized aspects of culture, Mead recommends becoming familiar with the culture as a whole, then focusing on the specific aspects of culture which relate to the ethnographer’s aims of research. This requires an extra time investment in a singular community, and additional participation including fluency in the language of the community. These methods allow the unformalized aspects of culture to be observed repeatedly, including their inevitable variation. In her discussion, Mead presents examples of fieldwork which address explicit aspects of culture and demonstrates how those aspects might be better understood with supporting evidence from implicit facets of the culture as well. Mead also gives examples from her own fieldwork which illustrate the application and results of the participant-observation model she is recommending. One significant advantage she describes is the ability of these methods to discriminate the de juro mores of a society from the de facto praxis: one can discover in what respects the ideals of the culture are upheld in everyday life and in what circumstances and for what reasons they may be abandoned. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Michelson, Truman Narrative of
an Arapaho Woman. American Anthropologist 35: 595-610 The author requested that Jesse Rowlodge obtain a narrative from a local Arapaho women in July of 1932 near Geary Oklahoma. The
informant was not mentioned by name, only that she was 77 years old
at the time of the telling of her life history. (Summary of narrative) The narrator’s father had only one wife who was
her mother. There were seven children in her family. The family moved
frequently by means of ponies. Older women and children rode in the "travois" and
heavy objects were hauled. Until the narrator was ten years old, she
was allowed to play unrestricted with boys her own age. When she became
older, her bedding was placed on the west side of the lodge and she was
chaperoned constantly. Until she was married, she always slept with another
girl (chum). Toys consisted of rag dolls, small squaw-saddles, doll cradles,
and small tee-pees. The narrator learned to ride her own pony when she
was quite small. Her share of the work consisted of helping with the
wood gathering. At fourteen she learned beadwork, tanning hides, and
porcupine quillwork. Ear piercing was performed when she was quite young.
At a Sun Dance a Sioux Indian pierced her ears. Her father gave the Sioux
his best riding pony, a pack of several robes, goods and a silver bridle.
The narrator’s mother was a doctor who used many herbs, roots, bark,
leaves, and seeds fortreatment of various illnesses and disease. On her
behalf, brother accepted an invitation to marry a young man, whom she
did not know. She agreed to the marriage because her brother thought
he was a good man. Her husband died when their first child was one year
old. She remarried two years later. She had three daughters by him. He
also died. Her third husband asked the narrator to become a plural wife.
She refused, and became a "widow" once again. She did marry
again and had four more children. He died eight years before the narrative.
The narrator expressed her appreciation of her good fortunes and her
and kind husbands. CLARITY RATE: 4
Michelson, Truman. Narrative of an Arapaho
Woman. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:595-610 This article presents an annotated transcription of the story of an
Arapaho woman’s life. This seventy-seven year old woman recounts the
everyday activities, games and responsibilities of her childhood, as
well as the rules and precautions governing young women’s interactions
with men. She goes on to tell of her sequence of marriages, births, and
periods of widowhood. Michelson explains that this narrative was recorded
by a third party, named Jesse Rowlodge, though he neglects to explain
who Rowlodge is. Throughout the piece, Michelson inserts ample annotations.
These annotations clarify, among other things, whether the activity or
detail being described by the woman is an institutionalized practice
among the Arapaho, or simply particular to this woman’s story. The
article lists many of the important ethnological works that had been
written
about the Arapaho up to that time. CLARITY: 5
Morice, A. G. Carrier Onomatology. 35:
632-658 During the period A.G. Morice, O.M.I., was a missionary among the Carrier
Indians, (the De’ne’s of British Columbia), he collected name lists.
Carrier tribes’ use of names, included personal
names used in common, and informal terms denominating individuals, and
hereditary vocables, or titles. The Carriers had no name-giving ceremonies
apart from the festivities connected with the assuming of hereditary
titles. Four categories of names are analyzed in his essay. (1) Names
that referred to some particularity, an accident or incident in life,
or a bodily or mental characteristic of the individual. Names were given
usually in early youth. A child could be named at birth by being given
the name of a deceased relative. The grandmother, grandfather, father,
or friend of the family acted as sponsor and gave the child one of sixteen
names. (2) A few personal names would refer to unusual circumstances
connected with birth or after-birthday, of the child. All personal names
are verbal nouns. Some names like Kwa, Taya, Te’pa(woman),
E’lmok (do.), Keizi (do.), seem to be meaningless. A different class
of Carrier Personal names originated in dreams, and consequently contained
an element of mystery, if not sacredness, much prized by the natives.
(3) A Rev. Juan Nobili, S. in 1846, bestowed a third category of common
personal names upon the children he baptized. (4) A fourth class of
Carrier proper nouns was attached to individuals based on nicknames,
given as
a rule, because of their resemblance to animals or objects. CLARITY RATE: 3
Morice,
A.G. Carrier Onomatology. American Anthropologist. 1933 Vol.35:632-658. A.G. Morice served as a missionary among the
Carrier Indians of the De’ne’s of British Columbia. He gathered data on the names and naming
processes among the Carrier. His
essay introduces these names and attempts to evaluate the processes
involved. Morice asserts that “the manner in which...unsophisticated
people designate their fellows individually...should not be neglected
by the Anthropologist”. Morice
looks at the different types of names and categorizes them as common,
hereditary, and gendered. He
also evaluates the geographical names of the country. While the naming process among the Carrier
is historically informal, the formation of names, according to Morice,
is based on various circumstances. Common
names are seen to originate from four different fronts and he provides
many names to illustrate each category. First,
some are given in response to “some particularity, an accident or incident
in life, or a bodily or mental characteristic of the individual”. These names can be given in response to a
characteristic of infancy or at birth. And
still, some of these names are seen by Morice to have no meaning. Second, Morice alludes to Carrier personal
names of “a different class”. These
names are formed by dreams or visions. Third,
a set of names exists in relation to the Carriers historical experiences
with religious missionaries and their christening rituals. Finally, some carrier names are given in
describing the likeness of a person to an object or an animal. This may reflect on a totemic relationship. Hereditary names exist among the Carrier and
are associated with moments of prestige and positions of privilege
among the men. The women’s names
are also mostly based on heredity, but they do not hold the same prestige
as the men’s names. In addition, Carrier Indians have “quite
an array of personal names which designate only women, and can be at
once recognized as such through their ending,” for example, “-nan”. The geographical names of the country are
documented and described in great detail by Morice. The names of the geographical features of
the Carrier territory seem to be based on local traditions, mythology,
history, and encounters between the Indians and outsiders such as explorers
and missionaries. This look into Carrier Onomatology categorizes
the different ways in which Carrier Indians partake in the naming process
of individuals and the geographical features that surround their daily
lives and experiences. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NICOLE
TAYLOR
Nomland, Gladys Archaeological
Site of The archaeological site of CLARITY RATE: 3
Nomland, Gladys Ayer. Archaeological Site
of This article describes the findings of the archaeological site of Because of "the various metate fragments in the collection" (p.719),
it is speculated that the inhabitants of Hato Viejo took advantage of
the abundant supply of water to grow maize. Also, remains of deer and
large rodent-like animals are noted. A midden site and burial urns indicate
wide use of mollusks, fish and "otoliths of various shapes and sizes" (p.719)
for food. Burial urns containing pieces of, or whole, adult and child
skeletons are described. The frequency and complexity of wares are
illustrated in great detail. Notes on the clays that the pots and urns are made from and where the
clay originated, the paint, and the intensity of firing, precede the
descriptions of the different wares. The most rudimentary wares are represented
first. The category of unslipped, unpainted ware consists of plain gray-brown
and red types. Plain gray-brown includes bowls, jars, a funeral urn and
a stove censer, nine pieces in all. Some of these vessels are corrugated
necked, while others are punctated. Red ware showed hardly any signs
of use, so it was more than likely employed for ceremonial purposes only.
The more complex pottery is slipped ware. These are gray-brown and red
types as well, but have better mixed clay and are more thin-walled than
the unslipped unpainted. The final type, the painted ware, consists of
six color combinations: black-on-white, red on terra cotta, red-on-buff,
maroon-on-cream, black-on-red, and polychrome. All of these types differ
in make-up and design, and all appear to be native to the site, with
the exception of the black-on-red. Nomland speculates that this was probably
a piece that had been traded. The most abundant tools discovered at the site were axes and hammers. However,
also found was a well-made grinding stone, a pestle, and many pieces
of polished stone. The pieces are all said to "indicate a high degree
of skill in stone work" (p.739). While the archaeologists were
able to place the pottery and stone tools in a sequence from less to
more
advanced, no conclusions are drawn as to when the aboriginals may have
inhabited Hato Viejo, because no significant stratigraphy had been
done at the time. CLARITY RANKING: 4 CANDICE WIDEN
Osgood, Cornelius Tanaina Culture. 35:
695-716 The Tanaina were a tribal group located in the Cook Inlet in the northern
extremity of the CLARITY RATE: 3
Osgood, Cornelius. Tanaina Culture.
American Anthropologist 1933 Vol.35:695-717. This is a study of the Tanaina people who live around Cook Inlet of
Alaska. The research concentrates on two main objectives. The first
is to study the six main villages of the Tanaina, which are also broken
down into subdivisions. The second objective is to explain Tanaina
culture
prior to European settlement that occurred in the late 1700’s. Osgood states that environmental factors had an undeniable influence among the culture of the Tanaina people. Food, clothes, shelter, transportation and tools varied between villages. The Seldovia (lower inlet) had access to salt water where the Susitna and Iliamna (both inland) had access to fresh water only, creating a vast difference in resources. The climates also varied, creating a difference in the landscape. The Eklutna (upper inlet) had a vast supply of birch bark that was used as a cover for a variety of forms of shelter, it was also used to build canoes. On the other hand the Seldovia (lower inlet) did not have access to large quantities of birch bark, so instead they used grass thatching and spruce boughs, as might be expected living on a salt water coast line the Seldovia (lower inlet) also integrated skins into their daily lives, using them for clothes, covers for shelters and covers for their kaiaks and umiaks. Another influence on the variation found between the villages, was Eskimo contact. The Seldovia (lower inlet) and the Iliamna (inland) both had direct Eskimo contact, explaining why these two villages that exhibited great variation due to environmental restrictions also had similarities in “material culture”. These two villages had a similar style of dress, and common hunting tools not found among the other villages. There were also a number of similarities found among the Tanaina. Their
society was based on a moiety organization, made up of matrilineal sibs
or clans. They also lived in a two class society. The upper class included
wealthy members and their close family, while everyone else fell into
the lower class called ultcakas. The two class system of the Tanaina
was not permanent, in other words a member of the ultcakas could marry
into the upper class. The village itself was comprised of a number of
houses spread around the chief, making what was called a barabara. In
each barabara women had a great deal of control. They were in charge
of all the food and had the final say in the marriage of their children.
Potlatches were also common among all Tanaina, although ritual aspects
varied. The Tanaina believed in many gods and devils. It was also believed
that when a person died his breath went up into the sky while his body
stayed underground. Due to European settlement by the early 1900’s it was estimated that
the Tanaina population had decreased by almost 3/4. This fact alone
makes this research incredible. The article in its entirety is able
to bring
to life a culture that has experienced many pressures to not only
change but in a sense to disappear. I recommend this article because
in a
clear, concise manor it reveals the complex challenges the Tanaina
faced to
survive and the way that their culture was built around the resources
to ensure survival. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LISA JORDAN
O’Neale, Lila M. A Peruvian Multicolored
Patchwork. American Anthropologist 1933 Vol. 35:87-94. The author’s aim is to show the advanced technique of the craftswomen
of O’Neale notes that most tunics are sewn in one of three ways. The first
type is a single web of many rectangles of patches. In this case, a
kelim tapestry slot is placed on top for a neck opening. A second type
is put
together in two parts and then sewn in front and back. Also, some tunics
have sleeves added to the top, making a third classification. The types of yarn needed to do each stitch is noted. She then
explains the kelim technique, as well as how one can observe the depth
of technical skill of the weaver. The color distribution of a Supe tunic is explained. Each yarn is listed and coded according to its color and shade. Then the codes are diagrammed to show vertical and horizontal rhythm in the pattern. A particular pattern that comes up in some seventy different tunics is one of a cat. According to O’Neale, "Each cat motive is subdivided into seven distinct color |
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