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American
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Amsden, Charles. The Loom and its Prototypes. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):216-235. This article traces the technological evolution of the loom in America. Amsden begins by discussing the origin of weaving. The technique of weaving is dependent upon one main factor, the flexibility or fineness of the material being used. If the material is flexible a support system is needed in order to accomplish weaving. Materials such as willow splints are rigid enough to stay in place without support and can easily be woven. The beginning of loom development lies with the supporting stake and the supporting frame used by groups on the Northwest Coast. The supporting stake method uses a single-point suspension to support weaving. A mat or blanket could not be woven with this type of limited support, and therefore needed the supporting frame. The supporting frame or weaving frame uses two poles placed vertically at a distance from each other with a pole lying horizontally across the top. The strands of the warp are tied to the horizontal pole and weft strands can be woven through the dangling warp. Another prototype includes the fixed-warp frame. This frame consists of two horizontal poles bisected by two vertical poles spaced about 3 feet apart. The warp is fixed to both vertical poles in a continuous strand. The weft is woven by hand into the warp one strand at a time. This type of weaving was done from the top down, unlike the loom where the weaving starts closest to the weaver and works upward. The next developments that affect the evolution of the loom are the use of wool and the tapestry weave. Amsden than discusses the needle loom, the waist loom, and the vertical loom. These were the immediate predecessors of the true loom. Amsden concludes that the loom was an independent invention. He says that "everywhere experiments and developments were in process that were tending inevitably toward the loom" (235). In most cases these experiments were quite independent of one another. CLARITY RANKING: 3 KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) .gif){kind=small} Amsden, Charles. The Loom and its Prototypes. American Anthropologist 34: 216-35. Amsden attempts to outline the evolution of weaving in America acknowledging that archaeological evidence is of little use. He assumes that weaving was an evolutionary process since the use of the loom could not have been invented spontaneously. He thinks weaving began with basketry when the materials used where too fine or not flexible enough to manipulate without some sort of device. The distinction he makes between basketry and weaving is that weaving requires some sort of support. Amsden introduces different basketry techniques that may have gradually led to the use of a true loom. The techniques he lists include a supporting stake, a supporting frame, a tapestry weave, and a needle loom. He describes why the different techniques are used and in some cases the people who use them. However, he is forced to make assumptions as to the most logical progression from basketry to the use of a true loom. He concludes by saying that the loom was likely developed among different groups independently of each other. Not until the use of cotton moved northward is there definite evidence of a true loom. CLARITY RATE: 4 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) .gif){kind=small} Bartlett, Katharine. A Unique Pueblo II Bird Fetish. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):315-319. This report was a comparison of an artifact found at an excavation to the known similar kinds of artifacts available. It was a charred wooden representation of an eagle, most likely used as an important, meaningful piece of jewelry in its time. It was found in a site north of the San Francisco peaks in 1930. Bartlett went on to describe the specific features of the bird fetish, including the shapes and positions of the head, eyes, and wings. She also took detailed measurements of every dimension of the fetish, and even researched the type of gems it probably once held. The only fetishes found of this type were one found in a site in New Mexico and the sort that present-day Zuni tribes use. Bartlett used the New Mexico specimen’s description from the words of its own finder, George H. Pepper for a comparative model. His description of his own find almost completely paralleled the results Bartlett attained with her finding. Pepper’s fetish was found in Chaco canyon, New Mexico in 1920. The other similar type of fetish is found in present-day usage amongst the Zuni Indians, also found in the southwestern U.S. In Zuni culture, the eagle symbol is representative of a powerful god and/or his brothers. The materials used in the modern fetishes have changed, but the shape and details have remained quite noticeable. Bartlett compared the three specimens in size, form, and function and found little variance throughout. Ornamentation and parent materials, according to Bartlett, are the most significant nuances in these possibly related artifacts. CLARITY RANKING: 4 BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Barlett, Katherine. A Unique Pueblo II Bird Fetish. American Anthropologist 34:(21) 315-319. The article deals with the comparison of three wooden bird carvings found on the Pueblo II site, the Peublo III site (that dates from around 910-1130 AD and was found in New Mexico), and a bird fetish used by contemporary Zuni. The fetish found on the Pueblo III site and the one used by the Zuni had been the only two known bird fetishes carved out of wood since the discovery of the bird fetish which sparked this comparison. It was found in the summer of 1930 during a field expedition of the Museum of Northern Arizona, and was detected charred on the floor of a masonry granary that was destroyed by a fire which was being excavated. Bartlett offers a clear physical description of the three carvings in the effort to describe the similarities and the differences. All three carvings have heads, necks, wings and tails done in the same manner and are indicated by grooves. Among the visible differences are the presumed purposes of the earlier fetishes which are theorized to have been more for decoration as opposed for religious purposes like in the Zuni group. There are noticeable resemblance between the fetishes as well as minor differences, however the author indicates that the birds are of the same type which "has evidently persisted for over a thousand years of Pueblo history." CLARITY RATE: 5 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Beals, Ralph L. Aboriginal Survivals in Mayo Culture. American Anthropologist January-March, 1932 34(1):28-39. In this article, Ralph Beals gives a detailed description on the Mayo culture of southern Sonora, Mexico. He focuses on the differences between these indigenous Indians and their Mexican neighbors. Beals spent five months with the Mayo, from 1930 -1931 and was fascinated by the many cultural traits that they have kept to this day, and the possible reasons this could have happened. The 300 to 400 years of the interchange between the Mayo and the Mexicans has led to a convergence of these two cultures, and it is the differences that still exist that become the focus of the article. Many of the obvious differences have been wiped out over such a long period of time, and it seems many of the ones that do still exist have primarily to do with material things. Beals examines why particular traits have survived and others have not. He offers a comprehensive list of surviving aboriginal traits and admits that it is "tentative and incomplete", and also "the mere fact that an element differentiates Indian from Mexican is not inherent proof of its aboriginal character". With this in mind, Beals comes up with a list including various objects, food, and techniques used by both people. After this list, Beals provides a short summary of the history of the Mayo. They have been in touch with whites for four centuries and one of the most significant factors in their history was the establishment of the missions in 1613. Until 1767, the Mayo was under mission control, and after this they became virtually independent. This independence ended in the latter part of the 19th century with the Diaz regime. This period of cultural change is still happening for the Mayo. The question still remains as to why certain traits have survived this acculturation and others have not. Beals thinks that the missionary movements hindered political thought by limiting the power of the chiefs. They also got rid of polygamy and the sororate. Religion does not seem to be affected as much as many other things. The Mayo are Catholics, with their only non-essential belief being the idea of reincarnation. It seems the only things that the Mayo kept true to their culture were the things that the missionaries and Mexicans did not feel were worth changing. CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Beales, Ralph L. Aboriginal Survivals in Mayo Culture. American Anthropologist. 34: 28-39. Ralph L. Beales article, Aboriginal Survivals in Mayo Culture, is a brief overview of the Mayo’s assimilation and rejecting of Spanish-Mexican cultural practices and beliefs. While this article is very brief and does not go into detail, it asks questions and seeks to understand why Mayo traits have survived and the reasons why some have changed. He diagrams a list of mostly material items that are survivals, those items that are shared by the two groups, and those items that are almost exclusively used by the Spanish-Mexicans. He stated that the differences need to be proved by both archaeological and historical analysis. He only slightly mentions psychology but gives more credit to historical chance. He did make the claim, however that the Mayo were easily changed but he wonders why their social structure changed to a great degree while their religious views were only slightly changed. He answered this by stating that the Mayo adopted the outside practices when they found it beneficial. While Beals makes a few suggestions as to the reasons for Mayo culture change he stated that a more complex analysis is needed. CLARITY: 3 MARGARET BAYLON California state University, Hayward (Peter Craus) Beals, Ralph L. Unilateral Organizations in Mexico. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):467-475. In his article, Unilateral Organizations in Mexico, Beals starts with one general hypothesis. It is his assertion that, while no definite conclusions can be made, his data shows highly suggestive evidence that unilateral organizations did exist in the background of Mexican culture history. Beals’ data is taken largely from the western and southern parts of Mexico. He starts by observing that the Opata people are divided into different pueblos. It shows in a game of ball in which different sections of the town are grouped into teams. While most people assume this to be indicative of former dialectic and regional differences, it is suggestive of the type of unilateral organizations found in the Southeast. While conducting fieldwork with the Cahita, Beals found that the Cahita people in days past lived in rancherias. There were sometimes two, sometimes four, but usually three surnames per rancheria. Each of these rancherias was organized into localized patrilineal sibs or lineages, and some of the larger Cahita towns even had barrios with different languages. Beals continues to show evidence supporting his hypothesis in different areas of Mexico and Southern California. In Acaxee, the people lived in rancherias. In West Central Mexico he shows evidence that a different leader represented each barrio. In Michoacan the inner workings of marriage between people of different barrios would suggest that, as with the aforesaid villages, the Michoacan people viewed each barrio as a different community. These similarities continue with the Colima people, the Lacandone people, and the people of Southeastern Mexico. Beals concludes his article by stating that, although he admits that the evidence he has is meager, he feels that it offers enough raw data to form a working hypothesis. It is the author’s hope that the data presented will be picked up by persons more knowledgeable on the subject than himself. CLARITY RANK: 3 BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill ) Benedict, Ruth Configurations of Culture in North America. American Anthropologist January-March, 1932 Vol.34(1):1-27. In her article, Configurations of Culture in North America, Benedict asserts that over the past twenty-five, the most prominent step forward has been the accumulation of a handful of full length accounts of primitive peoples. She goes on to say that these accounts were not the fruits of any academic study on the part of serious researchers, but rather the chance encounters between astute observers and striking cultures. Furthermore, a vast amount of the anthropological material available at the time was as anecdotal as travelers’ tales. She asserts that in these times there were two theories or methods of research. The first was a comparative method, which is anecdotal and schematic, the second was the school of strict diffusionism. The growing dissatisfaction with these two main theories prompted Boas to be insistent upon the exhaustive study of individual cultures. Benedict states that this is most clearly seen in her own time with Malinowski. Malinowski, who most vehemently opposed the diffusionists, insisted that anthropologists view cultures as organic and functioning wholes. Dilthey and Spengler, the author explains, continued with this train of thought by proposing that all cultures, including our own, must be studied from this point of view. Benedict then comes to the configuration of cultures, which she explains as selecting certain human traits and building on them, while at the same time rejecting other unwanted traits. The author gives examples of these differences, and how different cultures configure themselves, in an account of the customs of separate Plains Indian groups. Benedict says that we as westerners have configured ourselves in the same way many other cultures do. We, she states, try to give importance to the personal status of individuals and give credence to those who strive to increase their own status by humiliating their fellows. She goes on to describe many instances of this individualistic configuration in North America, most of which center around a person’s pride and the building, or losing, of one’s reputation. Benedict concludes her article by stating that she feels that the reality of such configurations is the real question. She does not see how configurations in different cultures are any more mystical than the ones right here in America. These just show the dominant drives in individual cultures. Descriptions of cultures in this context need to include many things that earlier fieldworkers ignored. To make claims on culture without adequate and relevant fieldwork is pure romancing. CLARITY: 3 BRANDON A. HALE Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Benedict, Ruth. Configurations of Culture in North America. American Anthropologist. 34: 1-27. Ruth Benedict, in Configurations of Culture in North America, stresses the integration of behavior and custom within a group that defines them by their own patterns which make up their constructs. She echews the Tylorian comparative method that reduced a culture to materials taken out of context. She credits Boas for his demand for an exhaustive study of cultures, and Malinowski for having done just that, although she felt the functional school falls short of reading the deeper meaning of why a particular culture has the interrelated structure it does. Benedict asserts that it is the desires and needs of a particular group that determines how they will adopt and adapt a trait. It is from this point of view, a point of view that is employed by Wilhelm Dilthy and Oswald Spengler in attributing personality types to a sort of culture mentality, that Benedict takes off on. While she sees this method not fitting for as complex a society as western European civilization, she sees it fit to apply it for the purposes of understanding simpler, or primitive, societies. Benedict uses this group psychology model to look at North American tribal customs and beliefs surrounding bereavement, murder, and personal aggrandizement. It is through understanding cultural configurations that a group can be understood. She treats the individual towards the end and compares the group’s mentality, Apollonian or Dionysian as she has labeled them, to the individual and the range of variation a particular individual possesses. This will determine the degree to which the individual will be accepted by the group. While she does state that if the materials could be found, a few individuals are key in shaping society but also that a society collectively shapes itself over the generations. Her main point is that cultures must be thoroughly studied to make accurate comparisons to find the essence of a culture. CLARITY: 3 MARGERET BAYLON California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Clews Parsons, Elsie. The Kinship Nomenclature of the Pueblo Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):377-389 In this article, Elsie Clews Parsons attempts to further study the relationship and influences of sociological factors on linguistic kinship nomenclature. To accomplish this, she uses the research that Dr. Robert H. Lowie has done on the Hopi Indians as a basis. However, Clews Parsons is not content to deal with just the Hopi, and includes many other Pueblo Indians in her research. These are the Nuni, Keres, Tewa, Isleta, Jemez, and Laguna. Issues that Clews Parsons takes into account include the fact that these societies are on the whole matrilineal, but the father’s clan has much importance. She goes on to explain distinctions between gender in the clans as well as describing how the marriage system works. In order to acclimate the reader to the Pueblo kinship system and the linguistics involved, a short summary of their social organization is given, with the main point being that it is fairly homogeneous. Small differences do arise between the East and West Pueblo Indians, although it has to do only with the practice of householding and attitudes about the clan’s organization. In the next section, forking and merging are discussed. This is where direct and collateral kin are classified together and paternal and maternal lines become somewhat foggier. Here we have certain distinct terms for mother’s sister and father’s brother. Other examples include a Hano man calling his wife’s mother’s sister, mother. Different terms for sex also are apparent. The Isleta and Taos use the term "child", instead of "daughter" or "son". Among the Hopi and at Zuni, the same term is used for both junior sister and junior brother. As for the issue of seniority, at Zuni the descendants of a sister are senior to that of the brother. Clews Parsons believes that clanship is more the point of matter in issues of seniority or age. Clews Parsons goes on to conclude that the "…tie between organization and nomenclature is elastic". Also, certain classifications preclude others, so it is very hard to weigh each from one clan to the next, with each clan placing emphasis on different things. Furthermore, Clews Parsons believes that much of the differentiation within the Pueblo nomenclature is based on borrowed terms and linguistic arbitrariness. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Densmore, Frances. An Explanation of a Trick Performed by Indian Jugglers. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):310-314. In this article by Frances Densmore, she attempts to explain a way in which Algonquian Indian healers, known as jugglers, manifest the presence of spirits in a special tipi constructed solely for this purpose. The ceremony begins with the jugglers being placed in the tipi bound by a cord from which he must escape. He then sings and plays a drum to summon the spirits. Often it is the spirit of the Great Turtle that is summoned. Densmore states that the ceremony is very expensive and with the progress of enlightenment, the Indians have, "ceased to desire it." Densmore was able to see the "trick" performed at Grand Portage, Minnesota, at a Chippewa village on the north shore of Lake Superior. Afterward, she was allowed to inspect the place where the tipi had been set up. Here she found the eight poles of the tipi laid on the ground next to the folded cover made of cloth or canvas (she is not sure which). Near the circle of holes where the tipi poles were planted were various hoops that had cords tied to them. It is Densmore’s explanation that the hoops go around the poles and the juggler pulls on the cords to make the tipi move from side to side. However, a demonstration of the performance was once given by a juggler in the attack of a house where the poles could not be planted in the ground. She therefore suspects that one of the hoops goes around the bottom of the poles similar to a barrel hoop, which keeps the tipi together. Another case might be that it is the hoops alone that are moved and the rest to the tipi stands stationary. Regardless of her explanation, Densmore concludes that the most fascinating thing about the ceremony is the influence it exerts on the minds of the Indians who take part in the ceremony. CLARITY: 4 T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Densmore, Frances. An Explanation of a Trick Performed by Indian Jugglers. American Anthropologist 34: 310-14. Densmore describes the treatment of sick among the Algonquian tribe. The are two types of men who treat the sick; doctors who give herbs and men called jugglers who use magic to treat the sick. She looks specifically at the jugglers and how they perform their magic. During part of the treatment ritual, a juggler is tied into a small tipi smaller than those that are lived in. The juggler frees himself, and summons the spirits by singing and drum pounding. The family of the sick are seated outside the tipi and observe the violently shaking tipi. Densmore saw this from a distance for herself in a Chippewa village in Minnesota. She says the tipi swayed like a pendulum, swaying exactly the same distance each time. After the consistent swaying it was violently shaken as if the tipi would come apart. The next day she had to opportunity to inspect the area where the shaking tipi had been. She found the ground undisturbed. She was also allowed to look at the disassembled tipi. The holes where the poles connected were unharmed as well. Densmore believes there is a mechanical explanation. One possible explanation is that the lower hoops keep the poles in place, while the upper hoops are larger than the poles. These upper hoops could by manipulated by the juggler through cords attached to his body. CLARITY RATE 3 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Densmore, Frances. The Native Music of American Samoa. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):415-417. The focus of this brief article is the documentation of the native music of American Samoa. To this end, Densmore recounts the process by which the presented information was obtained (through a relative in the navy stationed at Pago Pago). These interviews revealed that two types of songs were utilized in American Samoa. One was used primarily as a war song involving a melody repeated without change, which had been passed down the generations; the other involved a lengthy speech or narrative sung to a melody that was improvised and used to accompany activities such as working in the fields, rowing, or fishing, or by children playing. Densmore recognizes that there are similarities between this body of Samoan songs and the songs of three other groups that she had previously witnessed and / or recorded and transcribed: the songs presented by a group of Filipinos at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St. Louis, Missouri; those obtained from a group of Panamanian Tule Indians during their visit to Washington; and the possibility of similarity to songs of the Ute Indians as mentioned by other tribes but not confirmed by the author. No speculation was made in the article as to a causative agent for these similarities. Densmore closes this work with a note of regret, as she acknowledges that many of the improvised songs had not been recorded, and that (p. 417) "...the last person possessing the ability to sing them will soon have entered into the silence of the past." CLARITY RANKING: 3 LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Densmore, Frances. The Native Music of American Samoa. 34:(27) 415-417. According to the article there has only been one song that has been published at Pago Pago, American Samoa. It is said that this song was first sang at the departure of a popular American Admiral proceeding the naval tragedy of 1889. Since then, many different songs are sung using the same tune. In corroboration with Samoans an inquiry was set forth to better understand native music of American Samoa. What was discovered was that there is are striking similarities "between the Samoan and other primitive music." There are two kinds of songs that are used in American Samoa: 1.) melodies that are repeated without change and are used after many generations, and 2.) long narratives. The Samoan songs are always sung by a chorus and are never sung by solos. The article also mentions how these features were found among the Filipino music in an exposition in Missouri in 1904, and the latter was found among the Tule Indians of Panama whose nine songs have been recorded and transcribed in Washington. Densmore discloses the unfortunate circumstances that many of these songs face of not being recorded, and therefore being lost forever. CLARITY RATE: 5 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Densmore, Frances. A Resemblance Between Yuman and Pueblo Songs. American Anthropologist October-December, 1932 Vol.34(4):694-700. This article begins with the supposition that in order to compare the elements in a set of materials under investigation, the "norm" of the elements must be identified and subsequently grouped. Ultimately, this comparison may also lead to the recognition of differences, as well as an eventual explanation for them. To this end, Densmore analyzed approximately 2,000 Indian songs and sought to find the normative elements among them. The elements considered included both the rhythmic and melodic patterns found in the songs of a variety of Native American groups, with the main focus being on the San Blas, Yuman, Pueblo, Papago, and Yaqui. She posits that the norm of these Indian songs lies not within the melodic progression but within the rhythmic unit, and chronicles various rhythmic periods in great detail by utilizing the lyrics of the songs to exemplify these patterns. Occasionally, Densmore also noted when a given pattern is associated with a given entity or activity (e.g., spirits [p. 696] or digging medicinal herbs [p. 699], respectively.) In a brief conclusion, it is posited that these rhythmic similarities may be evidence of prior culture contact between tribes that are now widely separated. CLARITY RANKING: 3 LINDA SMITH Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Dixon, Roland B. The Problem of the Sweet Potato in Polynesia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1932 Vol.34(1):40-59. It has been concluded by Botanists that the origin of the sweet potato is undoubtedly Central or South America. However, it was reported by great explorers in the eighteenth century to be a very widespread food source in Polynesia. This can only be explained in three ways; introduction by the Spanish, the Polynesians, or by the Peruvian or American Indians when exploring the to the west. Throughout this article, Dixon deals with the theory of Spanish origin. Dixon begins by trying to prove the absence of the sweet potato the Pacific area at the time of the first Spanish contacts. From notes of Mendana in 1595 or by Quiros, no mention of the sweet potato or yam is given in the description of the foods in the area. Yet, by the eighteenth century, both the sweet potato and the yam can be found. In eastern Melanesia, it can be said that, what is thought to be the sweet potato could be found here as early as 1595. Through other accounts and dialects of the name, it can be assumed that the sweet potato was in fact in Melanesia at the time the first Spanish contact. This mere assumption can bring along many more questions. If this direct contemporary evidence is not conclusive, then the indirect evidence that the sweet potato was already present in Polynesia can be very strong. From this point on, Dixon reviews the presence of the sweet potato, not only in Polynesia, but in other areas as well. In Hawaii, Easter Island and New Zealand, the sweet potato was a popular food item by 1778. Within this region lie many islands, the reference to sweet potatoes is not common in these areas due to the unfavorable environment for cultivation. So it seems that the evidence shows that the sweet potato was certainly in use in some areas as early as the twelfth century (in Tahiti) and thus, probably introduced into New Zealand also about that time. Through the profound change in the early mediaeval times, what was once an ignored plant became a vastly important food item in Polynesia before the time of the Spaniards. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CARRIE CROZIER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Dixon, Roland B. The Problem Of The Sweet Potato In Polynesia. American Anthropologist. 34: 40-66. Roland B. Dixon deals with the problem of the sweet potato occurring in Polynesia by first assuming that it is indigenous to central and south America. He states that if this is the case then its appearance in Polynesia was introduced by either the Spanish, the central or South American Indians, or brought back from the Americas via Polynesians. In this article Dixon examines the widely adhered to theory of Spanish introduction. He states that the Spanish theory is based on inconclusive and illogical evidence. The theory is taken as valid due to Mendana and Quiros, Spanish explorers who discovered small groups of islands in Polynesia and eastern Melanesia whos inhabitants made no mention of the existence of the sweet potato. This theory is also supported because the Spanish explorers made the trip from Peru where the sweet potato is abundant and that the Spanish were known for planting familiar foods in the areas they explored. Dixon argued this assumption as the basis of his article due to direct and indirect evidence. While the Spanish proponents use only certain accounts, Dixon gives a more circumspect analysis by providing numerous accounts by explorers, missionaries, and aboriginal inhabitants. He analyzes aboriginal myths and chants surrounding cultivation and looks at oral tradition surrounding diffusion. He applies this to Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia. He also crosschecks data also with the native words for sweet potato. He also points out illogical conclusions that were based on partial information sources. He came to the conclusion that the sweet potato’s introduction and diffusion had to have been from Polynesian and Indian contact due to the careful accounts of it existing in New Zealand in the 12th and 13th century, well before Spanish contact. CLARITY: 3 MARGARET BAYLON California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Driberg, J.H. Lotuko Dialects. American Anthropology October-December, 1932 Vol.34(4):601-609. Driberg seems to have rushed to publish this article. In this short essay he works data to show connections amongst the tribes conquered by the Lotuko via "linguistic clues" (601). Much of Driberg’s methodology is suspect due to poor sampling techniques and personal bias. Driberg compiled a list of about 120 English words and then had them translated by several different groups. Vocabularies I (Lotuko) and II (Turkana) of the eight are for "comparison purposes and are provided by "Lord Raglan’s paper ‘The Lotuko Language’. Vocabularies III (Lopit), IV (Lerya), V (Owe) and VI (Dongotono) were interpreted by a Lotuko speaking interpreter employed by Driberg. Driberg attests to the interpreters abilities based on a cross-reference "check by [the] slight knowledge of Lotuko and particularly of the Lango dialect of Lotuko" he possessed. "Vocabularies VII (Nyangiya) and VIII (Lokadhan) were obtained directly through the medium of Didiga [?]". (601) Driberg "knew from cultural evidence that the Dongotono and Lokadhan were the same people". Driberg also summarized that the Lopit were descendents of the Dongotono and that all three groups were "non-Lotuko". The Lerya and Owe are grouped as the Lokoya by Driberg who states "[they] are generally accepted as different from the Lotuko: I knew nothing about them, but wished, if possible, to find some clue to their identity. [Driberg] had no views concerning the Nyangiya" (603). Driberg comes to the conclusion that "the vocabularies suggest the faint possibility all these tribes were related and spoke a common language". Through isolation by Lotuko-speaking immigrants their neighbors have linguistically influenced these tribes. Driberg comes to these conclusions based on observations, which he divides into categories based on the language groupings (i.e. I, II, III,…,VIII). Driberg's observations include similarities in words, similarities in gender affixes and historical background (603). CLARITY RANKING: 2 JEFFERY BROWN: Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) DuBois, Cora A. Tolowa Notes. American Anthropologist April, 1932 Vol.34(2):236-247. Tolowa notes is a compilation of descriptions of ceremonies performed by the Tolowa of California. The article focuses on ceremonies for women, which is in part due to the fact that DuBois’ main informant was a full-blooded Tolowan woman. Tolowan Notes begins with a description of the Girls’ Puberty Ceremony. This ceremony was held for all young women in the village and would last for ten days. It took place over three successive menstrual periods. Boys did not undergo initiation but were taken deer hunting and fishing around the age of eleven or twelve. In Tolowan society, marriages were arranged. There was a bride price paid by the grom’s family, and the bride price would be greater if the girl’s puberty ceremony had been highly elaborate. The bride would also present her mother-in-law with a gift of ornaments and accessories. Households were often either patrilocal or matrilocal but included only the nuclear family. Females who were considered industrious also encountered a higher bride price, because women’s work was valued, although the informant gave the impression that males were considered superior to females. Most women were shamans. In fact, female shamanesses were regarded as more prestigious and powerful than male shamans. There are myths to explain how the first woman became a shaman. There are initiation ceremonies for becoming a shaman. DuBois describes different healing techniques used by shamans. Opposed to shamans were individuals who possessed the ability to poison others. DuBois also describes a first salmon ceremony, which is held in order to acknowledge the first fish of the season as well as to voice hope that fish will always be plentiful. In the Feather dance, young people danced as others bestowed wishes of good fortune upon them. DuBois also shares myths about the first people, who were animal characters; about a repopulating of the earth; and explaining why pigeons cry. CLARITY RANKING: 3 TERA CREMEENS: Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Dubois, Cora. Tolowa Notes. American Anthropologist 34: 248-61. In 1929 Cora Dubois gathered information from Agnes Mattz, a Tolowa woman of 45, about different aspects of Tolowa life. Mattz came from an area north of Requa in California. At the time the information was collected she was living in Oakland, CA. The article contains information on many different topics about Tolowa life. The length of girls’ puberty ceremonies is compared to ceremonies for boys. The ceremony for girls lasted ten days, four of which the girl fasted. If the girl came from a prominent family, then singing and dancing were included towards the end of the ceremony. No similar rites were held for boys, although Mattz noted that boys were held with higher regard. Information on marriage, death and social rank is included. A man’s parents typically decided who he would marry. Although there was a bride price, the bride’s family was expected to give the groom’s family gifts. When someone died all their belongings were destroyed so that the survivors wouldn’t be reminded of their death. However, the Tolowa valued wealth, so in many cases valuables such as boats and paddles were purified and used by the relatives. The Tolowa were also able to own property. Wealthy men owned areas of the river bank where only they had the right to fish. They were also able to own deer hunting ground. The beach however was owned by everybody. What was found on the beach was considered common property. CLARITY RATE: 5 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Field, Henry. Ancient Wheat and Barley from Kish, Mesopotamia. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):303-309. Henry Field was present at two archaeological digs in Mesopotamia in 1925-26 and 1927-28, and came across a handful of ancient grain samples. These samples were wheat grains, barley seeds, and an unidentified spice found at the three research sites. Field discussed his findings on each of the types of grains and shared research reports from various colleagues.The wheat was found in a painted jar at the site of Jemdet Nasr during the first expedition. The contents were burned by fire, but still deemed identifiable. After sending specimens to various botanists throughout the world, the results came back in conflict. Of three researchers, they each came to differing conclusions as to the particular species of the grains. All of the conclusions pointed to types of wheat grain used to make bread. Field included some of the correspondence notes that cited the detailed scrutiny the researchers used and the arguments they posed. The barley samples were found during the 1927-28 expedition at the sites of Kish and Jemdet Nasr. Two samples were from Kish and one was from the Jemdet site. The specimens were examined by at least three persons specializing in either ancient agriculture or plant identification. The results all determined that the barley found was an ancient variety, some of the first kind routinely cultivated. The third type of sample found was an unpainted jar found at the Jemdet site in the 1928-29 expedition. It contained an unknown type of seed. Of the two most educated guesses on the contents of the jar, one came to the conclusion that it was probably a form of mixed spice used to season food, and the other purported that it was a mixture of some type of barley and another unidentifiable type of seed. CLARITY RANKING: 4 BRYAN TIPPY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Field, Henry. Ancient Wheat and Barely from Kish, Mesopotamia. American Anthropologist 34: 303-9. Between 1925 and 1928, wheat, barley and spice samples were collected during excavations in Kish. At that time, these were the oldest samples of cultivated cereals in Mesopotamia. Field provides extensive quotes from botanical experts to document their opinions on these samples. The samples were given to the Field Museum Department of Botany and the Assistant Curator of Economic Botany. These experts in turn allowed other experts to look at them. Field uses their quotes as proof of the early domestication of wheat and barley in the area. The wheat seeds were found in 1926 at Jemdet Nasr in a painted jar. The jar they were found in was black from a fire that destroyed the city. It was believed that the seeds were circa 3500 B.C. The barley seeds were found during a 1927-1928 excavation. The barley seeds were blackened by time which made identification difficult. Because of the shape of the seeds it was determined that they were a type of barley. It was not determined what the third sample of seeds were, although it was thought that they were used as seasoning. CLARITY: 4 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Gilmore, Melvin R. Importance of Ethnobotanical Investigation. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):320-327. In this article Gilmore makes a strong case for the necessity of making ethnobotanical investigations a crucial part of any ethnographic study. He discusses the reasons why such information is beneficial to ethnographic study. His reasons include the ability to gauge the culture of a people by their use of plant materials; how plants influence important areas within a culture including, symbolism, ceremony, philosophy, linguistics and history; that plants may serve as indicators of the level of scientific advancement; and how this knowledge helps to enhance other areas of anthropological inquiry. Gilmore does not just talk about the importance of this type of investigation. He gives a presentation of methods that can be utilized by field workers to collect and preserve data. These instructions include collecting a representative sample of the plant material, and preparing a herbarium specimen containing all parts of the plant in question. Additionally, he stresses the importance of documenting what types of items the plant is used to produce. Examples of these products should be secured if they are available. Finally, a detailed description should be created at the time of collection to ensure accuracy of information and should then be confirmed by a local informant. A note of caution is added at the end that all field workers should be careful in identifying materials, and to be certain that what they are presenting as native is indeed that, and not a specimen introduced from another area and incorporated into the society in question. CLARITY RANKING: 5 TINA HASTINGS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Gilmore, Melvin R. Importance of Ethnobotanical Investigation. American Anthropologist. vol. 34: 320-7. This author laments the neglect of ethnobotanical investigation within ethnological research. The important relationship between primitive people to their floral environment he feels to be "fundamental to all their culture"(320) insofar as their economy and material culture is concerned. Primitive people depend on plants for their own food and for the food for their hunted animal food source. Plants are very important also for their utilization as material for making implements, tools, and containers. Plants are also used for ornamentation, as well as for making homes, musical instruments, and transportation devices. Ethnobotanical investigation can provide clues to "ancient commerce and commercial routes"(322), linguistic studies, folklore, "dating of seasonal industrial activities, and of festive and religious occasions"(322). Also, botanists should be consulted in case they might further shed light on ethnobotanical considerations. Specimens of plants should be collected. "Such data are of permanent and inestimable value in many and often unexpected ways"(325). Specific collecting techniques are here elaborated on. The distinction must always be drawn between indigenous and introduced plants. CLARITY RATE: 5 MATTHEW CARNEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Greenman, E. F. Origin and Development of the Burial Mound. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):286-295. This article discusses several possible reasons for the development of the custom of burying the dead in mounds. The reasons considered are the combination of four circumstances: high regard for the sanctity of the grave; its protection from vandalism, animal or human; the conscious conception or accidental suggestion of mounds in one or more of a number of ways; and their acceptance as a solution to avoid the difficulty of digging into the hardpan. The author believes that based on comparisons of the Hopewell and Adena of the Mississippi Valley, who were mound builders, against the Iroquois, who were not, can provide some conclusions about the burial mound. The Hopewell had a cult of the dead that took great time and energy to care for their dead and prepare large burial mounds and they also offered abundant mortuary tributes. The Iroquois buried their dead in shallow graves and had little mortuary tributes. This shows that the Hopewell people had a higher regard for the remains of their dead and for their welfare in the afterlife than the Iroquois. Another reason for the mounds in Hopewell and Adena culture was the fact that with the burial of expensive tributes and the Hopewell’s high regard for the dead, they built enormous mounds to protect the grave goods as well as the dead from vandalism by animals and humans. The richest finds of grave goods appear in large mounds rather than in unguarded, shallow graves. Another possibility that resulted in the formation of burial mounds may be the force of the environment. The hardpan is firm, well-packed earth, often containing mass quantities of clay which lies one to three feet below the ground surface. The type of ground available for burying the dead will dictate what type of burial is found. If a gravel bank or sandy region by a river is available then the burial would most likely be underground, but if the region contains clay, rock, or is in an area like Alaska or Siberia, where the earth is often frozen, burials are most often above ground on in some instances cremation or burial at sea is practiced. Another difference between the beliefs of the Hopewell and Iroquois can also explain their use or lack of use of burial mounds. The Hopewell may have believed in protecting the dead from returning and that it was therefore necessary to leave a marker of their presence. The Iroquois, however, have ritual dances in which they believe that the dead come and join in, so shallow graves allow the spirit of the dead to get out. To conclude, the burial mound seems to have developed for a number of reasons including ease of interment, a desire to protect the dead and their grave goods, to leave a marker of the dead behind, and to coincide with ritual beliefs. It may have arisen accidentally or by suggestion, but it seems to have started with the Adena who practiced both ground grave and mound burials, and for whatever reason or reasons, mound burial continued to flourish. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Greenman, E.F. Origin and Development of the Burial Mound. American Anthropologist 34: 286-95. Greenman questions the factors that brought about the practice of burying the dead in burial mounds rather than in graves. He deduces what he believes was the most probable explanation from a wide selection of possible origins. Greenman thinks the reason mounds were favored was to avoid digging into the "hardpan", which he describes as hard packed earth. This would especially apply to groups who had a high regard for the sanctity of the grave and wanted to protect it from animals and vandalism. An example of this is found among burials in Ohio. Most of the burials in the area were shallow and contained no burial goods upon their discovery. However, a burial mound fourteen feet high was found in the area which contained many artifacts. Two more examples are given to demonstrate the contrast between groups with a high regard for keeping the grave undisturbed and those did not put as much effort into the burial process. Archaeological records show that the Hopewell not only had large burial mounds, but put a lot of expense and effort into the burials. In contrast, the Iroquois had shallow graves and did not invest as much effort in the burial preparations. Greenman acknowledges the practice of burial mounds could have begun either consciously or by accident. Regardless of how it began, it offered a solution from digging into the hard earth that still protected the grave and grave goods. CLARITY: 3 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Hallowell, A. Irving. Kinship Terms of the Montagnis-Naskap and the Cree. American Anthropologist April, 1932 Vol.34(2):171-199. Hallowell wrote this article as an expansion of an earlier article that he had written. In it he revisits some of his earlier postulations regarding the use of linguistics to prove that the Cree and the Montagnais-Napaski practiced cross-cousin marriage. In this study, Hallowell is studying how familial relationships and in-law terms are often cross-applicable, indicating that cross-cousin marriages are frequent and normative at least at one time in these societies. Among the Montagnais, he worked mainly among the Barren Ground group. As for the Cree, he discusses the Prairie, Woods, Lowlands, and Lacombe. Among groups found in the Barren Ground region all of the terms Hallowell studied had some overlapping usage. For the Cree he found that the Prairie, Woods, and Lowlands all had correlations with a woman’s sister-in-law and a woman’s female cross-cousin. Hallowell thoroughly prepares the reader for any problems that have or may come up in his research. This includes materials he has not been able to find but that he believes would be pertinent to his study as well as assumptions that he has made. CLARITY RANKING: 3 TERA CREMEENS: Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Hallowell, Irving A. Kinship Terms and Cross-Cousin Marriage of the Montagnais-Naskapi and the Cree. American Anthropologist. 34: 171-199. From previous ethnographic and historical data Hallowell thought that cross-cousin marriages once practiced, as exhibited by collected vocabularies from the 16th and 17th centuries, fell out of existence. In 1928 Dr. W. D. Strong discovered cross-cousin marriage in the Barren Ground band of Naskapi. He notes that this paper is a sequel to the one he presented at the Proceedings of the 23rd International Congress of Americanists. In the beginning of the paper Hallowell goes over the linguistical data that was collected by Jesuit Missionaries. He makes a complete analysis of evidence from linguistic data on the Montagnais-Naskapi and Cree. Kinship terms are analyzed chronologically for more accurate interpretation due to the complex social changes that took place with the introduction of Europeans. Terms are found and compared to the variation and usages in other bands for accuracy. Terms are analyzed from the Women’s Sister-In-Law=Woman’s Female Cross-Cousin, Man’s Brother-In-Law=Man’s Male Cross-Cousin=Sweetheart, Son-In-Law=Cross-Nephew, and Daughter-In-Law=Cross Niece categories. By cross-comparative lexical analysis Hollowell hypothesized when cross-cousin marriage practices fell out of existence and also which groups borrowed terms. CLARITY RATE: 3 MARGARET BAYLON California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Haury, Emil W. The Age of Lead Glaze Decorated Pottery in the Southwest. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):418-425. Haury’s article focuses on lead glaze decorated pottery of Showlow and Pinedale, Arizona, excavated in the summer of 1929. Both of these sites have been dated by dendrochronology, the newest technique for dating ruins in the early 1930s, and can both be determined as being abandoned before Spanish conquest. The origin of the pottery of this region can be dated by stratigraphy to be pre-Spanish, thus by both dating techniques can be labeled as an indigenous art form. The dates for Showlow sites are A.D. 1204, known as the first horizon, and A.D. 1375, the third horizon; and these are marked by distinct levels of inhabitancy. The Pinedale site is in intermediate relation to the Showlow sites with a date of A.D. 1290, thus the second horizon. In the earliest dated site, or first horizon, the lead glaze technique is not represented. The Pinedale horizon pottery constitutes lead glaze of black color that appears on red ware and black-on-white pottery bearing glaze decoration that is not of lead composition. In the third horizon, late Showlow, black-on-white ware is still present but without affiliated glaze, and lead glaze, black only in color, continues to appear on red ware. The red ware in Pinedale strata do not all have glaze decoration, but all vessels from this time are technologically identical and certainly made by local manufacture. It is purposed that the black glaze of the Pinedale region was just developing and was continued through to the late Showlow period. The compositions of the glazes from Pinedale and late Showlow sites both contain lead and copper as the main ingredients and the lead to copper ratio is nearly the same. This shows that the compounding method for the pigments remained roughly the same for a period of over 100 years. To conclude, lead glaze pottery is pre-Hispanic in origin and its use can be dated to roughly A.D. 1250. It is an example of invention, development, and degeneration, since lead glaze pottery disappears soon after Spanish arrival, and marks a definite period in Pueblo pottery development. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NIKKI JOHNSON Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Haury, Emil W. The Age of Lead Glaze Decorated Pottery in the Southwest. 34:(28) 418-425. This article focuses on Pueblo ceramics or pottery that has been found in the upper Little Colorado drainage and the Santa Fe region that includes the Rio Grande valley. One of the two items it addresses is the claim of the development of glaze painting before the arrival of the Spaniards. Stratigraphic evidence as well as dendro-chronology methods have determined dates for debris of glazed decorated pottery layers in the earth. This means that between the years of 1204 AD and 1375 AD these artifacts were made. The second item the article addresses refers to Southwestern ceramic evolution. Based on dated artifacts and their uniqueness, three different culture strata has been determined, the First (+/-1204 AD), Second (+/- 1290 AD) and Third Horizon (+/-1375 AD). Each period has its particular glaze techniques which exemplifies the invention and evolution of such techniques and helps to keep in mind that they are to be placed in the indigenous development category as opposed to accultural traits acquired from the Spaniards. CLARITY RATE: 4 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Hogbin, H. Ian Sorcery At Ongtong Java. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):441-448. Hogbin’s article is a good example of functionalist theory. In looking at sorcery among the Polynesian people of Ongtong Java, Hogbin claims that sorcery was a means of executing justice and maintaining social cohesion. According to Hogbin, there are no longer any persons practicing sorcery at Ongtong Java, but Hogbin did talk to elders of the community who were able to describe sorcery and its use in the villages of Ongtong. Hogbin even admits that his account is not "first hand" but rather taken from what others have told him (p.441). The systems of sorcery, or "pa’ava", are each founded or introduced into the community by either foreigners, foreign places, or natives who have traveled abroad and have acquired a system of sorcery or "black magic" as Hogbin also calls it. A sorcerer could place a spell on a man that might result in his death, but more often a sorcerer or "kama e loa pa’ava" would be called upon to heal. Generally, illness was thought to be an evil presence that had been placed inside a man or woman by spirits. The sorcerer, in order to cure the patient, had to remove the evil thing or presence and then purify the patient. Sorcerers healed, but they also enacted revenge. For instance, Hogbin recorded an instance in which a woman had stolen taro from the garden of a sorcerer’s wife. The sorcerer, ‘Ohou, did not know who the thief was but made a general spell for the person who had stolen the taro. Two days later, a woman became ill and died. Apparently this woman admitted to stealing the taro on her deathbed (p.445). Hogbin collected several stories of sorcerers administering justice in the form of pa’ava. In each case, Hogbin felt that the sorcerer had a reason to be mad with the man or woman for whom pa’ava was directed. Hogbin concludes that pa’ava, or sorcery, was the primary way in which the people of Ongtong Java could administer justice in a community where there was "no legal mechanism for the punishment of…offender[s]" (p.445). Pa’ava was both a healing practice as well as a means of punishment for those who committed "anti-social" acts. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LISA PORTER Southern IllinoisUniversity Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Hogbin, Ian. Sorcery at Ongtong Java. American Anthropologist 34:(30) 441-448. Hogbin has previously given descriptions of Ongtong Java located northeast of Solomon islands on various smaller islands. The dwellers of these islands are Polynesian people. Like many other cultures, Ongtong Java had its share of sorcerers who performed black magic to put spells on people. The sorcerers were primarily the headman of a group of many families. The sorcerer knew many different kinds of spells to fulfill distinct tasks, and recognized diversified methods to accomplish the same spell. Hogbin acknowledges three ways a headmen may kill a man which always began with the targeted person becoming ill. He also offers alternatives to getting rid of the hex by the ailing individual to have his life spared. There are different reasons why sorcerers performed such spells on people. Primarily it was to express anger that surfaced because of adultery or theft. It was usually done to punish those that had done wrong and in way reinforced rules that needed to be obeyed and "helped to maintain social stability." However, there were cases where people were killed by spells for no apparent reasons. According to family members they were mysteriously killed for unknown motivations by those few who had the advantage of having the knowledge of black magic. CLARITY RATE: 5 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Jacobs, Melville. Northern Sahaptin Kinship Terms. American Anthropologist October-December, 1932 Vol.34(4):688-693. This article by Melville Jacobs is a very straightforward list of Sahaptin kinship terms. It was gathered from the upper Cowlitz River Sahaptin of western Washington in 1927. The most notable thing about this list to a non linguist or someone not familiar with the Sahaptin people is a focus on informal and formal forms, forms that are for age ranges, as well as forms that stay the same whether for a sibling or a cousin. This article may be of good use for comparative research, or as a preliminary list for someone interested in these people or their language. CLARITY: 4 T.M. KEY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Jenks, Albert Ernest. The Problem of the Culture from the Arvilla Gravel Pit. American Anthropologist June, 1932 Vol.34(3):455-466. Albert Jenks' article examines artifacts found from burials in North Dakota. Jenks uses these artifacts to determine when and who produced the culture of the Arvilla gravel pit. Mr. E. K. Kennedy had carefully dug out the site, located in the Red River valley, in 1908. Twenty-three years later, the information and artifacts were passed to the author for further analysis. Stretching over 1,500 feet, the graves were filled with black earth and were eight feet by eight feet in diameter. Each of the graves contained four to eight human skeletons sitting in an upright, sitting position. Jenks believed that the graves had all been made at the same time and had no signs of previous intrusions. There is evidence to suggest that the multiple burials were the result of massive loss of life, either from war, epidemic, or following a social custom to bury members of the tribe in the chief's grave. The author believes that the burials were due to an epidemic. The artifacts examined in the article were two harpoons, a tooth-edged knife, a skin-dresser, three beads, and a sandstone or "whetstone." Jenks describes the artifacts' structures and uses, and provides excellent photographs of each artifact. By examining the artifacts, Jenks suggested that the Arvilla gravel pit culture was a migrating, hunting tribe influenced by the northern Eskimo culture. He also says that it is possible that the tribe was wiped out in a strange environment or by an epidemic that they were unable to influence nearby tribes. CLARITY RANKING: 4 AMY CREASY Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Liang, S. Yung. Some Problems of Far Eastern Archaeology. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 Vol.34(3):365-376. Liang begins this article by giving a brief overview of particular Palaeolithic finds and the geographical distribution of these finds in the Far East. The three major areas include: the south Siberian region, the northern Chinese region and the Indian group. The Indian groups include sites in both south Siberia and the northern Chinese; however, these finds are used only for comparison. The findings show that the two groups, Siberian and Chinese, are very familiar. Although this may sound great, Liang sees many holes arising from these results. The problem of stratigraphy is first brought to discussion. The question asked here is due to the variations between the two groups. Are they due to latitudinal and environmental differences or are they the result of a time difference? Paleontology becomes an issue bearing upon this question. There are similar animal species involved in both Siberia and China; however, the climatic and geographic characteristics do not prove fit for some in either site. Again, the question of chronological differences or latitudinal differences is being evaluated. Another question asked by Liang, is about the origin of the cultural evidence found in these sites. The cultural finds do not seem to belong where they were found, or in the same time frame as one another. These findings question the sequence of the Mousterian, Capsian and Tardenoisian cultures. Liang tries to link all the findings of one area together and try to paint a clearer picture of the connections and time frames that these findings originated. Throughout the rest of this article, Liang investigates the possible connections that can be made with this cultural evidence and how the system of Far Eastern Archaeology may be problematic. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CARRIE CROZIER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Liang, Yung. Some Problems of Far Eastern Archaeology. American Anthropologist 34:(23) 365-376. The article states that some of the earliest human relics are from the Palaeolithic group in the far east. Within this larger group there are three sub-groups where there have been a distribution of the remains found: 1.) the South Siberian group, 2.) the North Chinese group, 3.) the Indian group. The article lists different regions, their faunal contents, their corresponding stratified layers of earth as well as some cultural contents found among the groups. Some faunal contents include horse, rhinoceros, gazelle and wild cattle. The cultural contents include hammers, blade-like-flakes and bones instruments. Even though the objects found are similar among the three groups, there are minor differences that arise questions concerning the strtigraphy, and the latitudinal or chronological differences. Possible theories can be offered, but further discoveries are needed to determine the chronology of each group. For example, one that has been developed for the Western Gobi Desert region that begins with the Pure Mongol, and ends with the Palaeolithic. Liang states that there is a great need for a more systematic study of these prehistoric cultures in order to better make comparisons and establish relations among the groups. CLARITY RATE: 3 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Mekeel, Scudder. A Discussion of Culture Change as Illustrated by Material from a Teton-Dakota Community. American Anthropologist June, 1932 Vol.34(2):274-285. This article highlights the changes in the functions of the traditional political offices of the Ogala people. As the times have changed the political structure has changed also, and the responsibilities of the traditional posts have altered as well. The author begins with a brief discussion of the nature of diffusion between cultures and how an item or idea may not be implemented in the same manner in all cultures. He notes how this process of transference takes numerous years and as such that any study of a culture must be done over a period of time. With this historic view in mind, Mekeel renders to the reader a brief account of the history of the Ogala people from their days on the plain to their current (1930’s) inhabitation of the Pine Ridge reservation. A detailed description of the former organizational system is provided. The day to day operations of the government were handled by the wakic’unsa and the akicita. The wakic’unsa were the main center of power and made most of the policy decisions. Their primary decision was when to split up and rejoin the camps during the seasonal migrations. The akicita served as peacekeepers, organizing the hunt for buffalo, keeping everyone safe, and punishing those who were responsible for another’s death. As time went by and the Ogala were placed on the reservations, Buffalo hunts and the summer migration became less and less common, and the old offices were no longer needed to serve their original purposes. Still, local towns would hold rodeos, and in order to bring in as many tourists as possible, the local mayor would invite the Ogala to camp near to their respective towns. This movement of people and need for organization gave the old political offices an avenue of expression. The wakicunsa form a committee to handle the logistics of the movement of people, where water can be gained, how much and what provisions the city provides and other logistical matters provide. The Akicita are no longer a peacekeeping force within the camps themselves. Mekeel finishes by contemplating the factors that have affected these developments within the Ogala political structure. Overall, it’s a well thought out article, with keen observation and fair evaluation. CLARITY RATING: 4 GLENN MYERS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Mekeel, Scudder. A Discussion of Culture Change as Illustrated by Material from a Teton-Dakota Community. American Anthropologist 34: 274-85 Mekeel argues that in order to examine the process of cultural change, a culture’s different aspects need to be studied in full. Then, the culture should be watched over several years and studied again by looking at the cultural influences that shaped it. He gives an example of how this type of study would work and the problems one would face. Mekeel observed the nomadic camps of the Oglala Teton-Dakota group in the summer of 1930. Prior to their life on reservations the group’s summer hunting lent itself to a nomadic lifestyle. When they were no longer allowed to go on the summer hunts they began to attend fairs and rodeos as attractions for the visitors. Due to reservation controls and their attendance at the fairs and rodeos their political organization changed. Mekeel poses the question as to whether their nomadic tendency was a cultural trait which would be passed on to future generations. The next step would be to ask what "forces" are working either for or against their nomadic summer lifestyle. In this case the forces would include government restrictions, missionaries, educators and the towns that want them present for rodeos. He says the ultimate purpose in this kind of study is to be able to determine laws of cultural processes. He calls the Oglala Teton-Dakota group a "primitive "culture" which is an ideal lab to study these processes. CLARITY RATE: 4 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Morgan, William. Navaho Dreams. American Anthropologist July-September, 1932 34(3):390-405. The author of this article goes on a quest to see how similar Navaho dreams are to the causalities of children. He goes into detailed discussions of certain dreams experienced be certain Navaho members and the ways in which they try to remedy them. Morgan approaches these dreams by comparing them to the thought processes of white children, which seem to have many parallels to the Navaho dreams. Morgan uses M. Jean Piaget’s research that has differentiated seventeen types of causality. The first six causalities are not used by the time the child reaches the age of eight. It is these first six causalities that Morgan compares to the Navaho dreams. Certain types of these causalities can be labeled as "magic", "moral", or "motivation", and all also explain the way that small children believe certain things come to happen. In the case of the "motivation" causality, the Navaho believe that they will be punished by the gods if they fail to do something that they are supposed to do. In this same way, white children have this feeling that they will get in trouble for not doing something right, or doing something wrong. Some dreams are represented in all cultures, such as the dream that one is falling. It has been pointed out in Navaho dreams that there are very important factors of symbolism and the influence that myth has on their dreams. Most Navaho believe that spirits of dead men, animals, and evil witches cause dreams. This article does well in its attempt to demonstrate the causality in the thought processes of the Navaho and small white children. It also brings to light how much differently other peoples weight their lives on what is happening in their dreams. Dreams are very important to the Navaho and it influences their everyday life in many ways. However, it does seem to be quite ethnocentric to equate our methods of studying child development to a different culture’s interpretation of adult dreams. CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALAN THIES Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Morgan, William. Navaho Dreams. American Anthropologist 34:(25) 390-405. Morgan begins with the declaration that the Navaho Indians use nine-night ceremonies or the Night Chant to cure sickness as well as to prevent future illnesses. Morgan focuses on a shaman who wishes to hold such a ceremony for himself as a result of a reoccurring "bad" dream about many Gods chasing him and trying to drag him away. Depending on the dream, the dreamer may seek a diagnostician to determine what is causing the dream and what can be done to protect the dreamer from any negative events. The Navaho people take their "bad" dreams seriously and believe that they are warnings about future incidents. In the article there are comparisons made between six thought-processes, that have been determined among French children by M. Jean Piaget, with Navaho dream interpretations. They are defined as: 1.) participation casualty, 2.) magical casualty, 3.) moral casualty, 4.) phenomenistic casualty, 5.) finalism casualty, and 6.) motivation casualty. These interpretations of Navajo dreams exemplify certain thought processes that may occur in a variety of dreams. However, it is ultimately determined by the dreamer as to the severity of their dreams, and therefore they mainly decide when to seek spiritual help. CLARITY RATE: 4 CARLA ESTRADA California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Murdock, George Peter. The Science of Culture. American Anthropologist April-June, 1932 Vol.34(2):200-215. Murdock, in an attempt "to demonstrate that an adequate conception of the nature and basis of culture already exist and needs only to be recognized" (214), summarizes quite well the evolution of our culture’s concept of ‘culture’. Murdock cites Willey, Kroeber, Briffault, Tozzer, Thomas, Williams, Woodworth, Sumner, Poreto, Wissler, Allport, Chapin, Lowie, and Stern and by doing so adds great depth to his discussion. Murdock demonstrates in this article the course (evolution if you will) of understanding of "culture" from "customs" to "cultural traits" to "folkways". Murdock is a strong adherent to the "superorganic" as delineated by Kroeber. With determination Murdock advocates the view of culture as a strictly human phenomena and through a series of analogies and examples attempts to make clear the distinction between animal and man. This distinction seems to be reached at language – both its longevity (presumably) and its ability to convey the past as well as its ability to convey thoughts to others. Murdock also discusses the role of heredity and psychology in the study of culture. Heredity he sees as basic and what remains after culture has been stripped away. Murdock sees individuals as initially organisms "with a vast number of unorganized responses", which become habits based on experience. Murdock does not advocate an abandonment of heredity or the understanding of heredity, but asserts, "The laws of heredity can not contribute to the understanding of cultural phenomena" (202). Murdock sees psychology as the study of individual culture. He argues that culture is "superindividual" thus lifting the concept "beyond the sphere of psychology" (207). Murdock notes, "It is a matter of indifference to psychology that two persons, instead of one, possess a given habit…" (207) and that "…it is precisely this fact that becomes the starting point of the science of culture" (207). CLARITY RANKING: 4 JEFFERY BROWN: Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill) Murdock, George Peter. The Science of Culture. American Anthropologist 34: 200- 15. Murdock argues that social anthropology and sociology form a single discipline, although they are treated as two different sciences. The divisions come in the process of defining culture, which is the subject of social sciences. Murdock says that a good definition of culture is needed. That there are many different interpretations of culture. He says that the differences in the explanations are due to different emphases, rather than contradictory approaches. Instead of throwing out incomplete definitions, one can get a good picture of culture from compiling the different conclusions. Culture is complex and there will be many different ideas about it. He goes on to quote different opinions and shows how they are in agreement. One area that Murdock believes there is universal agreement, except for the extremists, is the understanding that cultural behavior is learned in a social setting rather than determined by biology. He also says that humans are different from other forms of life in that only humans possess culture. Animals may have different aspect of culture, but in its entirety culture is the ability to form habits, the presence of a social life, intelligence and language. Murdock sees the absence of language among animals as what determines their lack of culture. CLARITY RATE: 4 KRISTEN BURSEY California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus) Pearce, J.E. The Archaeology of East Texas. American Anthropologist October-December, 1932 Vol.34:670-687. J.E. Pearce writes this article following up two and a half years of archaeological investigation in East Texas. He defines East Texas as that part of Texas east of ninety-six degrees longitude. This area is divided from the rest of Texas by a difference in soil and the presence of heavy timber which is mostly pines. He then divides this area into Upper East Texas and Lower East Texas. Through the archaeological remains, Pearce describes cultural attributes associated with natives of East Texas prior to white contact. Pearce focuses on four main archaeological sites in this article. They include the Russel brother's farm, the J.M. Riley farm, the H.R. Taylor farm, and the T.M. Sander's farm, all south of the Red River. Starting at the Russel brother's farm, which the author describes as "one of the richest sites encountered in all of Texas", Pearce examines numerous burials. Of these burials, only three still contained traces of human remains, but other material such as arrowpoints in the graves proved very important. Points were found that would slip from the shaft, leaving the point imbedded in the flesh. The author believes this to point toward a war-like culture in that these arrowpoints promote blood poisoning which is more effective in war than in hunting. Furthermore, these points are characteristic of all the thirty-two sites excavated in the region, indicating a cultural element uniform of East Texas. Other artifacts of interest fom the Russel site include pipes showing a primitive precursor to the lathe. In addition, copper ear spools were found that indicate influence from the north, as there is no copper pure enough to be workable in that region. Relating to the Russel site is the J.M. Riley farm. Here, feather-weight pottery is of abundance, including a bird-effigy bowl which has similar components found throughout East Texas, supporting Pearce's conclusions of a homogeneous archaeological record throughout the region. Another site, the H.R Taylor farm, contained rich burials. With human remains still in place, the similarities in burial material among the sites became more evident. The T.M. Sander's farm was considered by Pearce to be the most important site he explored in Texas. Here, he found that a large population inhabited the site for many centuries. With different burial practices, including group burials, Pearce found this site to be quite different than other sites of the region, but it is noted that after further studies, the materials are found to be more similar than at first believed. Pearce believes that with more evidence of white contact and with the help of old Spanish documents, relations of these sites will be linked to the historical tribes of the region. He ends his paper with a plea to the reader to understand how important money is to the archaeological program of the University of Texas in order to work faster than the destruction of archaeological material in East Texas. CLARITY 3 CHAD KALBFLEISCH Southern Illinois University Carb |
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