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American
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Beyer, Hermann. The Supposed Maya Hieroglyph of the Screech-Owl. American Anthropologist January-March, 1929 Vol. 31: 34-59. Hermann Beyer’s article discusses interpretation of the Maya hieroglyph of the screech owl. He questions the validity of the rendition made by leading authorities in Maya archaeology and zoology. Beyer has a vast knowledge of Mayan hieroglyphics, and that is exactly what he uses as the premise of his argument. Beyer believes that there are many parts of the hieroglyph that if analyzed, will show you that the hieroglyph is not that of the screech owl, but that of a dog. That is the next part of his approach. He breaks down the hieroglyph being investigated into the most essential parts, and then compares it’s characteristics with those of other common hieroglyphs. The parts that he analyzes most intricately are the eyes, the eye lines, the mouth, the back, the use of light and dark spots, and the shape of the head. In his research on the hieroglyph of the screech owl, Beyer discovers that the hieroglyph incorporates the junction of two elementary parts, the animal’s head and the posterior that contains the sign “Ek”(black). The figure Ek is so commonly used in many other hieroglyphs, and in these other glyphs, it always depicts death. Advocates of the screech owl glyph argue that the Ek element is not present in the glyph of the screech owl. This argument is obviously illogical when you compare the Ek part of the screech owl glyph to all other glyphs containing Ek. One will find that the characteristics are so similar that there can be no dispute. Beyer believes that for a hieroglyph representing death, the owl would be a suitable object, so the Ek element cannot be used completely as the basis of his belief. Next, Beyer analyzes the head of the hieroglyph. Though analogous to a bird, when compared to common hieroglyphs like the jaguar and the deer, it can be seen that the mouth resembles a mammal far more than the beak of a bird. Also, Beyer examines glyphs with the same anterior but different posterior. Therefore, they do not contain the Ek component. He easily finds that all glyphs containing the same anterior, or head portion, as the supposed screech owl glyph are actually dogs, coyotes, or a type of fox. He excuses any type of minor discrepancies as the hieroglyph artist’s “esthetic motives.” The hieroglyphs of the spotted dog and white dog both include the same use of dark and light spots and arch lines as the screech owl glyph. Also, the screech owl glyph was commonly interpreted as both fire and death, and that is exactly what the spotted and white dog represents. With this in mind Beyer adds the Ek, ”black” component, and gives the screech owl hieroglyph the new name, the dog-black glyph. After investigating dog-black’s place in more compound hieroglyphs, Beyer furthers his justification that the screech owl is actually supposed to be a dark dog. CLARITY RANKING: 3 BRYAN HASSELL SAN DIEGO MESA COLLEGE (Denise Couch) .gif){kind=small} Beyer, Hermann. The Supposed Maya Hieroglyph of the Scrrch-Owl. American Anthropologist, 1929 Vol. 31: 34-55. This article by Hermann Beyer is about a hieroglyph, which has been interpreted and accepted by many Maya archaeologists and zoologists as a screech owl. Beyer submits that this is an incorrect assessment and the hieroglyph is instead the head of a dog. He uses descriptions of intricate detail in an attempt to prove his theory. Beyer attempts to prove his theory with the aid of hieroglyphic drawings located at the end of the article. He takes the reader into detailed descriptions comparing and contrasting many versions of the “screech owl” with known hieroglyphs of dogs, coyotes and deer. Although the screech owl hieroglyph visually looks like an owl or other beaked animal, Beyer asserts that the individual components which make-up the complete composition represent a dog. He proceeds to dissect each part the hieroglyph, then compares each part to those of a known mammal hieroglyph to prove his theory. His conclusions are such that the beak of the “owl” instead represents the mouth of a mammal. The reader is compelled to refer to the provided illustrations in order to understand Beyers assessment. His argument is based upon minute similarities between mammal hieroglyphs and the “owl” hieroglyph. Although he does draw attention to small similarities he does not offer significant data to prove his theory. Additionally much of his ideology is based upon conjecture: why did the scribes, producing the screech owl hieroglyphs, produce them with so many variations in appearance? He offers an explanation based simply upon a guess; the scribes were either lazy or were victim to limited space to complete their illustrations. CLARITY RANKING: 2 HEATHER I. BURR San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch) Beyer, Hermann. The Supposed Maya Hieroglyph of the Screech Owl. American Anthropologist January-March 1929 Vol. 31(1):34-55. The Maya hieroglyph, traditionally known as the screech owl, is analyzed in order to bring about a new theory. Rather than representing a screech owl, some Mayantologist know believe the glyph is a combination of an animal’s head and the sign for black. Many different variants of this glyph are discussed to further support the argument. When different versions are analyzed they are generally broken down into two parts; the upper and lower portion of the sign. Some versions of the glyph include the signs for items such as the head of a dead man, the day sign, the death god, and human heads with fleshless lower jaws. Other significant symbols were also discussed such as the relevance and reasons some glyphs have darker outlines, as well as dark beads, which surround several forms. Artistic conventions and the need to streamline the writing process are two topics that are considered the reason for the evolution of the glyph. The qualities of the lines, which composed the glyphs, and how the forms of these lines changed over time, may give insight into the Mayan religion. It is suggested that the glyph is related to the sacrificing of animals to please the gods. The form of the glyph as it is found in different Maya documents may represent a white dog, which has important connotations in Mayan mythology. Regional variation of the glyph suggests that it may have different symbolic value in different parts of the Maya world. CLARITY RANKING: 3 STEPHEN JUNEAU Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) .gif){kind=small} Bogoras, W. G. Elements of the Culture of the Circumpolar Zone. American Anthropologist July - September, 1929 Vol. 31(4): 579-601. In this article Bogoras sets out to prove that a given culture’s environment is the chief element responsible for the formation of that culture, in terms of the material, spiritual and social culture. Since the circumpolar zone is almost entirely uniform in its characteristics, from the Bering Straight to North Cape and Greenland, he argues that the culture within this zone is "more or less uniform." Since the environment is so fundamentally important to the formation and sustainment of culture, more than half of the article is devoted to describing the area in great detail. His presentation of the environment within which circumpolar peoples live is divided into five groups: cosmographical, referring to the position of the Arctic on the earth and thus its constantly shifting daylight hours; meteorological, illustrating the extremes in temperature and weather; geological, describing the remarkable array of geomorphology in the area; floral, outlining the limited variety of plant life in such a harsh environment; and finally fauna, which is further categorized into sea game (mammals and fishes), then land animals (both wild and domesticated), and lastly, birds. He is also very careful to note that one should not consider this Northern Culture primitive, as a higher level of intelligence is needed to sustain life (the realization that food must be stored and preserved, for example) than is the case with tropical tribes like the Botocudo and the Bushmen. Lastly, though many articles from this period are based on diffusionist ideas, he only briefly mentions diffusionism at the end of the article and only for a couple of pages. This indicates that Bogoras places more value on the importance of a people’s surroundings than the diffusion of ideas, though it is still important enough to receive mention. However, he gives an interesting spin on the idea of diffusionism as he insists that ideas have diffused between indigenous cultures in both South to North and North to South directions. He then closes the article with the affectionate statement that the indigenous peoples are the real treasures of the Far North, not the bountiful natural resources, as this hardy folk have endured and thrived where few could, bringing a human element to such a barren and difficult land. CLARITY RANKING: 3 PANAGIOTA PENNY DAFLOS University of British Columbia (John Barker) Braidwood, Robert J. Symposium: Did Man Once Live By Beer Alone? American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 28: 515-526. This article begins with a query by Braidwood, in which he asks whether the domestication of wild cereals was motivated by the production of bread or beer. The main crux of the question that is debated by the panel of experts is whether beer or bread was produced and eaten first. The first expert featured in the symposium is Jonathan D. Sauer, who cites evidence of barley and wheat in these early fields, and as the two ingredients made in beer, it suggests that beer came before bread. Next Hans Helbaek says bread came first based on evidence that shows that the knowledge and tools were not available at the time to make beer. Paul C. Mangelsdorf also believes bread was produced before beer, as humans couldn’t have survived on just beer and meat. Carleton Coon cites ethnological evidence that shows beer came after bread, while Ralph Linton and Julian Steward take an intermediary position. A. Leo Oppenheim does not offer an opinion, but suggests that only an interdisciplinary approach between assyriologists and anthropologists will solve this mystery. Braidwood concludes the symposium with a rejoinder. He summarizes the contributions of the individuals, pointing out that according to Mangelsdorf and Halbaek there was no evidence of germination found at Jarmo, the main site discussed here. Consequently, bread was probably produced before beer. Most of the respondents, Braidwood says, agreed that the original use of cereal was for gruel, which would explain the ovens found at Jarmo. In addition, the possibility of pre-gruel popping, another theory Braidwood feels comfortable with, would explain the carbonation found at Jarmo, which has been attributed to brewing beer. Despite the variety of ideas expressed throughout the symposium, Braidwood seems to come to a conclusion based on the input of the experts. CLARITY: 3 KATHLEEN CARR Columbia University (Paige West). De Angulo, Jaime and L. S. Freeland. A New Religious Movement In North-Central California. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol.31:265-270 In this article, Angulo and Freeland documented the rise of a new religious movement among the Native Americans of the rancherías around Clear Lake, California. The new religion was characterized by new doctors who contrasted sharply with the traditional medicine-men. While the medicine-men drew their power from the brush, the new doctors acquired their power from smoking Chesterfield cigarettes. The new doctors’ role was not only to heal, but also to espouse moral codes, which included: no gambling, no swearing, no lying to other Native Americans, no stealing from other Native Americans, no quarrelling with other Native Americans, and no drinking. Angulo and Freeland noted that the new doctors were most zealous about Native Americans not drinking, and indeed the drinking had stopped at the rancherías with the new religion. Angulo and Freeland likened the new religious movement to all “slaves’ religions” in that it manifested the subjugated peoples’ inferiority complex through a strict moral code. The purpose of the strict moral code was to make the dominated group feel superior to the dominant group. However, the authors noted that despite the common features of the religion and “slaves’ religions,” the religion was thoroughly Native American. By ‘thoroughly Native American’ Angulo and Freeland meant that the religion drew from the Native American mystical sense and incorporated individual revelations and the individual search for “mana.” While the new religion did draw on many Native American beliefs, it certainly contrasted with the practices of the traditional doctors. However, as Angulo and Freeland pointed out, there was no conflict between the new and the old-time religions. A series of old-time dances that brought together the Native American community demonstrated this harmony between the two religions. During two intermissions between the old-time dances, new doctors practiced the new religion without any conflict. There appeared to be no feeling that the old and new religions were incompatible. Angulo and Freeland concluded their article by predicting that the religion would probably not spread to over the mountains of the Coast Range due to the limited contact between the two regions, but would spread to the Pacific Ocean due to the uninterrupted contact in this direction. CLARITY: 4 TALI SWANN-STERNBERG Barnard College (Paige West) De Angulo, Jaime and L. S. Freeland. A New Religious Movement in North-Central California. American Anthropologist April-June, 1929 Vol. 31(2): 265-270. In this article, De Angulo and Freeland discuss the initiation of a new religious movement amongst the Indians in several rancherias around Clear Lake, California and the chance of the new religion spreading to other rancherias throughout the United States, in an attempt to produce the first written anthropological record of such an event. The authors describe the development of the new Indian religion and the authentic practices that it encompasses. The authors suggest that the appearance of “new doctors” with novel methods of healing, which are inconsistent with those practiced by the true shaman of older religions, in the northern region of California appears to have commenced the new movement. Since the participation of doctors in Indian religions is vital, the techniques that are executed by the “new doctors” are described extensively. An essential part of their methodology is the acquisition of healing power through the smoking of Chesterfield cigarettes. The medicine-men then apply a routine, mystical procedure with a demeanor that is of “inspired receuillement.” These new doctors are also considered to be reformers as they preach new morals that include: no drinking, no gambling, no swearing, no lying to other Indians, no stealing from other Indians, and no quarreling with other Indians, which were all common in Indian life. The founder of the movement is believed to be a medicine-man named Albert Thomas and the movement converted all the Indians of Lower Lake rancheria and Sulphur Bank rancheria, as well as half of the Upper Lake rancheria and Lakeport. Thus, the movement incorporated an alteration of medical practices and the introduction of new moral codes that many Indians in this region adhered to. De Angulo and Freeland conclude that the religious movement was partially attributed to the Indians desire to be “as good as the whites,” and their overall quest to create a moral code that enabled them to feel superior to others. Yet, the movement can still be considered to be Indian as it is consistent with Indian beliefs and customs regarding mystical power, revelations, and the search for “mana.” The new religion did not conflict with any old time religion and thus lacked any rivalry or animosity from old doctors. It is also noted that in this northern region, despite its proximity to San Francisco, Indian dances were maintained as a part of their cultural practices for they contributed to the “persistence of the old-time Indian spirit in full strength.” Yet, due to the contempt of the idea of new doctoring by other Indian rancherias it is doubtful that the new dispensation would travel east. This descriptive account on the development of a new religion can be considered a valuable contribution to the anthropological record for the authors produced written documentation regarding the beginnings of a modern Indian religion, which was an event that was never previously recorded. CLARITY: 4 GEMMA FERGUSON Barnard College (Paige West) De Angulo, Jaime. A Tfalati Dance-Song in Parts. American Anthropologist July-September, 1929 Vol. 31 (3): 496-498. This two-page article provides a brief description of a Tfalati dance-song. Tfalati is a dialect of Kalapuya formerly spoken by a tribe in the vicinity of Portland, Oregon. The author’s informant, the last remaining Tfalati speaker, was able to recall several songs he heard as a child. The song described in the article consists of four parts, two for women’s voices and two for men’s voices. Each of the four parts were recorded separately into a phonograph, though they are meant to be sung at the same time. Both the two women’s parts and the two men’s parts are the same except for two notes. The men’s parts are sung an octave below the women’s parts. A tonal diagram accompanies the written description of the song. De Angulo suggests that this type of parts singing may represent the beginning of harmony. Although his informant insists that the song is centuries old, De Angulo proposes that this "singing in parts" could also represent the influence of white music. There is disagreement among the "Indians" as to whether or not this type of singing came with the Europeans or existed pre-contact. De Angulo points out that he has never heard true part-singing among the Indians, where each voice sings a different note throughout most of the melody. At the end of the article De Angulo provides a short description of the dance that accompanies the song. This short, simple article is easy to read and raises some interesting questions about the influence of European music on the singing styles of the American Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 5 CAROLYN SAUNDERS University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker) De Angulo, Jaime. A Tfalati Dance-Song In Parts. American Anthropologist July-September 1929 Vol. 31(3):496-498. A unique four-part Tfalati dance-song, from the Kalapuya tribe of Oregon, was analyzed with the help of Louis Kennoyer, the sole survivor of this tribe. All of the songs from this tribe have simple melodies, with the exception of one. This song consists of four parts with two male voices and two female voices. The females sing in the upper octave and have the main motif of the melody, while the males sing an octave lower and accompany the females. The performers dance in pairs to the melody. This Tfalati dance-song is similar to the songs of other Indian tribes. A melody usually consists of 2-4 phrases. Sometimes one or more singers, who start singing the beginning of the song at the end of the third bar, create a “round”. According to Kennoyer, this type of singing is very old, although some people question if white men are responsible. This debate has not been resolved. The Tfalati dance-song is an excellent example of a common type of singing among the majority of Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LISA BURNS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) DeAngulo, Jamie & I.S Freeland. A new Religious Movement in North Central California. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31:265-270 A new religion has emerged among Indians in the Pomo culture area. Historically, this areas religion has been predominately shamanistic. Traditionally, shaman have become medicine men by personal revelation. Doctors in this new religion have begun to appear through this same kind of revelation. While the old traditions are loud and vigorous, the new religion relies on slow, entrancing movements. The new religion also advocates a new moral code that eliminates drinking, gambling, swearing, lying, stealing and fighting. Maggie and Henry Johnson, a married Indian couple from the area, started the religion. Maggie was the first doctor and cured two people who then also got the calling to become doctors. Henry rejected traditional Indian life, instead trying to fit in with the whites. He is not a doctor, but does make speeches at celebrations, where he asserts that the new religion will one day be a church. There is no animosity toward the new religion and it does not conflict with any of the old beliefs. There even appears to be a revitalization of the old ways and dances within the community. While in other areas dances are dying out, here they are performed several times a year. This is attributed to the old time spirit, but practices in the new religion occurr during the breaks in the ceremony. It is unknown if this new religion will spread. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ANDREA MORRIS Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Densmore, Frances. What intervals do Indians Sing? American Anthropology April-June, 1929. Vol.31(2):271-276. In this article Densmore sets out to prove that the small gradations of pitch in Indian singing is not part of a musical system more complex than our own but merely chance or pitch uncertainty. Densmore also wants to demonstrate that the Indians do not have their own musical system despite the fact that the small intervals of pitch they use are not used in our musical system. Densmore argues that the Indians are unconscious about the small intervals they use in their songs and that the Indians should be able to explain it, practice it, recognize it, teach it to others, and use it frequently in their songs if they really have their own musical system. In proving his argument, Densmore uses logic and reason to disprove the idea that they have a musical system. He states hypotheses that would be true if the Indians were aware of such intervals and then disproves them with experiments. For example, one of his hypothesis was if the Indian has a musical system then they should have the ability to produce at will and with ease such small intervals and therefore should be able to recognize it when he hears them. He then disproves this hypothesis by an experiment which was to test the hearing of the Indians by sounding two forks consecutively and asking which one was higher. The results of the experiment showed that the Indians had the same abilities as an average white American and therefore proved that they could not recognize the small intervals. Densmore uses experiments to disprove the idea that the Indians were conscious about the small intervals they were producing. Such experiments included recording an Indian song on a phonograph. This experiment disproved the hypothesis that if the Indian has a consciousness of the intervals then it can be assumed that he would use them in his songs. The experiment showed that certain intervals were rarely used. Demsmore also uses cultural observations to help prove his argument. For example, if Indians had a musical system then they should be able to explain it but this hypothesis is disproved by the fact that the Indians can’t give an explanation for the intervals. In addition they say that the old songs were “received in dreams”. Densmore organizes his data very well. Each paragraph includes a hypothesis which is later disproved by an experiment or a cultural observation. CLARITY: 4 MELISSA VERGARA Barnard College (Professor West)
Densmore, Frances. What Intervals Do Indians Sing? American Anthropologist 1929, vol. 31: 271 - 276 This article is a short but detailed study of Indian music, specifically of the interval system used in Indian songs. It has been observed that Indians produce sounds with gradations of pitch smaller than those of the western musical system. Densmore attempts to understand whether these small gradations fit into any sort of musical system, or are the chance happenings of an individual's pitch uncertainty. She begins with a working hypothesis, assuming that the small gradations of pitch in Indian singing are part of a musical system more complex than our own. The hypothesis is challenged by the fact that the Indians cannot give any explanation for the melodic form of their songs. Densmore continues by arguing that Indian songs are composed and performed for completely different reasons than western music. They are not sung for approval, but more often for their magical strength (power to bring rain, heal the sick.., etc). Furthermore, Densmore argues that a complex musical system would naturally arise from men of logical minds, whereas Indians (she concludes) have a different type of reasoning. The author recalls several experiments conducted on this subject. The results of one, which used a set of 11 standardized tuning forks, showed that the ear of the Indians is trained to hear sounds which the western ear does not notice, but this does not indicate that they have a superior perception of difference in the pitch of tones. Another experiment, using phonographs, showed the intonation of 1700 Indian songs to be reasonably accurate in correspondence with the diatonic scale (a standard which is most often not present in the mind of the Indian). Finally, Densmore argues that Indians find it difficult to sing a succession of tones on the same pitch, such a series showing upward and downward variations in pitch. She concludes with some insightful questions in regards to the study of Indian music. Why should the interval of a tone be offered as a basis for the measurement of pitch in Indian singing when it has been claimed that the Indian scale is composed of small intervals, she asks. If a new basis of measurement is to be introduced it should have, as its unit, the smallest interval present in Indian singing. Densmore questions the validity of the phonograph experiments, bringing to light the fact that the recordings were made without the accompaniment to which the singers were accustomed. She also asks if there is not an element of physiology in the production of exact pitch, expecially on repeated tones. Densmore makes the conclusion that the small gradations of pitch in Indian singing do not adhere to any musical system. CLARITY RATING: 4 VALENTINA FLEER Barnard College (Paige West) Densmore, Frances. What Intervals Do Indians Sing? American Anthropologist April-June 1929 Vol. 31(2):271-276 North American Indian music is thought to go hand in hand with Indian customs and culture. When comparing Indian music with the modern American standard of musical productions, we generally make judgments based on "customs prevailing our own race." Some ethnologists believe indian music is "primitive" in the manner of tone production, as well as, being articulate. It is typically compared with our American standard of a musical system, in which, small intervals, i.e. difference in pitch between two musical tones, are considered "too complex" to be used in the production of Indian music. When listening to Indian songs, one might recognize small gradations of pitch, which if taken into account, might classify these features as extremely complex. Furthermore, Indian music is based upon arbitrary use and thus considered to be lacking "technical skill." However, if Indian musicians can provide some logical explanation for their musical system, then it might be considered more complex than our own system. Indian songs are not sung from a performer’s perspective. Customary Indian songs are sung primarily for individual use. Although there are songs associated with social events (dances), most songs are not a matter of "common knowledge." In fact, most songs are personal, being summoned from dreams or simply described as "coming to them." These songs are used in a magical context, providing personal benefits for individuals or they may be used in consideration for the whole tribe. Songs are typically used to "stimulate" magical powers in an attempt to bring rain, locate enemies, heal the sick or ensure good hunting practices. The Indians lack acknowledgment to the complex melodic formation of their songs. Therefore, many ethnologists claim that successful “practicing" is not prevalent in the acquisition of new songs. Indian scholars may reincorporate new songs and teach them to other members of the tribe, but this type of learning is considered different than the equivalent of practicing, which is thought to be necessary to produce "consciously and accurately," the small intervals in a complex musical system. If Indians do have a consciousness of gradations of pitch and these happenings are not simply by chance, then a new basis of measurement must be taken into consideration to elaborate on the complexity of the American Indian musical system. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JOSH AGUSTI Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Evans-Pritchard,
E E. The Morphology and Function of Magic:
A Comparative Study of Trobriand and Zande Rituals and Spells. American
Anthropologist July - September, 1929 Vol. 31(4): 619-641. Evans-Pritchard
takes a structural-functionalist look at magic, attempting to prove
that the disparity in the magical practices of the two cultures
is a result of the fundamental differences between the cultures
themselves. He uses specific examples from stories and magical
practices to show that while the two cultures agree on certain
elements (ie. magic is a cultural not natural phenomenon, distinct
from the concept of mana or ancestor spirits), there are
substantial differences between the two in terms of the nature
of spells. For example, the Trobrianders place magical value in
the exact form and recitation of the spell, while the Zande people
place value on the message of the spell, rather than exact recitation,
but with a strong emphasis on magical materials. This is, he insists,
a result of the more public, ceremonial display of magic in the
Trobriand Islands versus the more private form of magic practised
by the Zande. This also fits in with his idea that magic is inherited
and strictly owned by the Trobrianders, making authenticity and
accuracy an issue, whereas among the Zande it is loosely owned
and appropriated more by the community than specific individuals
with kindred ties. He makes a special
point, however, of warning that when magic becomes too widespread
among a community, new magic must be appropriated from outsiders
to retain their culture’s magical potency. This is his way
of saying magic is not necessarily static among the Trobrianders
and certainly not static among the Zande. Thus, he shows how the
morphological form the magic takes is dependent on the social structure
of the people following it, though it is absolutely necessary for
a mythology to exist which psychologically enables the people to
unfalteringly believe in the magic. CLARITY: 4 PANAGIOTA
PENNY DAFLOS University of British Columbia (John Barker) Evans-Pritchard, E. E. The Morphology and Function of Magic. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec. 1929 Vol. 31(4):619-641. Evidence from Melanesia and Africa reveals the affects of social structure on the practice of magic. For example, the Zande and Trobrianders acquire and perform their magic differently. The Zande have a communal tradition of magic; they receive spells from anyone in the community, or they can buy magic. Trobriand Islanders’ pass magic through their matrilineage. Although both cultures utilize magic for agriculture, they employ the spells and material elements differently. For the Trobriander the spell is the most important part of the ritual and should not be altered. If the spell is not recited in entirety the magic will not work. Their spells are not widely known; therefore everyone is required to attend communal ceremonies. The Zande rely on the material element of the magic and change the spells to fit the ritual. Without the right material element the spell will not work. Magic is seen as giving men confidence as well as representing their actual achievement. For this reason new magic is created through rumors of success. Important magic is known by a few individuals and is more significant in social functions. For the most part, the Zande practice magic in private settings when only family, or a few old men are present. CLARITY: 5 STEPHANIE DALE Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Hall, Robert Burnett. The Société Congo of the Ile á Gonave. American Anthropologist July - September, 1929 Vol. 31(4): 685-700. Hall gives an
structural-functionalist account of the culture of the people of
the Ile á Gonave, paying particular attention to the phenomenon
of the Société Congo, which governs almost every function of these
Haitians’ daily lives. In this land characterized by problematic
karst topography, isolation and scarcity of water, the people have
organized themselves into mutually beneficial agricultural cooperatives,
the Société Congo. He states the purpose of these coops as being
fourfold: cooperative labour groups, where there are only as many
members in the society as there are working days in a month (thus
letting everyone’s plot get an equal amount of labour); membership
protection, for example when people go to the mainland to work
in the dry season and count on society members to keep an eye on
their homes; mutual benefit, where those who are unable to work
are supported by the whole; and social entertainment, as the owner
of the plot being worked on a given day must provide food and the
night’s entertainment for the workers. However, he is also
careful to admit that there is a disciplinary and religious function
associated with the group as well, as is the case when someone
neglects their responsibilities without adequate excuse and in
the case of funeral rites or weddings, respectively. The purpose
of every office and rigid rules of the society is painstakingly
outlined, illustrating both Hall’s concern with the function
and purpose of elements of a society, but also proving his point
that this society, and the "Model de Paris" society within
it, specifically, are offshoots of a model from Africa. This, he
explains, is due to the fact that most (90 %) of the islanders
are Black, with less than 10 % being Franco-Negro mulattos. This,
he explains, has seen the subversion of the French culture, value
and methods almost completely in favour of African methods common
to the west coast of Africa, from whence most of the early Black
islanders came. CLARITY: 3 PANAGIOTA
PENNY DAFLOS University of British Columbia (John Barker) Hambly, Wilfrid
D. The Serpent in African Belief and
Custom. American Anthropologist July - September, 1929 Vol.
31(4): 655-666. In this article,
Hambly examines the diffusionist nature of serpent worship in Africa
while grappling with the use of the term "worship" to
characterize human relations with serpents. He is careful to differentiate
between python worship, rainbow-guardian snakes and their association
with rain, birth-snakes and fertility, snake-souls and their relation
to reincarnation, transmigration and totemism and snake-medicine
and general superstition. In the explanation
of these beliefs he presents examples primarily from Uganda, Nigeria
and Egypt where serpent worship is thought to originate, though
he makes special mention of a possible Semitic and Hamitic influence.
His conclusions, however, exclude outside origins for serpent worship
in favour of ancient indigenous origins. These indigenous origins
are explained through migration throughout the continent, primarily
East to West, which would naturally diffuse the serpent worship.
He even links present-day worship to the "once-flourishing" serpent
cult of the past, which presents some problems for the anthropologist
today in terms of essentializing and unfairly linking cultures
so temporally distant; but this is unsurprising considering his
ethnocentric comments throughout the piece. His reasons
behind this assumption that people would still worship the serpent
are fairly convincing, though, as he insists that the concepts
of serpent worship are basic and fundamental to all societies,
so it is no wonder that the snake is worshipped on such a wide
scale. Hambly also suggests similarities between serpent worship
across the continent, drawing a spatial connection between apparently
disparate cultural groups as he further links African cultures
to those around the world, especially the Middle East, saying animals,
especially snakes, are often used in similar medicinal (ie. the
use of animal fat) and magical rites. He is very careful to separate
the Egyptian from other African cultures however, because his regard
for the Egyptians clouds his judgement enough that he cannot see
any similarity between that culture which he sees as noble and
the Blacks he sees as obtuse savages to the South. CLARITY: 3 PANAGIOTA
PENNY DAFLOS University of British Columbia (John Barker) Hambly, Wilfrid D. The Serpent in African Belief and Custom. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31(2):655-665 Serpent-themed beliefs throughout all African cultures follow one of three basic patterns. The first includes ideas of a superhuman being, with an accompanying priesthood of snake worship. The second is the “cult” type, whose actions are not as defined as the priesthood type, possessing just a general idea of snake reverence. The third belief, the most general variety, manifests as an assortment of superstitions, some of which include using snake fat as medicine or wearing amulets to protect against snakebites. These beliefs are never “totemic” in the traditional sense, but merely involve snakes as clan symbols or figureheads. Priesthood forms of serpent beliefs involve reverence of the serpent, with strict penalties levied against those who disobey the religious laws. Snake worship is somewhat similar between the priesthood and cult styles. The cults, however, more frequently petition snake spirits for increased fertility and fishing bounty. Serpent worship and other customs seemed to develop in a migratory line from Eastern to Western Africa. Starting in Uganda and ending in the Loango region of the Congo, the strongest beliefs appear at both ends of the line. While serpent beliefs have roots in other parts of the world, like the Arabian Peninsula and Australia, the theories behind African beliefs lie in the fact that monstrous serpents can be located in the wild there relatively easily. Another theory of the origins of serpent reverence lies in the culture of ancient Egypt, where the worship plays an important part in many aspects of mythology. From the serpent who helped judge the dead, and pointed the way to the underworld, to the fire-spitting serpent who guarded the sun god, snakes were treated with a great reverence. Communication between the Egyptian and African regions could have potentially therefore been the origin of African serpent beliefs. CLARITY: 5 DREW HUNT Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Hawley, Florence M. Prehistoric Pottery Pigments in the Southwest. American Anthropologist, July-September, 1929 Vol. 31(4): 731-754.
CLARITY: 4 IRIS GOLDSTEIN Barnard
College (Paige West) Hawley, Florence
M. Prehistoric Pottery Pigments in the Southwest American
Anthropologist, 1929 (731-754). Tracing specific Indian groups in the Southwestern United States by examining the colors of pottery is the aim of Florence M. Hawley’s article entitled Prehistoric Pottery Pigments in the Southwest. Hawley examines chemical tests preformed on the pottery that may show possible minerals/elements used in coloring the pottery. Pigments such as yellow, red and white are easy to test for and more importantly easy to identify the origin. The majority of this article is devoted to the tests necessary to identify the origins of black pigments. There are a total of four tests that Hawley uses to identify prehistoric pottery. The first test is called the smudge test. This is to test for black coloring that was merely rubbed on. The way it is tested is by heating the pottery up for two – three minutes with a torch. After the time allotment, the pottery quickly changes to its original color before coloring. The second and third tests are close in nature; both tests try to identify carbon and iron. Hawley explains the impossibility of obtaining knowledge of how the Indians actually created the paints, but proves that black paint must have a carbon/iron base. By understanding this Hawley looks for both carbon and iron in the coloring of pottery to further identify location/origin. The last and final test preformed is a test for manganese. The true context lies in the conclusion of the article, containing most of the location aspects. One way of tracing ancient culture is through viewing what they left behind. The trick how to exam and more importantly what the results conclude. SYD WOLFE Columbia College (Paige West). Judd, Neil
M. The Present Status of Archaeology
in the United States. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol.31(3):401-418. The author of
this article is concerned that the laws regarding the preservation
of antiquities are inadequate. He feels that the (few) existing
laws place a strictly monetary value on historic objects instead
of recognizing their historic importance. This, according to the
author, causes two problems. First, the number of artifacts retrieved
takes precedence over the completeness of data, thus leading to
careless excavation methods. Second, artifacts become commercialized,
which leads to looting and vandalism. Both of these problems destroy
the context of discovered materials, which is problematic because "most
of the historic knowledge regarding specimens comes from in situ
data"(p.408). The concept
of contextualization is central to the author’s argument,
as his main point is that "chronology is the key that will
unlock many secrets of American prehistory and stratigraphy is
the stuff of which chronology is made"(p.408). The author
points out that it is "impossible to divorce archaeology and
ethnography"(p.412) and that to get a complete cultural ethnography,
in situ data must be left intact and analyzed. He thinks that prehistory
would be much easier to understand if the ethnography of historic
tribes was more completely recorded. The author makes
the point that archaeology has enough natural obstacles and therefore
needs better laws governing its practice. He gives examples of
how the current laws are not sufficient, because people in the
field do not see them as important. By showing how the current
archaeological record is incomplete, and by explaining how the
inadequacy of current laws is preventing the completion of a complete
chronology of each culture area in the United States, the author
makes a compelling argument for new archaeological legislation. CLARITY RANKING:
4 WENDY HIEBERT University
of British Columbia (John Barker) Judd, Neil M. The Present Status of Archaeology in the United States. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31: 401-418. As a science, archaeology in the United States has matured considerably, yet it still faces numerous problems that are jeopardizing its pursuit of the past. Government neglect, the pillaging of sites by pot-hunters and curio collectors, a history of careless excavating, and the decline of contemporary Native American culture are all potential threats to successfully piecing together the prehistoric past of the United States. The United States government has made lackluster attempts to preserve and protect sites and artifacts. Only one national law protects sites on public (government-owned) land, while nothing exists to protect sites on private property or give artifacts any sort of national protective status. This, combined with ready demand by collectors of ancient curios, is encouraging a substantial industry of pot-hunting. As a consequence, numerous sites are being raided and illegally excavated, sometimes even by the officials in charge of guarding them, for profit. Thus, substantial pieces of the archaeological record are being lost due to naked commercialism and government apathy in dealing with the situation. Meanwhile, the field of archaeology is suffering from years of thoughtless and sloppy excavating, with more emphasis having been placed on merely collecting specimens than investigating the context and chronology of artifacts. Recently, more archaeologists are realizing that skill and experience, not just mere curiosity, is vital to appropriate excavation, and that artifacts with a context are much more scientifically valuable. Unfortunately, some individuals and institutions still cling to the old values of collecting for the sake of collecting. Archaeologists are also losing ground as the sources of ethnographic information from many contemporary Native American cultures are vanishing in the face of rapid Americanization. Many native peoples are losing touch with aspects of their aboriginal culture, which in turn means lost data for archaeologists to use in investigating the overall chronology and cultural continuity of prehistoric North America. CLARITY: 5 BURTON SMITH Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Kahn, Morton
C. Notes on the Saramaccaner Bush Negroes
of Dutch Guiana. American Anthropologist Vol.31(3):468-490. In this descriptive
article, the author’s main goal is to recount observations
which he made of the Saramaccaner Bush Negroes (also called Djukas)
while visiting the country of Surinam. The author begins
by describing how the descendants of the Djukas, whom he refers
to as "rebel Negroes", gained independence form their
Dutch colonizers. The author goes on to explain that because not
all of these descendants were raised in the colony (many were recent
arrivals from other parts of Africa) the present day Djukas possess
many typical West African characteristics. The main body
of the article is divided into several descriptive categories which
look at various aspects of Djuka culture. These categories include
such things as physical characteristics, dress, ornamentation,
temperament, tribal divisions, government, villages, food and drink,
marriage, hunting and fishing, medicine, religion, language, and
art. In each of these sections the author strictly describes what
he has observed. Occasionally, he throws in comments which are
typically over-generalizations or ethnocentric in nature. For example,
he describes the Djukas as appearing to be of the "conventional
West African strictly Negroid type"(p.468) and later goes
on to describe the collective temperament of these people as "intelligent,
proud, independent, courteous and jovial"(p.471). He is also
extremely shocked to discover that the Djukas are "not subservient
to any degree"(p.471). If the highly
ethnocentric manner in which this article is written can be overlooked
as a convention of the times, then this wonderfully detailed account
can be considered a valuable contribution to the anthropological
record. CLARITY RANKING:
5 WENDY HIEBERT University
of British Columbia (John Barker) Kissell, Mary Lois. Organized Salish Blanket Pattern. American Anthropologist January-March 1929 Vol. 31(1):85-88 When the Salish moved from the interior of North America to the coast, they adopted the blanket as well as the Chilkat pattern seen on the nobility garment. The sophisticated Chilkat design requires fine yarn, which is unworkable on the Salis looms. In order to imitate this pattern, the Salis had to adapt the design. This led to a new combination of weaves known as the wicker-twine technique. The nobility blanket is comprised of four regional designs: the Fuca straight, the Fraser delta coast and archipelago, the Lillooet, and the Yale. Although the different regions have their own identifying styles (coast types are slender and elongated, interior types are thicker), they are sometimes seen on the same web. The garment is made from a possibly Columbian loom, using wild goat wool and domestic dog fleece. Photographs accompany descriptions of the weaving techniques. CLARITY: 5 STEPHANIE DALE Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Kissell, L. Mary. Organized Salish Blanket Pattern. American Anthropologist January-March 1929 Vol. 31(1):85-88 The Salish organization of weaving patterns gives a historical background of how techniques and designs were adapted. Originally, the Salish knew only of animal skins to cloth themselves in, but later adapted a new form; blankets. This style of covering did not come from the influences of the surrounding regions, but from the practices of Columbia. The foreign influence, using dog hair and goat's wool as textile fibers, led the Salish into creating many various types of garments and designs. The types of garment styles ranged according to regional traits. Garments are identified from Lillooet to Yale, from the Fraser delta coast and archipelago to the Fuca straight, usually depending upon the elaborate patterns and materials that are chosen. These blankets and other makings like carrying straps, proved to be highly regarded trade to outsiders. Trade in itself aids in the transfer of new ideas and materials. The Salish not only adapted the distinct materials used from one foreign area, but also learned various weaving patterns from yet another tribe; the Chilkat. Pattern plans are characterized by “major or minor, striped and checked designs." The Salish are predominantly known for their adaptations, not their creations. CLARITY: 3 Josh Agusti Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Kroeber,
A. L. Pliny Earle Goddard [Obituary]. American
Anthropologist January-March, 1929 Vol. 31 (No.1):1-8. Born November
24, 1869, Pliny Earle Goddard contributed much to the profession
of Anthropology prior to his death on July 12, 1928. Educated first
in Oak Grove and Oakwood Seminaries, he studied Latin and Greek
at Earlham College, Indiana, graduating in 1892. His interest in
American Indians grew through his reading whilst working as a school
principal, and in March of 1897 he went to Hoopa, California as
a lay missionary. During his stay he systematically documented
the Hupa native language and customs, and made the decision to
pursue ethnology as a career. In 1900 he entered the University
of California at Berkley as a graduate student under Benjamin Ide
Wheeler. During that year he wrote Life and Culture of the Hupa and
began Hupa Texts and Morphology of the Hupa Language.
In 1901, on the establishment of a Department of Anthropology at
Berkley, he was appointed to an instructorship. He attained his
doctorate under Wheeler in 1904 and in 1906 became Assistant Professor.
His books on the Hupa language, published during those years "set
a new standard of completeness for the treatment of a native American
language" (p.3). 1909 marked
a change for Goddard as he accepted the Assistant Curatorship at
the American Museum of Natural History. In 1910 he became Associate
Curator, then in 1914, Curator of Ethnology. At the museum he became
involved in the upgrading of the ethnological displays, and produced
two associated handbooks, Indians of the Southwest in 1913
and Indians of the Northwest in 1924. Throughout his
career, Goddard continued his fieldwork and intensive study in
the Athapascan cultures, "producing texts…analyses of
the languages and studies of the general culture, religion or mythology" (p.
4). His interests broadened in later years to include "genetic
relation of languages, the history of the Uto-Aztecan stock, and
the antiquity of Man in America" (p. 4). With the move
to New York, Goddard became increasingly involved in the profession.
In 1915 he became Lecturer in Anthropology at Columbia University,
and from 1915 to 1920, editor of the American Anthropologist. In
1917, Goddard founded and co-edited the International Journal
of American Linguistics with Franz Boas. He also served on
the council of the American Anthropological Association, the American
Folk-Lore Society, and the American Ethnological Society. "At
the time of his death he was Secretary of the Committee on Organization
of the Twenty-third International Congress of Americanists" (p.
4). Goddard is remembered
by Kroeber for his "special genius as ethnologist and writer
in the purest form" (p. 2). A bibliography of Goddard’s
publications is included. CLARITY RANKING:
5 KIMBERLEY
FINK-JENSEN University of British Columbia (John Barker) Lesser, Alexander. Kinship
Origins in the Light of Some Distributions. American Anthropologist
1929 Vol. 28: 710-728 In this article,
the author discusses the Omaha and Crow type kinship systems in
North America. He presents the similarities and dissimilarities
of these types. Both Omaha and Crow type systems occur among the
Siouan tribes of North America. Lesser explains that within these
tribes, parallel cousins are siblings; children of two brothers
or two sisters are "brothers and sisters" to each other. The distribution
of the Omaha type kinship system occurs in two geographical areas
of North America; the Plains-Woodlands and the Californian. Outside
of North America, the Omaha type system occurs among several Bantu
groups of Southeast Africa. The Crow system occurs in several areas
in North America and in areas of Melanesia. Based on the evidence,
the author infers that these systems originated independently in
many instances. The author believes that the two types of kinship
systems show cases of diffusion in areas as well as independent
origins. These kinship types are correlated with sociological factors
such as marriage customs, special functions of particular relatives
and social organization patterns. Although this
article was periodically confusing to read, the author makes a
valid argument based on the information presented. CLARITY RANKING
3 ALDA ACCILI:
University of British Columbia (John Barker) Littlejohn,
Hugh W. A Northeastern Californian Dug-Out
Canoe. American Anthropologist. Oct.-Dec., 1929 Vol.31(4):777-779 In this short
article the author describes a dug-out canoe, found beneath the
waters of Gold Lake, California, and speculates about its origins.
He writes as a member of the Department of the University of California
at Berkeley, which obtained permission from the canoe’s current
owner to photograph, describe, and obtain a history of the artifact.
During the 1920s, anthropology departments in the United States
were still tied to museums, which were interested in an object-oriented
approach to ethnographic research (Stocking 1992:130,180-81). The thorough
description of the canoe includes an account of its measurements,
condition, and form, as well as the material used in its construction.
Littlejohn determines the methods of construction, based on observation
of charring and tool marks. He then speculates on the origins of
the canoe, reasoning that the remains of iron nails in its interior
walls show that either it was made by aboriginal inhabitants and
modified by white settlers or was made by aboriginals after whites
had settled in California. Based on information provided by a local
native informant, the author concludes that the canoe was likely
made by members of the Maidu, Washo, or Paiute tribes, who traditionally
summered in the area. A portion of the description of the canoe
is given below: "Inside,
the marks of the tool used in shaping the dug-out are very distinct,
and from their sharp, deep, and well-defined character it seems
evident that they are the marks of a metal adz. Fire was employed
in hollowing out the interior, for the sides and especially the
ends are still very much charred (778)." The article
is clearly written and includes three black and white photographs
of the canoe, taken from various angles. CLARITY RATING:
5 TIFFANY GALLAHER University
of British Columbia, (John Barker) Loeb, E.M. Shaman and Seer. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31(1):60-84 The seer is the oldest Indonesian medicine man. Unfortunately, the shaman, once introduced into the culture, will replace the seer. The eclipsing of the seer by the shaman occurs through diffusion. For proper demarcation the shaman should be seen as inspired while the seer remains uninspired. Indonesia is the prime location to note such a difference, as Sumatra is home to shamans, while on the islands west of Sumatra only the seer may be found. The difference between non-inspirational shamans, or seers, and true inspirational shamans, which represent a higher culture, remains that the shaman may practice prophesying and exorcism, while the seer is limited to curing through spirits. This means that the seer limits his practice to communication with spirits, while the shaman practices spirit possession. The main similarity between shaman and seer is that both must partake in a vision quest, which is either sought or unsought. In unsought cases the vision quest usually occurs during a time of sickness. Sought cases are intentional trances or wanderings. A thick description of the Indonesian Mentawei seer (including dress, practice, initiation, etc.) gives an idea of the proper state of a seer. This description rounds out the argument by explaining all of the potential facets of the seer. As a seer, communication with spirits takes place outside of the man’s body. It is in fact a conversation that only the seer may experience. CLARITY: 2 BRIAN GATZ Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) MacLeod,
W. C. On California Mortuaries. American
Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31:772-776. This brief article
calls for a change to Alfred Kroeber’s maps of California
mortuary practices given the results of further detailed study
of Californian native groups. Drawing primarily from the work of
Powers and Lowie, the author lists groups and occasions where cremation
is practiced, and reports the custom to be more widespread than
indicated in the work of Kroeber. He argues it would be useful
not only to map the existence of cremation, but also the circumstances
under which it is and is not practiced among the various groups.
For example, the north-western Athapascans cremated those who died
a violent death in battle, whereas the Sinkyone "cremated
those who died far from home" (p. 773). These varying practices
need to be linked to the native cosmologies to develop a deeper
understanding of why and when cremation occurs. The author concludes
by underscoring the need for further study of mortuary practices
along the Pacific coast in Alaska, British Columbia, Washington
and Oregon, in order to investigate connections between native
groups and establish diffusionary patterns throughout the region. CLARITY RANKING:
5 KIMBERLEY
FINK-JENSEN University of British Columbia (John Barker) Mac Leod. W.C. On California Mortuaries. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31:772-776. The writings of various authors, who have done fieldwork on cremation and burial customs, are used to correct the California mortuary maps. Several tribes were observed to determine which tribes buried or cremated their deceased. An attempt is made to amend the mortuary map by reconsidering some of the proposed ideas that authors have written about cremation among certain tribes. Kroeber believes the Athabascan and Yuki use cremation because it is easier to dispose of the ashes. Powers claims the Athabascan bury all their deceased and the Yuki bury only those they honor. The Yuki should be placed on the map as cremators because they burn those who die in battle. The writings of other authors offer insight on mapping different tribes by drawing comparisons between cremation practices in northwestern California and those of Alaska and British Colombia. Reports of cremation came from the Coos Indians of the Oregon coast, but could be construed as a misprint by the author. More accurate information is needed about the tribes of California to establish the disposal customs of the deceased. Although, from the information gathered the area of cremation should be carried up the northwest coast of the California mortuary map. CLARITY: 2 JILL BUCKMAN Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Macleod, William Christie. Servile Labor Groups. American Anthropology 1929 Vol. 31:89-113. Many tribes in North America keep servants for various reasons, mainly to maintain a sense of superiority. Owners of the servants are usually skilled workers, physically strong, owners of property and hunting equipment, and have status among their group. Servants often have jobs that do not require a lot of skill, such as fixing equipment, running errands for the master, a small amount of hunting, feeding the animals, or hard labor. Being a bachelor without family, physically or mentally disabled, without hunting equipment, without ownership of property, or entering into marriage with a woman without any of these attributes often leads to an individual becoming a servant. Keeping the servants hungry and cold, not giving them hope, and refusing to learn their language creates depression among servant groups. Among the Athabascans, the threat of loosing what little the servants have is thought to keep the servants obedient. These servants are at the mercy of their owner, as seen in the Eskimo groups. Kwakiutl people refuse to speak directly to their Haida and Tlingit servants, using messengers to speak in their place. Wascopum Chinook servants are sent to the afterlife with their deceased master by tying them to the corpse until they die of starvation. They may also be killed before their master dies to ensure he or she will have servants in the afterlife. The distance between the servants and masters is maintained in the Ainu people through killing of servants for rituals or to show the wealth of an individual master. CLARITY: 2 KATHRYN N. BAZIL Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) McKern, W.C. A
Hopwell Type of Culture in Wisconsin. American Anthropologist.
1929 Vol.31: 307-312. The Wisconsin
archaeological field is "on the border-land of accepted Middle
Western area of intense archaeological interest"(307). Little
research has been done in the area due to lack of interest and
funds. The archeological record, however, is critical to understanding
the causes of the southern and eastern cultural expansion into
the far northwestern region. Mc Kern presents his archeological
analysis of three excavated artificial mounds in Trempealeau county,
Wisconsin. He argues that the Wisconsin archaeological field "demands
the interest of those seriously concerned with the pre-history
of the entire Mississippi district, whether it be Lower or Middle
Mississippi, Ohio or Northwestern"(307). The archaeological
field of Wisconsin is characterized by the presence of artificial
mounds that date back to pre-contact times. These mounds have been
categorized into three distinct types based on their external shape.
There are hemispherical mounds, irregularly shaped mounds and platform
or truncated mounds. Many of these mounds have been excavated and
the presence of four distinct cultures has been identified. Some
mounds suggest Algonkin affinities, while others Soiuan, Hopewell
or a complex of Cahoki and more southern affinities. In the excavation
of the Nicholls mound by McKern in Trempealeau county evidence
of an Ohio influence of the Hopwell type has been identified. Discovered
in the Nicholls mound was a centrally placed burial pit with the
remains of four adults and one infant, as well as the reburials
of two other individuals. The burial of several individuals in
a single pit is not a characteristic found in other mound excavations
in Wisconsin. McKern identifies 12 other traits that were unique
to the Nicholls mound. McKern found pearl beads, Ohio type of copper
celts, both open twined and closely woven clothe, all items not
previously known to the Wisconsin mound cultures. Mc Kern argues
that further research needs to be done in order to understand the
relationship of the Hopwell culture to the people associated with
the Nicholls mound in Wisconsin. Mc Kern suggests that the study
of copper mining along the southern shores of Lake Superior may
provide clues to understanding some of the factors associated with
the expansion of southern and eastern Native cultures into the
northwestern region. CLARITY: 4 SHELAGH KING University
of British Columbia (Dr. John Barker) Nichols, H.W. Inca Relics in the Atacama Desert, Chile. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol.31:130-135. In Nichols’ article he describes four locations he visited. During this expedition, Nichols was able to find very few relics at all but one of the locations. The expedition traveled to two deserted Inca towns, Lasana and Pucara, as well as two Inca burial places in the Atacama Desert of northern Chile. Nichols found that both the Lasana and Pucara people had military sense, do to the fact that they both employed the use of loop-holes in their walls, much like medieval Europe used as a military device. Both towns are believed to have been abandoned at the time of the Spanish Conquest and Nichols found little signs of the previous occupants. The only items he was able to find were fragments of pottery and fabric, broken pestles and mortars, and many corncobs. He found no implements or utensils of any kind. The first burial site that Nichols visited appeared to have undergone an extensive systematic excavation of the catacombs. The mummies, as well as all of the artifacts that may have been buried with them, were all removed. He was able to determine that the graves at the first burial site were much deeper then that of the second site. The second burial site he visited was approximately one half mile away from the first and is believed to be older. At the second site, the mummies were in perfect condition and many items were found buried with the bodies, including: silver dishes, drinking cups, arrows, wooden spoons pestles and mortars. Because curio hunters have opened the graves, however, the mummies as well as the items buried with them have been scattered over the ground. As a result of this disturbance to the graves, Nichols was unable to determine an accurate description of the placement of the mummies as well as their burial clothing. Nichols does describe one interesting find, “the inca bone”, which was named by local collectors. Skulls at one end of the burial place are characterized by the presence of an extra bone, “the inca bone”. They found that as they explored further to the other side of the burial place the “inca bone” reduces in size until finally it is merely a suture line. Although the reading of the article itself was easy, I do not feel that Nichols made the point of the article clear. He at no point said why the article was being written; this made it difficult to determine the purpose of the article. CLARITY: 2 KATHLEEN MALONEY San Diego Mesa College (Denise Couch) Nichols, H.W. Inca Relics in the Atacama Desert, Chile. American Anthropologist 1929 Vol. 31:130-136 Located in the heart of the desert in northern Chile, Lasana is the ruin of a fortified Inca village. The village was abandoned at the time of the Spanish conquest, it is believed. The altitude of the village is about eight thousand feet and it is fortified by the surrounding gorge walls whose depth measures an estimated three hundred feet. Its location within the gorge would aid its inhabitants militarily in case of attack. The town of Lasana is comprised of different groupings of rooms, which open into each other. There are narrow streets or pathways, which separate these groupings. Though the walls of the city remain in nearly perfect condition, there is no evidence of the thatch roofs that once covered them. Since wood does not decay in the desert climate, it is thought that the disappearance of these roofs is a result of the high value of wood among local farmers. There is little to no vegetation in the surrounding region, other than irrigated fields. The little evidence of human occupation that remains consists of small fragments of pottery, broken stone pestles and mortars, small pieces of fabric and fabricated wood, and numerous corncobs. The main gateway through the outer wall opens to a desert plain, and is defended by guardrooms on either side; these features add to the fortified nature of the town. Pucara is another deserted Inca Villlage, which, like Lasana, is located near the modern Chilean town of Chiu-chiu. Though it is much larger than Lasana, it is also believed to have been abandoned at the time of the Spanish conquest. Some of the better-preserved buildings of the village have been re-roofed and are inhabited by local farmers. Near these sites lie two pre Spanish burial grounds. The first of these sites has been subjected to excavation, but little remains of the bodies and artifacts that were once there. However, enough remains to indicate that the bodies had been mummified prior to burial, and were buried along with various objects. The second burial sites is about a half mile away, and though it to has been visited by treasure seekers and the like, many bodies and artifacts still remain. Like the first burial site, the bodies have been mummified and buried along with various objects. The presence of salt and niter in the sandy burial ground is given credit for preservation of the bodies. CLARITY: 4 Andrew Griffin Illinois State University (Robert Dirks) Olson, Ronald L. The Possible Middle American Origin of Northwest Coast Weaving. American Anthropologist, 1929:114-121. The overall concern of this article is whether or not northwest coast weaving originated in Middle America. The author sets out to solve the problem of the origin of northwest coast weaving by examining several current hypothesis on this subject. He intends to disprove some theories, while providing evidence of the possibility of Middle American origin. The first hypothesis is that the art of weaving was a local development unconnected to the Old or the New World. It was first argued that due to the isolation of the area, that this would be a local development. However, several traits shared between the northwest coast and Middle American crafts show evidence of having traversed the Plains-Plateau gulf. Second, is that recent innovations were due to early European influence. The common employment of stone and whalebone argues against this. Also, natives clearly state that both the spindle and the two bar loom are ancient. Third, it is thought that the historical origin is to be sought in Asia. This is unlikely because the looms of the Asiatic weaving area are of an entirely different type, related more to those of Southeast Asia. The fourth hypothesis is that it is an elaboration of the suspended warp basket weaving of northern North America. However, this area used a single bar loom, while the northwest coast area used a two bar or half loom. Finally, it is believed that the craft has its origin in southern North America and the greater part of South America due in part to the highly developed craft being found in those areas. Both the northwest coast weaving and the weaving found in the Middle America area share an identical manner of winding the warp threads so that the completed fabric is a cylinder or square which needs no hemming. A D |
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