Clemmens, Forrest E.   Quantitative Method in Ethnography.   American Anthropologist, 1928, vol. 30: p. 295-310.

Quantitative methods in ethnography are discussed as a valuable tool for conducting research within cultures.  Clemmens outlines the requirements for using the quantitative method appropriately based on his use of the method during his ethnographic work.  The sample should include a range of traits, selected randomly to avoid bias.  When studying similarities between cultures based on this data, there are two ways to analyze the information.  One way is to say the traits arose independently, which is very unlikely.  The other way is to consider the possibility of a historical connection between the groups. 

Correlation is another important factor in this method.  The main point is that positive or negative correlation do not directly imply a direct causality but rather that there may be a connection between the two factors.  The quantitative method is meant to draw general inferences about trends within a culture.  It can also show that some traits within a culture may have diffused into another culture over time or may have had little effect on the culture.

The statistical method shows positive and negative correlations between entire cultures.  Specific details and traits within a culture are not considered the focal point of the data because all traits in the study are treated equally. This is because it is difficult to determine which traits, if any, should be given greater consideration. 

The quantitative method is designed to show a relationship or non-relationship between groups in a culture.  Also the traits studied should be representative of the culture as a whole.  All areas of a culture should be equally represented to produce accurate results.  It is also imperative that the traits be reduced to simplest units which will then automatically factor in specific details. A trait such as burial practice would be studied according to the "tree burial" style rather than "arms extended" or "arms wrapped". 

The statistical method and correlation may show historical connections between groups.  They can also objectively show that certain areas of a culture may be similar or different.  It is important to remember that correlation and the quatititative method do not directly imply that there is a direct relationship between two factors.  It only points out the trend.  Additional analysis may be necessary to determine the extent of a relationship.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ETHEL TOVAR.    Brigham Young University  (Julie Hartley)

Conzemius, Eduard.     Ethnographical Notes on the Black Carib (Garif). American Anthropologist April-June, 1928 Vol. 30 (2): 183-205.

Eduard Conzemius basically wrote an ethnography of the Carib and condensed it to twenty pages. His apparent goal is to chronicle the culture and history of this ethnicity.

The Carib, or Garifuna as they call themselves, are a people found along the Caribbean Coast of Central America. The name Carib, stemming from cannibal, was given to them by the Spaniards, who thought they ate human flesh. They were a warlike tribe who inhabited the island of St. Vincent, from which the British government deported them in 1796. Following this, they relocated to the aforementioned coast. There are also some that live in the West Indies, called the "Island Carib," who are nearing extinction. The Central American Carib had an estimated population of 20,000 to 25,000, which is increasing despite the fact that they seldom intermarry with other races.

There is much to note about their culture. Caribales, Carib villages, are always found within close proximity to the sea. The houses are neat and clean. The walls are made of palmwood or mud and the floor is made of leveled mud. Beds are reserved for the married and the others use hammocks. Physically speaking, the Carib are somewhat short in stature and muscular. They walk around barefoot. The men wear hats fashioned from palm leaves and the women wear a large neckerchief around their neck. Music is one of their favorite pastimes and they have made instruments out of various items such as reed, bones, gourds, and conchs. Singing and dancing usually accompany the music. Every Christmas and New Year’s they celebrate their Carnival, in which masked dancers parade around the streets in gaudy attire and all the children follow them. With the death of a relative, the women cut their hair and wakes are held in honor of the deceased. Polygamy does exist, but the men rarely have more than one woman in the same village. All wives are treated alike and the man rotates living with each one. After the birth of a child, men refrain form working for two weeks, keeping a diet and not going to sea or in the bush lest the child get sick and die. Men generally do all the hunting and fishing with a little help from the women in the latter. Agriculture varies in that men in some tribes plant, but in others, it is believed that women know how to do it better and are left alone to the work. Their food consists mainly of fish, cassava, and coconuts. Bread is also made from cassava. As far as industry is concerned, the Carib rely on the sale of items such as fowls, eggs, fruit, cassava bread, coconut oil, and other products to their eastern Spanish-speaking neighbors. Much of their work is done on a communal basis. They are experts in canoeing and sailing as well. One of the favored occupations is smuggling. The Catholic faith is the outwardly accepted religion, but the beliefs and rituals of their forefathers are still practiced. They also have a buye or medicine man who performs shamanistic healing rituals for the sick and possessed.

Conzemius has done an excellent job in his descriptive ethnography of the Carib. Although the article does not have much theoretical depth, it is informative and colorful. He paints a vivid picture of Carib life and culture.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

FRITZ HANSELMANN Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley-Moore)

Conzemius, Eduard.   Ethnological Notes on the Black Carib (Garif).   American Anthropologist   April - June 1928   Vol.30(2):183-205

This article is concerned with the ethnohistory, language, subsistence technology and rituals of a Caribbean people today referred to as Garifuna. These subjects are discussed in order and build up toward the author's implied hypothesis regarding a somewhat sensationalized ritual event called the Dugu Festival (Baile Mafya by the Ladinos and luban dogu by the Garifuna). Throughout the article several ethnological hypotheses are offered or implied on items ranging from language use, technology diffusion, Garifuna socio-political position and the meanings behind specific rituals.

The account is based on the author's personal visit to Central America during 1921-1922 and various early European histories of the region which are clearly cited. Other persons are referred to in the article without being cited. This is all blended together to produce an account that is very informative, detailed and a pleasure to read.

The first section of the article notes that Black Carib were originally located on the island of St.Vincent in the Southeastern Caribbean but at that time they were located on the Caribbean coast of Central America from British Honduras (now Belize) down to Honduras and parts of Nicaragua. Their total population was estimated to be around 23,500. In the next two sections  the author sketches out the fascinating story of how Caribs (themselves a mixture of Carib and Arawak Amerindians) came to intermix with Africans, how they were forcibly relocated by the British government to the Bay Islands of present-day Honduras and some of their early political and economic history in their new home. The next six sections are packed with detailed information about language, physical appearance, customs, food technology and general livelihood.

The last two sections of the article are titled respectively "Religion, Superstition, Sorcerers" and  "Dugu Festival." In these the author describes various Black Carib beliefs and practices. The article concludes with a detailed description of a Dugu Festival which had by that time come under some regulation by governmental authorities. Shockingly the author implies that the death of a young boy after the ceremony was caused by forced and excessive alcohol consumption possibly as a replacement for outright sacrifice.

Throughout the account the author provides extensive cross referencing of Carib terms into Spanish, French and English. The wealth of linguistic data also helps illustrate the attitudes of Central American Ladinos and Europeans toward Caribs.

CLARITY: 5

PETER BREEDEN    University of Southern Mississippi  (Jeff Kaufmann)

Davidson, D.S.     The Family Hunting Territory in Australia. American Anthropologist 1928 Vol.30(1):614-631.

The author of this article used the Australian aborigines to prove that historically, nomadic people have had individual property rights and ownership. This is in stark contrast to what was previously believed; L.H. Morgan in particular believed nomadic hunters, agriculturists and pastoral peoples did not own property. Morgan’s theory was believed to be true until first disproved by Stark in 1914. The author of the article wrote to reaffirm Starks’ findings and provide a firm foundation for the belief that nomadic people did indeed own land.

When this article was written, the Australians were believed to be the most backward of the human race. For this reason, they provided an excellent example of primitive nomadic people. Australians as a whole have a surprisingly similar culture, in spite of the large size of their continent. The author draws upon the research of several anthropologists who conducted research in various parts of Australia. The combined research of the anthropologists helps the author come to the conclusion that historically, the Australians have had very specific land ownership, and rules concerning trespassing, inheritance, and other land issues.

In spite of the fact that the Australians were nomadic, their wanderings were not random. The author reminds us that each was bound to custom and tradition, including staying within his own land. The Australians knew that individuals not only owned land, they owned the resources on the land, including animals. Although they always shared excess food, they knew that trespassing or taking advantage of another person’s land was punishable, even by death. Landowners also had the right to sell their land. When a landowner died, his land was divided among his sons. If he did not have sons, the land was divided among adjacent neighbors.

Not surprisingly, as Europeans began to invade Australia, land policies among the natives began to change. As European conquests and diseases catastrophically affected native population, the native people began to band together. Thus, even by 1900, anthropologists were not finding individual land ownership. The author had to rely on the research of earlier anthropologists to verify his findings, citing anthropologists in the 1840s and 1850s.

From his findings, the author found enough evidence to disprove Morgan and conclude that historically, nomadic hunters had a concept of real property and a very structured system of property rights.

CLARITY: 4

CANDICE KULBETH Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley)

Davidson, D. S.  The Family Hunting Territory in Australia.  American Anthropologist June, 1928 Vol.30:614-631.

 The point of this article is to prove that the Australian people (who lived in the continent at the time of the article’s publishing) are not unrestricted wanderers, they are bound by customs and traditions which have the force of law.  In the past, he says, many people have believed that “primitive man” had no concept of land boundary or ownership.  This has been disproved in recent years using the Algonkian family hunting tribe system from North American: leaders of this tribe have been able to indicate land ownership on a map.  He then begins to discuss Australia.  There is a dearth of literature on Australia, he states, so he gives a brief description of the lifestyle there. He first depicts the people who live in Australia as possessing a unified, singular culture spanning the entire continent.  He describes the Australian people as “the primitive, if not the most backward, of all the world’s people” and proves this point discussing the people’s crude tools, weapons, and their nomadicism.  Davidson then gives a brief summary of the political organization of the people—they are divided into “tribes” which occupy a definite territory.  Every tribe is divided into local groups which are comprised of paternally related individuals and their wives and children.  The author then quotes the opinions of his contemporary anthropologists regarding Australian family territoriality.  Within each territory owned by each tribe, individual families can also have their own land boundaries.  Trespassing is forbidden, and these districts are inherited from father to son.  He describes specific Australian tribes that his colleagues have studied and the specifics of their tribal land distinctions.  After this, he discusses the connection that the Australians have with the land, where “the land  belongs to humans, but also that the humans likewise belong to the land.”  

Near the end of the article he describes why this practice of family hunting territory might have been overlooked.  One reason he offers is that because of the introduction of European diseases, the custom might have been wiped out in recent years, and investigators may not have scrutinized the populations enough to realize that territories had existed previously.  He also attributes the disintegration to the influence of European culture.  In conclusion, the author states that there is ample evidence that the concept of property ownership did exist amongst Australian natives and that Morgan’s theory that all primitive nomadic hunters had no concept of property ownership is now almost, if not entirely, discredited.

This article is clear and concise.  It proves its points thoroughly, with believable proofs and applicable references

CLARITY: 5

ZOHAR SHAMASH    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Davidson, D.S.   The Family Hunting Territory in Australia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1928   Vol.30:614-631.

In his article, “The Family Hunting Territory in Australia,” Davidson disputes the theory set forth by many previous anthropologists, most prominently Morgan, that “primitive” man did not truly own property.  Morgan referred to “primitive” people, or Davidson’s “nomadic hunters” as “savages.”  Morgan’s basic proposition was that it is impossible for groups of people who are constantly wandering in search of game to establish any sense of property ownership.  Davidson proposes, and attempts to prove, that this was a misinterpretation on the part of early anthropologists, and that increasing knowledge about nomadic hunters stands in stark contradiction to the above perspective.

Davidson supports his claim that “primitive nomads” did own land with extensive evidence regarding the practices of the Algonkian field of North America and the Australian aborigine.  Davidson states that an Algonkian head of a family knows so distinctly the lands to which his family is bound that he could pinpoint them on a map.  The family is the immediate unit which owns land.  In stating his argument about the Australians, Davidson highlights the idea that they are considered by some to be, “the most backward group of the human race” (615).  Davidson states that the Australians are “nomadic hunters” characterized by “a series of negative traits,” which include a lack of “pottery, agriculture, metallurgy, clothing, permanent dwellings, and domesticated animals” (616). 

While seen as generally nomadic, Davidson argues that the Australians are limited in their movement by property ownership.  Australian tribes are divided into local groups which are composed of, “paternally related male individuals” and their families who “occupy a geographical subdivision of the tribal territory and possess exclusive rights to dwell within the limits of that territory” (618).  Certain rules pertain to the land, such as the fact that it is passed through male lineages and others must request permission to cross the land.  The land is regarded as belonging to the whole family because all members use its resources for sustenance.  Thus, the animals and other resources on the land belong to those who own it.  Davidson emphasizes a deep respect for land ownership among the Australians, which is epitomized by the complete absence of war for the gain of land, and lack of Australian interest to work on land other than their own.

In closing Davidson questions the lack of past anthropological knowledge surrounding the property rights of the Australians.  He proposes that the introduction of European influence, in particular diseases, which greatly decreased the population of many tribes, could have effected the distribution and ownership of the land.  Davidson suggests that much of the research has been conducted in post-colonial times, during which original systems have been altered.  Ultimately, Davidson closes his argument by stating the belief that enough support lies in the argument of the Australians alone to disprove Morgan and other early theorists who believed in the lack of land ownership among nomadic people.

CLARITY: 4

ADRIENNE DAVIS   Barnard College  (Paige West) 

Davidson, D.S.     Notes on the Tete de Boule Ethnology. American Anthropologist, January-March 1938 Vol. 30 : pg. 18-46.

The Tete de Boule Indians, or the Tcekamekiriniwak (whitefish people), as they call themselves, are a unique group. They compromise about 160 miles of the western region of the Quebec province and are bordered by the Trenche River on the east and the Megisken River on the west. As an individual group, the Tete de Boule are no more important than any other northern band, but their ethnological location makes them significant in the eyes of anthropologists.

The Tete de Boule are bordered by four different groups of peoples: the Montagnais, the Mistassini Naskapi, the Waswanipi Cree and the Algoquins. In such a location, D.S. Davidson asserts, they are susceptible to influence from all four groups. In his article, Davidson analyzes the developments of the Tete de Boule and outlines their lifestyle, claiming they were most heavily influenced by the Algonquin-Ojibwa group. He asserts that they adopted their use of cradle-boards, square-headed snowshoes, and bark wigwams from the Algonquins. They also construct their canoes using the same method the Algonquins.

As Davidson notes, a typical family among the Tete de Boule will live by itself for nearly 9 months of the year, during which time they experience very little social contact. Under such circumstances, Davidson found their advancements in adopting "principles of civilization" to be impressive. Such advancements include canvas canoes, hand-powered sewing machines, and manufactured clothing.

In the past, succession to the position of chieftain has been strictly hereditary. Because the chief at the time of the article was not supported well by the people, it was doubtful that he would gain sufficient support to maintain his position. Davidson projected that the voice of the people would be heard loudly and that the next election would be determined entirely by election, opposed to the traditional practice of succession.

Davidson’s article provides a brief overview of the life of the Tete de Boule. They are an interesting group, located in circumstances that provide influence from other groups to affect their lifestyle.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

IAN DAVIS Brigham Young University. (Julie Hartley).

Davidson, D. S.     Notes On Tete De Boule Ethnology. American Anthropologist January, 1928 Vol. 30(1): 18-46.

This article ethnographically locates the Tete de Boule, a Northeastern North American Indian tribe, in relation to neighbouring tribes. Davidson’s primary interest is to decipher which culture group, the Montagnais-Naskapi of the Labrador Peninsula, or the Algonquin-Ojibwa of the Great Lakes, the Tete de Boule most resemble. The Tete de Boule have cultural traits similar to each neighbouring culture group. Davidson is interested in the Tete de Boule’s unique ethnographic position. He nonetheless finds it very easy to arrive at the conclusion, based on linguistic and material culture evidence, that they most resemble the Algonquin-Ojibwa.

Davidson’s research question- who are the Tete de Boule most similar to?- is answered by the third paragraph. The remainder the article is a collection of, somewhat poorly organized, ethnographic data. Of interest is his chart listing the cephalic index of male and female members of the Tete do Boule band, as well as "half-breeds". The Tete de Boule, as the name describes "are characterized by pronounced brachycephaly," (p.21). He also describes, in detail the Tete de Boule land tenure system, the practice of patrilocality, and the patrilineal inheritance of land. The conclusion of this article is a nine page chart with the names of land-owning men, the family names of their wives, the total number of family member and some comments about hunting practices. This chart is followed by a map, which attempts to plot these aforementioned land holdings.

This ethnography is interesting because it contains a combination of physical and cultural anthropological approaches. Davidson is influenced by cultural diffusion theory, and references the idea that there are areas of culture climax from which culture diffuses outward presumably becoming more diffuse the further away the culture travels. However, this article illustrates that diffusion theory, in and of itself, lacks explanatory power. That diffsuion is a component of cultural genesis and change can be assumed but, as Davidson exemplifies in this article, the specifics of culture still need to be attended to. The attention given to the details of Tete de Boule ethnography for the majority of this article reveal that more is needed in understanding culture than simply proving that diffusion has occurred.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

EMILY HERTZMAN: University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Delabarre, Edmund Burke.     A Prehistoric Skeleton From Grassy Island. American Anthropologist June-September, 1928 Vol. 30 (3): 476-480.

On May 21, 1927, the author, Edmund Burke Delabarre, located bone fragments underneath four feet of peat at Grassy Island in Massachusetts. After some inspection he realized that they were human bones dating from nearly one thousand to fifteen hundred years ago. The disk-shaped bones were scattered around in a small pile, ranging in size from small specks to pieces two inches long. He concluded that there were fragments from an arm, leg, and a foot and that most definitely there were portions of a human skull.

A colleague, Professor H. H. Wilder, concluded that the bones came from an adult. Wilder also noticed that animal remains were among the fragments discovered. An opposing view came from Barnum Brown. He concluded that the remains belonged to a much younger person than Wilder had supposed and disagreed that animal bones were present.

Delabarre concluded that the remains could not have come from the result of a burial. Many began to wonder how the remains got there in the condition they were in. Brown believed that the appearance of the bones was a result of long weathering. Willoughby thought that they were the remains of a cremated body. Still Delabarre wondered why there were only small parts of a human skeleton, mixed with bones of an animal in such a small space.

After consulting with others, several individuals announced their ideas as to how this occurred. The first conclusion was that it was a portion of a human settlement. This was quickly denounced because of the lack of additional artifacts, such as pottery. The second conclusion was that it was the remains of a prisoner burnt at the stake and that the animal remains must have come from animals that were burnt along with the human. The third conclusion was that it was the burial of a cremated body in some perishable container. The animal pieces could have been included to serve as food for the departed spirit. The fourth conclusion was that it was the stomach-contents of a carnivore, such as a wolf, that had partaken of a human body, died, and then been disemboweled. The final conclusion was that it was contents of a medicine bag because all sorts of unusual things went into such bags. This final conclusion was the one that they considered most likely happened. Although none of these conclusions were precise, the surest conclusion was that the remains belonged to an Indian who lived in Massachusetts about ten to fifteen hundred years ago.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ADRIENNE WOOLLEY Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley)

Delabarre, Edmund Burke.   A Prehistoric Skeleton From Grassy Island.   American Anthropologist June-September, 1928   Vol.30(3):476-480.

In 1925, Delabarre printed in American Anthropologist information about a buried Native-American encampment site discovered at Grassy Island submerged in the Taunton River in Massachusetts.  In 1927, at the same site Delabarre uncovered fragmentary remains of a Native-American who must have inhabited the land at least a thousand years before, when the site was located above sea level.  Originally Delabarre did not believe the fragments to be of human origin and thus he did not preserve all of the pieces.  He later returned to collect more fragments and, though it is possible that Delabarre may have mistakenly collected foreign fragments or may have lost some fragments from the deposit, in this article Delabarre states he feels confident that his collection is mostly pure and complete.  

According to Delabarre, the fragments appeared to be unaltered other than “checking,” which was most likely caused by weathering or fire.  Other strange characteristics of the deposit include its small size (it was not large enough to include an entire skeleton) and the absence of teeth.  Most confusing is the presence of nonhuman remains in the deposit. 

Delabarre cites others’ professional opinions of the deposit in this article.  Professor H.H. Wilder claimed to have discovered in the deposit many fragments from animals along with the remains of what he believed to be an adult human.  On the other hand, Barnum Brown found only one nonhuman piece (a vertebra) with the human remains, which he believed came from a young person.  Brown also felt the checked appearance of the bones came from weathering while C.C. Willoughby believed their appearance resulted from cremation. 

Delabarre lists five possible explanations for the deposit that each take into account the remains’ unusual characteristics.  According to Delabarre, the fragments may have been a portion of a kitchen midden, the remains of a prisoner burnt at the stake, the remains of a body cremated in some perishable container, the stomach contents of a carnivore, or the contents of a medicine bag.  Though Delabarre seems to lean toward last two options, he makes no conclusions other than that the remains are those of a Native-American who live in Massachusetts at least ten to fifteen thousand years ago.  

CLARITY: 5

NICO D’AUTERIVE    Columbia College  (Paige West)

Delabarre, Edmund Burke.  A Prehistoric Skeleton From Grassy Land.  American Anthropologist, 1928.  Vol. 30 :  476-480.

The author of this article wrote previously about Indian relics discovered on an ancient site.  In this article, Delabarre adds extensively, describing a prehistoric skeleton found on the same site, proving the existence of Indian inhabitants near the Taunton River in Massachusetts about fifteen hundred years ago.  Throughout the article there is great speculation as to how the skeletal remains arrived at their present location, but no clear and definite answer to the question of where they came from.

Delabarre’s larger intellectual concern is addressed in both the beginning and end of the article.  Regardless of the way the remains came to be, it is correct to assume that the remains are of Indian origin and prove the area was inhabited by Indians about fifteen hundred years ago.  The remaining body of the article poses various theories as to how the skeleton arrived there.  In this area of the article however, Delabarre gives the opinions of those who have better knowledge on the subject, such as Professor H. H. Wilder, Barnum Brown, and Mr. Willoughby.  These experts give an array of possibilities as to how and why the skeleton appears where it does and its current physical conditions.

Delabarre presents his evidence and the theories of the given experts in list form.  Due to the large range scenarios, categorizing such evidence in any other way would be not as effective.  Delabarre presents the range in possibility by naming each expert and then describing their theory along with the historical evidence that has led them to this theory.  The list contains five major possibilities, in sequence, ranging from the most probable to the farthest possible.  The most likely scenario consists of the remains of a prisoner or the portion of a kitchen midden.  The last theory is the stomach of a carnivore killed after it gnawed potions of a human, all but the stomach being disposed of.

Delabarre ends the article by restating his main concern, the affirmation that the remains prove that Indians inhabited this specific Grassy Land about an estimated fifteen hundred years ago.  After giving a wide selection of theories to choose from as to how the remains came to be at their present location, Delabarre ends the article with both the affirmation of Indian existence in this region at that time, and the difficulty of pin-pointing the exact means as to which the mysterious skeleton arrived where it was discovered.   

CLARITY:  4

KIMBERLY WEST    Barnard College    (Paige West)

Delabarre, Edmund Burke.   A Prehistoric Skeleton From Grassy Island.   American Anthropologist, June-September 1928.   Vol. 30 (3):  476-480.

On May 21, 1927, the author unearthed bone fragments at Grassy Island, which lies under several feet of peat in the Taunton River in Massachusetts.  Today the island is also covered by high tides; the remains must date back to about fifteen-hundred years ago, when the land was still above-water and habitable.  Upon realizing that the bones were human, Delabarre determined them to be the fragmentary remains of a native who once inhabited the site. 

Delabarre emphasizes that the deposit was sharply defined, with a clear distinction between the overlying peat and the ancient surface.  Found ten feet beneath this surface, the bones were broken into tiny fragments and compacted into a small, disk-shaped mass.  Other than a checking perhaps due to weathering, the bones appeared unaltered.  Little was found nearby to help determine the identity of the deposit. 

There were several enigmas about the remains.  For one, there seemed to be many portions absent from the skeleton, despite the clear-cut compactness of the deposit.  Moreover, animal bones were intermixed with the human bones.  Given these oddities, Delabarre and his consultants arrived at five hypotheses that might explain the situation.  Their first hypothesis, that the remains were part of an ancient refuse-heap, was essentially discounted because of the many characteristic features that were lacking.  Second, they reasoned that the remains might be those of a prisoner burnt at the stake.  However, Delabarre states that this supposition conflicts with the incompleteness of the skeleton.  The incomplete skeleton also undermines the third explanation—that the remains might represent a cremated body buried in a perishable container.  Fourth, Delabarre postulates that the deposit might have been the stomach-contents of a carnivore.  However, this conclusion rests upon a series of possible but highly improbable assumptions.  The final suggestion, which merits some consideration, is that the deposit had been the contents of a medicine bag. 

Ultimately, none of these hypothesis are fully convincing.  The only certainty Delabarre provides about the remains is that they were the bones of an Indian living in Massachusetts somewhere between ten- and fifteen-hundred years ago. 

CLARITY RANKING:  5

NATALIE SEARS    Barnard College  (Paige West).

Densmore, Frances.     The True Story of a Little Stone Image. American Anthropologist April-June, 1928. Vol. 30(2): 311-313.

Densmore was shown a small stone figure in a museum, which had been collected from the Makah on Cape Flattery of the Olympic Peninsula on the Northwest coast. She was asked if she had seen carvings like it and was given a photograph of the figurine in order to determine its use if she returned to the Makah tribe in the future

The figurine is about 11 inches tall and looks like a person looking up and holding something in its arms. The figure looks sad and has a broken place on the top of its head. The figure appears to be sexless and is kneeling. The object it is holding looks like a small animal. When Densmore returned to the Makah tribe in the summer of 1926, she asked around about the figurine. An old man, named Young Doctor, identified the figurine as a fishing sinker carved by a man named Santiano. The broken part on the top of the head was where a nail had come off that was put there to hold the fish line.

Young Doctor thought the object that the figurine was holding looked like a baby sea lion. Densmore interviewed another person who said Santiano carved many things and had the help of a tumanos (something that comes, according to Indian legend, when a man is very depressed). Young Doctor though that this sinker represented a creature like a mermaid, possibly the tumanos. Although Densmore interviewed people to determine what the sinker represented, no one knew. Only Santiano, the man who made it, could tell what it stood for and he was dead. So, the little stone image will sit in a museum without anyone knowing what it represented.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JENNIFER MEILSTRUP Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley).

Densmore, F.     The True Story of a Little Stone Image. 1928. American Anthropologist. Vol 30:311-313.

This article describes a carved, slate figure collected from the Makah peoples at Cape Flattery. Described initially as a "fancy sinker", the author’s Makah informants reveal mysterious pieces of information in order to give deeper insight into the significance of this figure. The original carver- a medicine man named Santiano- is no longer alive, so no one will ever truly know what the figure represents. Nevertheless, Densmore recounts two conversations she had with knowledgeable Makah men in order to give the figure some context.

The first man Densmore speaks with is "Young Doctor": he speculates that the figure is a fancy sinker and depicts a person holding a baby sea lion in its arms. He further questions whether or not it represents a sea-dwelling creature, like a "mermaid". Although Young Doctor has never seen one, he relates a story from his own childhood when long hairs became entangled on his fishing line: shortly thereafter he experienced many bites and success with fish. He believes the hairs came from such a creature and caused his good luck. The second Makah man Densmore questions, is an old whaler named Mr. Irving: he believes the carver (Santiano) had a "tumanos" to help him with carving (we can infer this to be some sort of spirit helper). The "tumanos" would only come to a man who feels "so small that he does not care whether he lives or dies" (p.312), but just what caused Santiano to need this assistance we do not know. Similarly we will never know why the expression on the face of the figure is so sad and tragic.

Although this article is inconclusive, it is not due to a lack of effort on the part of the author. Densmore provides us with some interesting stories from the Makah people that help give some explanation for the mysterious stone figure: but they are far from being the "true story". What she concludes, is that the little figure "will take its place in the collections of the museum" (p.313), where a label can describe the origin, but not its significance: this, she feels, is the real truth of the figure.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

CHRISTINA ZAENKER University of British Columbia

Estabrooks, G.H.     That Question of Racial Inferiority. American Anthropologist 1928 Vol. 30: 470-475.

In the early twentieth century many anthropologists were beginning to doubt some of the claims made in the nineteenth century that less developed cultures were some how biologically and socially inferior to northern Europeans. G. H. Estabrooks’s article "That Question of Racial Inferiority" analyzes the opinions of various anthropologists in America and England as to their opinion regarding what if any differences in intelligence are determined by race. Estabrook’s investigation revealed much ambiguity regarding the issue. Most were quick to point out that no noted differences had yet been proven.

Estabrooks shows how the historical record reveals many early technological advances had no European influence; he uses the civilizations of Egypt and the Euphrates as examples. He also notes the innovations in astronomy and masonry of the Mayan and Incan civilizations of Central and South America. Estabrooks refutes any claims that Roman, Carthaginian or Babylonian cultures came from Nordic (Northern European) sources. These theories were apparently being made at the time by ethnocentric (racist) northern Europeans.

One of the main flaws in determining racial factors is identifying what exactly makes up a specific race. Many people at this time were making assumptions that Italians represent an ethnic group where in actuality they are of a very mixed heritage. The same goes for blacks in North America whose bloodlines were influenced heavily by whites. Thus, finding a true definition of race is essential in any effort to test intelligence based on that premise. Also vital is finding a valid way to measure intelligence in an unbiased manner. Tests that contain verbal questions favor different ethnic groups. Estabrooks cites examples of Philippine children who did poorly on the verbal sections of the exams (English was for them a second language) but actually scored higher on the math section than their North American counterparts. Estabrooks also addresses the issue of the quality of the education received. Black children in the Jim Crow South were at an obvious disadvantage to white children.

This article does a good job of recognizing the complexity of the issue of race and intelligence. Estabrooks distinguishes the errors existing in many arguments of the so-called success of the American colonization as being based on racial superiority. He gives Cortez as an example who defeated the Aztecs with smallpox as much as with steal. This assertion was very controversial for 1928, when many still likely believed that the conquest of Native Americans was due to the superior European intellect and culture founded in Europe.

The article ends with Estabrooks stating the need for anthropological and biological authorities to evaluate any tests measuring intelligence along racial lines. These disciplines are just as essential as psychology in determining a fair testing method. Even then Estabrooks doubts that a test designed by Americans would be fair. Racial biases are difficult to eliminate. According to Estabrooks the question of racial superiority remains in doubt. This is as true today as it was in 1928.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JOHN EDVALSON Brigham Young University (Julie R. Hartley)

Estabrooks,G.H.     That Question of Racial Inferiority. American Anthropologist, 1928 Vol.30; 470-475.

In this article, the author questions about inferiority or superiority between races. He blames that many of anthropologists in England have moderate opinion about racial inferiority or even their attitudes are very ethnocentric. He claims that as long as there is no satisfying proof, racial inferiority should not be determined.

From historical point of view, he claims that the people who developed great civilizations like Egyptian or the Maya were not the Nordic origin. Therefore, he denies historical proof of racial inferiority. Moreover, the author strongly points out the falseness of intelligence tests. The author argues that even though intelligence tests should be determine the intelligence of "races," since some groups of people such as the Italian, the Jew and African Americans are not categorized as one pure race, the tests tend to test the intelligence of "nationalities" rather than "races." He also discusses unfairness of language handicaps in the tests. Because the intelligence tests are taken in English, he declares that it is obvious that children whose first language is not English get lower score that the children who speak English as mother tongue in verbal tests. In addition, he points out that children who have intelligence tests should have same standard of school experience for the reason that I.Q. is basically a function of school experience. Finally the author claims that this issue should not be studied only by psychologists but also this issue lies on anthropologists as well as biologists.

The assessments of this article are very organized and clear. Also, his denial of racial inferiority and his encouragement toward more anthropologists’ involvement on this issue are clearly and effectively stated.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

YUKIKO KASAHARA University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Faye, Paul Louis.     Christmas Fiestas of the CupeZo. American Anthropologist October-December, 1928. Vol. 30 (4):651-658.

Paul Louis Faye's article examines the Christmas fiestas among the Cupeno, a small branch of the Shoshonean-speaking peoples of southern California. The object of Faye’s trip to the Cupeno was to secure linguistic data. However, every time he was out on the grounds he found it difficult to not make note of the fiestas he witnessed. The village fiesta was fast superseding the old type of festivity based on the exchange of courtesies between clans. Spanish and Catholic factors were at work to break up the old spirit party of the clans. Faye explains that reconstructions of the past are indispensable, but only as a background for the study of culture in its incessant, ever existing demonstrations. As native traits in the culture of the Cupeno were disappearing fast, Faye found it necessary to publish these notes, adding that the fiestas might never take place again. Among the Cupeno we have an unusual case of social transformations. The Cupeno were wrenched from their former habitat and given a new way of life. At the time of Faye's research among the Cupeno, 1919, the tribe was still hanging on by a thread to their old ways of life. The Cupeno's former habitat was in the foothills below the San Jacinto range, at Kupa. In 1903 they were moved to Pala, their location at the time of Faye's visit. Their population in 1919 was 200. Faye attended several fiestas, which mainly consisted of dances, feasting, smoking, and fires. The first two fiestas were very similar. The fiestas were officiated by a man who was "the one who is over the fire," or the fire tender. The chief did not officiate in any capacity. The fiestas were held at one of the homes of the clan chief. In the yard, an empty space had been converted into a wamkic, or an area enclosed by canvas walls. Inside the wamkic, benches and a few chairs were provided. Many dances occurred in the wamkic. There were dances performed by just men, just women, and both. The dances were accompanied by drums, grunts, and singing. After the dances, the singing began. Faye notes that one of the chiefs would begin a song, and the others would follow. A good many people remember the songs, but they do not know how to start them. Not the words, but the music fails them.

The fiestas were followed by the 'putting out the fire' ceremony. At the ceremony, a native Reservation police officer, made a speech about how the old ways were good for the old people, but the younger people had better think about something else. The gesture was intended to be impressive, as the clan chiefs stood behind the speaker.

This article will interest individuals who are interested in fiestas and dances among Native American tribes. The article also reaches out to a wider audience among the social sciences with regard to history. Faye's article convincingly illustrates and expresses how important the fiestas used to be for the Cupeno.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

LAURA POULSEN Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley)

Faye, Paul Louis.  Christmas Fiestas of the Cupeno.  American Anthropologist, 1928 Vol.30: 651-658.

While the author’s purpose of his trip in 1919 was to secure linguistic data, he stumbled across a unique ethnological moment.  The Cupeno had been moved (1903) from their former home in the foothills below the San Jacinto range to Pala in Southern California.  The author finds this culture on the edge of extinction due to various factors including their translocation.  This cultural shift is unique and manifested in their Christmas Fiestas. Faye vividly describes the set-up of tents and seats of the first night of the Fiestas. Only men sat on the benches, while women sat on low stools and boxes.  The active officer of the ceremony was the fire-tender whose main purpose was to keep the fire blazing.  The fire-tender fulfills many important roles in the community such as: holding prayers in the Priest’s absence, baptisms, and burials. The author notes that the newer generation does not respect his role as much as the older one, and notes that he was among the last. Then the dancing and singing of the men began for thirteen rounds. Their formations and sounds are described in great detail. When all is finished, the women and most of the men leave. The women leave food in buckets for the men to cook for the next day. Then, the next day the “boys” [author’s parentheses] of the town raised money and held a fiesta where there were many similar dances. They sang many songs led by a very old man. The author analyzes the relationship between the words and the music. Now the women dance thirteen rounds. Their dance and song are described as a rather spiritless performance.  After that, Faye describes the dance before the fire which involves both men and women. There is some debate whether the dance performed by the women here are girls, unmarried women, or all women; the author remembers only unmarried women participating in the daring dance. On this night three women singers are the ones keeping the fire going. The men’s singing lasts until dawn when the old women leave. Finally the fiestas are over after the men and women dance in a circle around the fire and the men put out the fire.

Faye believes these rituals represent the gradual change of this Indian community to a more European-like community. He recognizes the Catholic Church and Spanish influences as major factors to the social transformations which are accelerated by their recent translocation.

CLARITY: 4

MARIANNA DOUGHERTY    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Gifford, E.W.     Notes on Central Pomo and Northern Yana Society. American Anthropologist April-June, 1928 Vol. 30 (2): 675-684.

Gifford uses the Californian Indian tribes of the Central Pomo and Northern Yana as the backdrop for his discussion of certain characteristics common to tribal societies. Although several different aspects are discussed, the focus is on political and kinship systems. According to the author, an actual connection exists between chieftainship and lineage (genealogy) among the Pomo and Yana. He states that different bloodlines exist in villages and that the unification of these lineages is a significant achievement because the result of the uniting of families is the beginning of village life. This unification is evidenced in the Central Pomo and Northern Yana.

The political system of the Pomo is the first upon which the author expounds. Chiefs inherit their office through either the mother or father. Sisters and daughters of chiefs are called cheftainess, or queen. For the most part the transmission of office occurs from father to son. The chief passes down his position to his son. Transmission of office only occurs through blood and not marriage. If the chief has no son, he passes his duties on to a brother or the son of a brother or sister. There can be from three to four chiefs in one village alone, each chief at the head of a different section of the village, each answering to one superior chief. The main chief, to whom all answer, inherited his position due to the fact that his ancestors were the first to occupy the tribal land, giving their future kinsmen precedence over any others who dwell there. This inheritance of chieftainship through genealogy demonstrates the link between lineage and politics among the Pomo.

As supporting evidence, Gifford also details the political structure of the Northern Yana, which is very similar in nature to that of the Central Pomo. The chiefs of the Northern Yana also achieved their status through heredity, suggesting that their political system is also organized on a basis of lineage, supporting Gifford’s theory of the connection. Many similarities abound in the political structure. There are plural chiefs within the village; the main chief heads the original family and the inferior chiefs represent families that arrived later at the area. The people only obey the principal chief, viewing the others as "lieutenants." In the Northern Yana, the chieftainship is passed down from father to eldest son, holding true to the idea that lineage is connected to leadership.

Gifford uses his notes on these two tribes to show how the unification of various lineages has occurred. The article is very clearly written and understandable, but seems random in scope, lacking cohesiveness between institutional characteristics-such as land ownership, marriage, death, names, and the calendar-and unification. The main idea gets lost in the actual ethnography. The unification clearly exists, but how was it achieved? Gifford shows that the various lineages within the two tribes have unified, but fails to explain any type of processual action that might have taken place to cause the unification.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

FRITZ HANSELMANN Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley-Moore)

Gifford, E.W.   Notes on Central Pomo and Northern Yana Society.  American Anthropologist April-June, 1928   Vol. 30 (2):675-684.E. W.

Gifford provides a descriptive account of the political and genealogical linkages in several Central Pomo and Northern Yana villages.  While the linkages are made clear in this work, it is not clear as to whether Gifford actually intended to do this.  One must remember that this work was being done at a time when anthropologists were attempting to “salvage” the disappearing cultures of various Native American groups.  During this era of “salvage anthropology,” it was typical for works of this nature to be more descriptive than analytical.  The data he presents is based on fieldwork done in the Native American California groups in 1917 for the University of California.  The data was primarily derived from informants in the villages.  He discusses the institution of chief and how this title is transmitted.   Other aspects of these societies, including land ownership, marriage practices and housing are also touched upon.  Gifford finds that, while considerable variety existed in land ownership practices, a core uniformity existed in chieftainship and societal organization. 

Chiefs (djayadul) of villages of the Central Pomo acquired office primarily by inheritance through the mother or the father.  While female chiefs, or chieftainesses (matakaletc), were not unheard of, this only occurred through inheritance, not through marriage.  The transmission of this title primarily occurred from father to the eldest son. 

Gifford further discusses land ownership patterns among the Central Pomo.  In the Hopland area village there was little or no land ownership.  All hunting, fishing and gathering lands were communal.  Some Yokaia village lands were considered to be family owned and included some fishing and acorn gathering sites.  There were, however, no family-owned hunting grounds. 

With regard to marriage and post-marital housing there was no fixed pattern.  Recently married couples spent some time living with the wife’s family and then some time spent living with the husband’s family before permanently settling.  In this discussion Gifford provides cursory description of burial practices and the Pomo calendar, though how these things factor into the whole discussion is not made clear.

For the Northern Yana group in the Istalomato village there was a superior chief (mudjaupa) and lesser chiefs.  The author supposes the superior chief was the head of the lineage that originally held the chiefdom while the lesser chiefs headed lineages that moved into the area later.  In this village the sons of the chief bore his name or title, and wives and daughters were called chiefesses (mudjaupana).  Here Gifford points out that, where the Central Pomo employed separate stems for the terms chief and chiefess, the  Northern Yana employed the same stem.

While Gifford provides insightful descriptions of the Central Pomo and Northern Yana institutions of chieftainship and marriage, as well as cursory descriptions of land ownership and burial practices, his overall argument in not clear.  His descriptions illustrate an underlying link between genealogy and chiefdom, but whether this was Gifford’s intention is not clear.  His study also shows that, while this link between genealogy and chieftainship may have existed in both cultures, substantial variability within and among these two societies also existed.

This study, published in 1928, illustrates some of the work being done in anthropology as it was emerging as a discipline.  These earlier works show the reader the foundations on which anthropology was built and illustrate how far this discipline has come in the last seventy years.

CLARITY: 3

JEANNE THOMAS  University of Southern Mississippi  (Jeff Kaufmann)

Gifford, Edward Winslow.     The Cultural Position of the Coast Yuki. American Anthropologist January, 1928 Vol. 30(1): 112-115.

This article defines the cultural position of the Coast Yuki peoples of California by comparing them with their neighbours living to the North, South and East. Edward Winslow Gifford uses this four page article as an arena to show that the coast Yuki are variously and interchangeably, primitive, underdeveloped, and inferior as compared with their relatively sophisticated neighbours, the Northern Pomo, the Yukian Huchnom, the Athabascan Kato, and the Athabascan Sinkyone. Gifford begins his essay with a description of the living Coast Yuki elder’s who he employed as informants for his research. Then he proceeds to highlight the positive cultural traits present among the Coast Yuki’s neighbouring cultures, but absence in Coast Yuki culture proper. These absences, according to Gifford, constitute quantifiable data proving that the Coast Yuki are at a lower stage of human development. In addition to summarizing the coast Yuki’s deficiencies, as Gifford sees them, he also lists a number of their own, unique, negative cultural traits. For example, "[s]tone-boiling, cooking in ashes, and in or over coals were the only method," (pg.113) of cooking used by the Coast Yuki, which Gifford believes is indicative of their "backward position" (pg.113). Although unarticulated in this article, Gifford’s argument is premised upon a number of theoretical assumptions. First, Gifford views human cultures as though they are arranged into a continuum ranging from simple to complex, where simple is inferior and pre-historic, while complex is progressive and contemporary. Second, Gifford employs a model of cultural diffusion that locates the origin of cultural practices in specific centers. It is from these cultural centers that traits diffuse outwards, becoming increasing diluted the further they move from the area of origin and concentration. "The sparseness of the northwestern traits . . . suggests that their diffusion has been recent and superficial," (pg. 115). This article is interesting not only for its analysis of the Coast Yuki’s cultural position, but also because it is written in the idiom of the 1920’s when relevant debates and theories in Anthropology focussed on evolutionism and diffusionism.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

EMILY HERTZMAN: University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Gifford, Edward Wilson.  Position of the Coast Yuki. American Anthropologist April-June, 1928 Vol. 30 (2): 112-115

When considering the Coast Yuki, Gifford found that they were quite primitive compared to their other central California neighbors.  With scarce information considering the tribe, which consisted mostly of a few vague pages published by A.L. Kroeber, Gifford decided that he would personally solve this puzzle.

The purpose of this paper is “to show why the Coast Yuki are adjudged primitive in relation to central California, and how that primitiveness has been overlaid by certain northwestern California traits.”  Gifford argues that the reason for the primitive nature is due to remote geological location, which has isolated the Yuki, except for the recent adoption of northwestern California traits due to intermarriage with the Sinkyone.

Gifford first describes the remote location of the Coast Yuki, giving images of a mountain ridge of two thousand feet and a border made of a number of creeks.  He then goes on to give the general state of the Coast Yuki, saying that they lack religious, social, and material refinements that are found in other central California groups.

Gifford then goes on to describe some of the northwestern California traits which the Coast Yuki possess, including a harpoon used for hunting (which is only obtained directly from northern California).  He goes on to claim that these northwestern traits are specialties of the culture, while many of the central traits are either nonexistent or of a very primitive nature.

In the end, Gifford admits that there must be some other restraining influence that has prevented absorption of more modern traits that other central Californians obtain. 

CLARITY RANKING: 3

Sarah Broadbent: Brigham Young University (Julie Hartley)  

Green, Laura S. and Beckwith, Martha Warren.     Hawaiian Household Customs.  American Anthropologist January, 1928 Vol. 30(1): 1-17.

This article provides a description of a number of cultural practices of traditional Hawaiians arranged into the following general headings: the house, eating customs, fishing customs, planting customs, travelling, and the weather. This article has no introduction, no thesis, and no conclusion. Instead the authors enter directly into ethnographic descriptions of Hawaiian household customs. Descriptive and explanatory, this article presents data objectively, but makes no analysis beyond stating the emic rationalizations for cultural practices.

The first two subsections, the house and eating customs present the data in an organized manner and provide limited, yet adequate descriptions. The organization and thoroughness of the following three subsections deteriorates considerably. The result is that the article reads more like a list than ethnography. For example in the section about travelling the authors unite in one long paragraph "[c]ertain signs concerned with the making of a journey" (pg. 11). These "signs" include what is means to see a hat, to have a hat fall off ones head, to see a person with their thumb between their index and their middle finger, or to met a blind man, a lame man, or a bow-legged man and other seemingly random notes about Hawaiian beliefs. The tendencies to list rather then elaborate the cultural phenomena, although stylistically wanting, and analytically barren, nonetheless allows for many subjects and examples to be included in a short number of pages.

When accounting for a given cultural custom the authors provide one connection linking the custom with another feature of Hawaiian culture. For example, in the section about fishing they claim that "[t]he presence of a shark is indicated by an unusual warmth in the sea as sharks are believed to be closely related to the volcano goddess" (pg. 8). The reader knows that volcanoes are hot and therefore can make the connection between a volcano and hot water. However the authors do not explain who the volcano goddess is, or explain the associative relationship between sharks and this deity. This article references many cultural practices and beliefs and would be useful for those seeking early records of a particular practice, or for those who want to survey many aspects of Hawaiian culture before reading more detailed, analytic and interpretive literature.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

EMILY HERTZMAN: University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Hall, Ivan C.      "A Parmaco-Bacteriologic study of two Malayan Blow-Gun Poisoned Darts." American Anthropologist March, 1928 Vol 30 (1): p 47-59.

In this study, Ivan C. Hall examines the poison on two Malayan blowgun darts. His primary interest is to discover if there are any bacteria in the poison that produce a dangerous amount of toxin. He also performs some tests to study the toxicity of the poison and its chemical composition. Malayan darts often contain a poison the natives call ipoh. This term is a general word for poison and does not reflect any specific composition. Often ipoh is formed from the toxic sap of the Upas tree. However, Hall does not know how the ipoh on these darts was formed. He did not acquire the darts himself, and by the time he examined them they were at least seventeen years old.

Hall first studied the toxicity of the poison. He removed a sample from the darts, dissolved it in water, injected measured doses of it into guinea pigs, and timed how long it took for them to die. By this he was able to measure the toxicity of the poison. He discovered that the poison on the shorter dart was more toxic than the poison on the longer dart. His findings indicated that the poison was less toxic than the poison on other darts examined by other researchers, but because his darts were so old, the poison may have lost some of its effect.

Hall then did a chemical examination of the poison, but because of the small amount of material left on the darts, he was unable to discover any interesting properties.

Next Hall performed a bacteriological study. He put several samples of the poison into different cultures, allowed them to grow, and injected them into pigs. However, none of the pigs died or lost weight, but several of them produced small sores that soon healed. He examined the bacteria that caused these sores, but was unable to identify their species. He gives an extensive list of their physical properties.

Hall concludes that unlike the arrows of Bushmen, the Malayan darts do not contain any serious "pathogenic" or disease-causing bacteria.

Clarity ranking: 4

CLAY LARSON Brigham Young University (Dr. J.R. Hartley)

Hall, Ivan C.     A Pharmaco-Bacterialogic Study of Two Malayan Blow-Gun Poisoned Darts. American Anthropologist January, 1928 Vol. 30(1): 47-59.

This article meticulously documents the laboratory study of the poison residue extracted from the tips of two Malayan blow-gun darts, dating back to the late 19^th century. This study conducted by Dr. Ivan C. Hall, professor of Bacteriology and Public Health at the University of Colorado Medical School (at the time he wrote this article) contributes, to this volume of American Anthropologist, a unique, and relatively non-anthropological perspective. The research is scientific, based on quantitative, observable data, and the article is organized like a lab report, containing numerous chemical names, formulas and technical language. Hall is interested in determining whether the blow-darts contain, in addition to poison, infection diseases, suggesting the presence of bacteria. After a brief description of the poison used on the darts, a poison called locally (on the Malayan Peninsula and in Borneo) Ipoh, a derivative of the sap from the Upas tree, the author describes his methods for the bacteriological analysis.

This article contains interesting methodological descriptions including a detailed description of the live animal testing conducted on guinea pigs. "Another guinea-pig of the same size was inoculated subcutaneously with 2 c.c . . . [i]mmediately after the autopsy showed the heart in diastole but on irritation with the scalpel it slowly contracted,"(pg.53). Hall carefully completes several tests of the resin, transforming it from crystallized form to dissolved form in order to determine its chemical composition, and even though he detects some bacteria living on the poison, none of the bacteria present are pathogenic bacteria, although some of the guinea pigs developed legions in the areas where they were subcutaneously exposed to the hay bacilli detected. Dr. Ivan C. Hall’s research is synergistic of the two large and distinct, yet related camps of science and social science. The strength of this article is the emphasis on the details of laboratory procedures and analysis.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

EMILY HERTZMAN: University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Hough, Walter.    The Lead Glaze Decorated Pottery of the Pueblo Region.    American Anthropologist 1928 Vol. 30:243-249.

Certain Pueblo pottery styles are identified by an occurrence of green lead glaze. In 1928, there was a question whether it was introduced by the Spanish or developed by Pueblo potters. A new school of thought at the time was trying to use stratigraphy as a methodology to determine cultural sequences based on ceramics. An archaeologist named Hodge found, on the basis of stratification, that the green glaze pottery was present in a prehistoric layer at the Hawaikuh site in New Mexico. In his article, Walter Hough challenged the plausibility of pre-Spanish lead glazing by Pueblo potters and the validity of Hodge’s findings.

First, Hough tried determining the origin of the glazed pottery. This was difficult in that the boundaries determined for the glazed pottery had been established over a 20,000 square mile area in New Mexico, and the instances were extremely sporadic. The first mention of the glaze pottery in literature was in 1892 by Bandelier (247).

Hough then delivered a series of arguments against the likelihood of pre-Spanish lead glaze pottery in New Mexico. These included the fact that it would have been independent of any other lead glaze pottery in North America. Also the lead was not readily available to the Pueblo potters.  The techniques that would have been used to both obtain the lead and create the glaze were already known in Europe. He points out that sherds with the glaze were found near Spanish buildings, but were not used in building the walls, indicating that they were not there before the walls were built. And finally, lead glazing did not survive to the present, which Hough felt signified that it was not an indigenous art.

Hough concluded that a pre-Spanish glaze was not probable. Since Hodge determined that the stratigraphy at the Hawaikuh site indicated prehistoric status for ceramics with the green glaze, Hough felt that it was the methodology of the Pueblo stratigraphy that must be brought into question.

What makes this 1928 article interesting is the way he challenges the findings of someone else’s research. At a time when the focus of anthropology was a concerted rush to collect information on disappearing cultures, Hough used several well thought out arguments to pull in the reins on suspect research. Hough’s writing is clear and his conclusions believable without the harsh and sometimes unfounded criticism that surfaced in the last half of the 20^th century.

CLARITY: 4

DONALD L. CRAIG    University of Southern Mississippi  (Jeff Kaufmann)