CLARITY RANKING: 3

KATHRINE RUSSELL Columbia University (Paige West)

Guthe, Carl E.     The University of Michigan Philippine Expedition. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29: 69-76

After three years of archaeological fieldwork in the Philippine Islands, here the author briefly outlines the extent of his research. He details how the material was collected, what was found, and the conditions in which items were recovered. Of primary import is the finding of Asiatic ceramics, the distribution of which the author correlates with a proposed geographic profile of early Chinese trading in the area. Guthe refrains from additional speculation, as the data had not yet been fully analyzed at the time of writing the article; nonetheless, he does presume that further study of the materials should add not only to the knowledge of early Chinese commerce, but also to a better understanding of the earlier Filipino cultures (75).

Instead of surveying all of the Philippine Islands, the team concentrated on those in the southern half because of transportation difficulties. They gathered information from locals and foreigners familiar with archaeological sites or in possession of archaeological remains. Artifacts were found in caves, burial grounds, and houses, where artifacts were bought from their owners.

About seventy-five percent of the items collected were ceramics of Chinese origin, obtained mostly from caves. Guthe suspects that these ceramics came from the era of the Sung dynasty and were traded by the Chinese in return for local wares. Artifacts such as weapons, ornaments and pipes were also found in caves, and elsewhere, and were usually associated with burials. The author posits that the skeletons themselves were once simply laid out on cave floors, or in burial grounds, buried without a coffin; in both cases preservation was minimal. Human skeletal bones, ceramics and other artifacts were typically found amassed in depressions in caves, suggesting that they were carried there by water at one time. Recent human and animal activity had further reduced the level of preservation. In burial grounds, ploughs had usually shattered the human remains.

Guthe concludes very little about early Filipino cultures, except that they possibly reflect those of the modern interior tribes on the larger islands. Similarly, he is rather vague regarding his hypothesis on Chinese commerce. He suggests that further research along various archaeological avenues, as well as ethnographic ones, would enable researchers to put forward more concrete theories.

CLARITY: 3

KRISTINA WILSON University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Harrington, M.R.   A Primitive Pueblo City in Nevada.  American Anthropologist  March, 1927  Vol. 29(2):262-277

M.R. Harrington discusses his work done in the Pueblo Grande in Nevada and describes his archaeological findings. He begins by discussing the architecture of the pueblo. The most primitive houses found were the pit-dwellings, most often seen with adobe walls in Pueblo Grande. Notably, the houses were circular or oval, with semicircular courts in the larger houses. They were pretty much all one story; some had lateral entrances and some hatchways in the roofs. The walls were constructed of adobe bricks, or more typically, long masses of adobe. Some, particularly larger rooms, mixed stone with adobe. Most of the rooms were very small, never larger than ten or twelve feet in diameter. Harrington proposes that this may be due to the lack of long poles for roof beams. Most houses consisted of only one room, others had up to four, and the largest was found to have almost a hundred.

The artifacts they collected were found in three places: ruined rooms, waste deposits, and graves. Graves yielded the best preserved artifacts, and were filled with various pottery vessels, implements, and ornaments. Harrington goes into detail of the different pottery types found in the Pueblo Grande, discussing the decorations and functions on many types of vessels. He also mentions that while arrowheads were found, axes were not, which are normally seen in pueblos. Animal bone was also very rarely used. They also found remains of textiles, baskets, sandals, and netting bags, though these were all poorly preserved.

From such findings he concludes that the people of pueblo Grande relied largely on agriculture, less on animal resources. This pueblo, though very similar to other excavations done, has yielded some unique findings, and Harrington acknowledges that they have yet to place it chronologically.

CLARITY: 4

FRANCESCA SACASA  Columbia College (Paige West)

Harrington. Pueblo Grande de Nevada. American Anthropologist 1927 (262x)

Harrington begins his article by bringing to light the fact that although the remains of several primitive Pueblo developments are scattered all over the southwest, they earn far less attention than the later, more elaborate cliff dwellings of still prehistoric, yet later Pueblo cultures.  The Museum of the American Indian and The Heye Foundation, in coopertion with the State of Nevada came upon the discovery of a city of adobe ruins and pit-dwelling near St. Thomas, Nevada.  Harrington discusses how this discovery sheds additional light on the remote period of prehistoric Pueblo society when its culture was taking shape and Pueblo architecture was being formed.  The official name of the unearth ruins is "Pueblo Grande de Nevada," although the media and press refer to the city lightheartedly as “Lost City.”  Pueblo Grande seems to have been the largest Puebloan settlement in the State of Nevada.  At its widest, the city was no more than a mile; however, in most places it is much less.
As Harrington describes the structure and the layout of most of the houses discovered, we see the extremely primitive nature of the homes.  He points out that homes later developed from these crude pit dwellings, yet they began as simple pits in somewhat irregular rows.  In the article, Harrington discusses the evolution to rectangular shape of the “rooms,” and describes the development of floors and walls.  He continues to explain the evolution of trapdoors to relatively “modern” windows and doors, steps, ceilings, floors, and fireplaces.  His descriptions bring the reader to an understanding of how the simple dwellings seemed to sprout into the image of a many-roomed house; truly rectangular homes in rows with floors on the ground level were actually being built before Pueblo Grande was abandoned.  He even claims that the primitive homes ranged in size from one to three rooms all the way up to nearly one hundred rooms!  With Harrington’s detailed descriptions and explanations, we see how true Pueblo architecture was formed.
Just as Harrington thoroughly described the process of architectural evolution within this small city, he explains how as time progressed, sediment and residue slowly built up around the city and buried the physical remains of culture and life.  With the buried dead, archaeologists found objects in perfect condition that were found in pieces
elsewhere.  This natural preservation teaches us all today what life was like for the early Pueblos.  Harrington explains how pottery was the most abundant evidence of life, and that the different kind of pottery discovered revealed how the tribes advanced in their knowledge of pottery and in their ability to make it, as well as their knowledge of how to create tools and goods.  Two exceptionally preserved graves produced a girdle, colored cotton yarn, and most spectacularly, basketry.
Harrington concludes his article by stating that "there has been no time for extended comparisons, so any conclusions formed must be regarded as tentative (271)."  What he refers to is Pueblo Grande’s exact location in the chronological timeline of the Southwest.
The article declares that this dwelling is most like the one found at Paragonah, Utah, and yet goes on to state many differences, as well as similarities. "Paragonah seems to show a higher state of development than ours and quite possibly represents the same culture at a later time." Initially, experts thought it exemplified the transition period between the Pre-Pueblo and Early Pueblo periods. However, it is now believed instead to be a progression culture from the Post-Basket-Maker stage directly into the Early Pueblo.  According to Harrington, this would account for the conditions found at Pueblo Grande de Nevada.

CLARITY: 3

GRACE COYLE Colombia College (Paige West)

Holdredge, Claire Parker and Young, Kimball.     Circumcision Rites Among the Bajok. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol.29: 661-669

The authors’ objective is to describe the rites of male circumcision among the Bajok people of Africa, "which serve as the ceremony to initiate the adolescent into adult age classes" (662). Holdredge and Young have written this account based on the fieldwork of two anthropologists- Roscoe and Brown. In Africa, "where white man has touched black native customs", certain customs have disintegrated in areas such as weaving and hunting (663). Although these authors argue since the Bajok people have been so persistent in continuing ceremonial customs, these initiation rites have remained un-altered. Such evidence to support this argument, is the description of the process of the elaborate ceremony, the meaning of the affair, as well as the significance of the lessons of becoming a man.

The authors describe the circumcision ceremony as a lengthy and elaborate one that lasts for days. The ceremony is situated a few kilometers away from the village where only men could attend the affair. The night before the ceremony, all the men would gather to sing, dance and drink until the morning ritual. There is one operator for each boy who performs the incision and a number of rituals with each subject. After many months of healing, learning tribal customs and the secrets of manhood, the boys could return to the village as a man.

According to the authors, the meaning of the ceremony is to introduce the boys, through a traditional procedure, into the realm of manhood by ritual and mental processes. When the actual flesh is severed, it is collected and buried by the father so that no other person could find it and control or possess the boys, thereby making them do evil acts.

Holdredge and Young argue that Bajok ritual is significant because it teaches the novices these lengthy and essential rituals as well as the importance of becoming man. The day after ceremony, the boys are taught the secrets of sex and tribal matters that only men are in charge of. This offers the assumption that among the Bajok, men are the caretakers and informants on political and tribal matters in the villages. The novices could not return to the villages until after their wounds healed and their probationary period of 3-4 months ended. Upon their return to the village these transforming men performed their dances that they have learned and practiced, and then received their gifts.

Following this, they were assigned to a woman who taught them the technique of sexual intercourse. Once all this was complete, the new men were allowed to build their own house and marry if they desired.

The author’s accomplished their objective by stating the main argument of the article and then exemplified this Bajok ritual through the traditional initiation into the realm of manhood.

CLARITY RANKING:4

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Hooke, S. H.     Diffusion with a Difference. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29:615-624

Hooke’s objective is "to contrast two methods of dealing with the phenomena of distribution [diffusionism]" (p. 615). In this article, Hooke argues that Clark Wissler’s (a former anthropology student of Franz Boas), definition of diffusionism (cultural spreading), is poorly defined and ambiguous; whereas Gordon Childe’s (archaeologist) idea of diffusionism is clear and concise. The author uses Wissler’s own quotes and points out his contradictions from his book The Relation of Nature to Man in Aboriginal America (p. 615), and compares it to Childe’s "brilliant book, The Dawn of European Civilization" (p. 617). Evidence to support Hooke’s argument is used by stating Wissler’s mistakes in defining distribution, cultural isolation and the origin of Indigenous peoples of the New World. Secondly, the author refutes Wissler’s same idea of isolation through material traits of one culture. And thirdly, Hooke compares Wissler’s two ideas with Childe’s more favourable definition of diffusionism.

Hooke argues that, "Wissler’s treatment of culture distribution is vitiated throughout by oversimplification" (p. 618). Assuming that Wissler believes that indigenous people originated by the Alaska-Siberian connection, Hooke questions how this migration would conclude the way in which these people reached a position of cultural isolation in the New World (p. 616). Consequently, Hooke questions again, Wissler’s idea of the cultural matter and intelligence distribution, where the former argues against this by using the analogy of the invention of ball games. He argues that ball games took place contemporaneously not only in North American mythology, but in Egypt, Europe and Australia. Hooke therefore refutes Wissler’s idea of isolation and material/mental distribution.

Hooke asserts another fault in Wissler’s work, which is undermining archaeological evidence in finding similar material and mental characteristics between the Old and New World. For example, the elements of the Sun Dance practiced by indigenous people in North America, resemble parts of ceremonies in other places of the world (p. 619). Therefore Hooke disagrees with Wissler’s idea of cultural isolation in defining material traits of one culture, since one ceremonial practice can occur contemporaneously in other parts of the world.

Accordingly, Hooke argues and briefly describes Childe’s definition of diffusionism being an instructive one. The author therefore refutes Wissler’s concept by comparing his inaccurate and ambiguous work with other modern day anthropologists (especially with Childe’s), who have properly used this concept.

Hooke obtains his objective by comparing Wissler and Childe’s views of diffusionism with discrepancy; however, the author does not give much detail to Childe’s definition of distribution. Hooke accomplishes his objective, although the article was fairly difficult to interpret.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Hough, Walter.     A New Type of Stone Knife. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol.29:296-299.

The author’s objective is to discuss an "unusual implement of chipped flint, which in all probability is a knife". It differs from the form of a flint knife because it is nocked for hafting on one corner opposite the cutting edge instead of being nocked equally on both corners of the base. The first specimen was found in Taos, New Mexico, where it was "used by Pueblos as a fetish in accord with their custom in regard to ancient stone implements". Several other of these unusual implements, this time made out of obsidian, were found in a cave near Las Cruces, New Mexico. Texas proved to be a third locality including a lake at San Marcos and Travis Co. A translucent stone flint was photographed in Terry, Montana and added to the data, which serves as sufficient authority to regard this knife as a new type of flint implement. These specimens can be broken down into three variation: the first has finger grips formed in the handle, the second is rounder and simpler and shows a diagonal cutting edge, while the third is also cut on a diagonal edge. The author then notes that it is desired to "call this form to the attention of museums and collectors in the hope of extending the range of this rare type of flint knife".

The author accomplishes his objectives in this short but informative article, and hopefully invokes interest in this type of flint in the anthropological world.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

LINDSAY THOMPSON University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Houghton, Frederick     The Migrations of the Seneca Nation. American Anthropolgist 1927 Vol. 29: 241-250

In this article, the author discusses the migrations of the Seneca Nations. The author suggests that the present habitats of the Seneca are party due to the migrations during late historic times; however, it is also partly due to little known but evident movements during early historic and prehistoric times. During American Revolution, the Seneca affiliated themselves with the English, and consequently, the Seneca villages were burned. Since these events took place during early autumn, a time when cornfields in about every Seneca village were beginning to ripen, all of the cornfields were destroyed and the Seneca found themselves threatened with starvation. As a result, they fled to their allies, the English, at the nearest depot at Fort Niagara. In the following spring, the English government provided farming tools, and seeds to the Seneca; therefore, enabled them to form new homes. Seneca establish their new villages in areas along Buffalo Creek, Tonawanda Creek, Cazenovia Creek, and Cattaraugus Creek in western New York. In 1779, the villages were very fertile, and highly productive in farming. The aroused the admiration of the French. As a result, the French governor, Denonville, penetrated the isolated Seneca country at Irondequoit Bay, burned their four great towns and destroyed their farms. One large portion moved eastward to the region between Canandaigua Lake and Seneca Lake. A second group settled along the middle reaches of the Genesee River. According to the author, the latest pre-European Seneca village was at Richmond Mills, near Honeoye Lake. The first pre-European Seneca site was at Portageville, just above the falls of the Genesee River. In addition, the origin of the Seneca village was thought to be at Bolivar. In concluding his article, the author suggests that the most reasonable theory of the origin of the Seneca is that they were branches of the Erie nation, or of the people who later became the Erie.

This article is easy to follow, but there were parts that may confuse the readers. There was also information that I thought was unrelated to the article.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CHRISTINE LAM University of British Columbia, Canada (John Barker)

Krober, A.L.     Disposal of the Dead. American Anthropology. 1927, Vol.29: (308-315).

In this article the author discusses and compares the burial practices of specific aboriginal groups in California with those of other groups throughout the world. The author has two primary objectives, the first of which is to argue against the commonly believed assertion which claimed that Californian aboriginal burial practices were consistent. The second objective is to determine whether "affect-laden" customs, which evolve as a result of cultural integration and/or assimilation are inherently less stable than emotionally based or "low-toned" customs.

To address his first aim, the author analyses the archaeological evidence that pertained to aboriginal groups throughout California. In doing so, he finds that groups such as the Salinan, Maidu and other tribes, had not always buried their dead, as was commonly believed. Based on the author’s observations of charred evidence that dated back to an earlier period, he asserts that at one time some of the dead bodies must have been cremated. Likewise, through his research of mound sites along the San Francisco bay, which were originally believed to have functioned as crematories, the author finds that dead bodies were also interred.

In order to address his second objective, the author describes the burial practices of several cultures throughout the world. Although he refers to specific continents such as Australia, pre-historic Europe, Africa, and South America and discusses specific burial practices, he does not include important details regarding the names of the tribes, or the precise regions they occupied. Nevertheless, based on the examples given, he reinforces his central argument that burial practices of particular cultures rarely remain static.

Also, by looking at a wide range of examples throughout the world, he concludes that there is not enough evidence to answer the question posed earlier- that is whether low-toned burial practices are more consistent than affect-laden ones. Having said that however, he concludes by asserting that the disposal of the dead has little to do with biological or social necessities dictated by institutions of a culture, but more to do with the class of an individual within a culture.

CLARITY RATING: 4

EVE MOREAU University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Kroeber, A. L.     Coast and Highland in Prehistoric Peru. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29: 625-653

The author’s objective is to analytically review pre-Columbian cultural history concerning the relation of the coast and highland of Peru. Kroeber analyzes the different archaeological approaches from works of Max Uhle, who focused on coastal cultures such as the Lima culture, and Alfred Tallo, who paid particularly close attention to the highland areas like the Ica culture as well as a few coastal cultures such as the Nazco. Kroeber also uses the information supplied to him on the Peru expedition of 1926, on behalf of the Field Museum of Natural History. Kroeber argues that since 9/10^th of the interior of Peru is highly unknown, then the construction of Peruvian cultures are one sided. Therefore, since most of this material representation comes from the coast, Kroeber suggests that one cannot determine the conclusive origin of coastal culture. To support his argument, Kroeber uses evidence of Uhle’s framework and data collection of the Lima culture, Tallo’s work with Nazco culture, and the material investigation (such as ceramic remnants) supplied from his 1926 expedition.

Kroeber reveals that Uhle’s work provides "a foundation of our understanding of Peruvian culture", yet not something to base all answers on (625). Uhle’s method was that of distinguishing and identifying origin and dates of emerging cultures through materials such as styles of monuments, sculptures and ceramics stratified in the earth through time (625). For example, through scientific investigation, Uhle argues that Lima shows first signs of Tiahuanaco culture (Bolivian highland), since he found painted ceramics similar to this style.

In addition, Kroeber argues that Tallo’s more specific highland research, implies that Nazco coastal culture is found as a later phase of highland irradiation/ or influence. These highland cultures, which also seemed to have influenced Cuzco and Inca (more interior, midland cultures), identify Nazco style as a larger culture movement of highland origin.

Kroeber’s final evidence to support his argument is through the excavation in 1926. Since 150 of 30 000 Nazco style graves were opened, less than 1% of interpretations are based on clear evidence concerning Nazco origin. By stating this reveals that it is difficult to pin point where Nazco style originated. In addition, Kroeber and others believe that highland cultures (since it holds 2/3^rd’s of Peru’s population), marks as a register of what happened on the coast, however, it cannot account for evidence of exact coastal cultural origin, such as Nazco’s (631).

The author accomplishes his objective successfully, although much attention is deserved in following names of areas in reporting these details.

CLARITY RANKING:4

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Langford, George.     The Fisher Mound Group, Successive Aboriginal Occupations Near The Mouth of the Illinios River. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol.29:153-205.

This detailed survey of an old Indian village and mound site, located in Northeastern Illinios about 60 miles southwest of Chicago, represents more than one culture throughout its stratigraphic layers. The numerous superimposed graves, more specifically, mark evidence of at least three occupations.

The Fisher site is a "glacial limestone gravel deposit overlain by a veneer of dark surface soil, with sandstone and clay of the Lower Coal Measures beneath". The author refers to different mounds and pits separately, making the site easier to envision and the article easier to read. Various evidence of occupations are kept in the context of they layers in which they were found. Such findings include "human burials and relics, clay pots and artifacts of stone, bone, copper and shell (found in the middle layer) above which was a great bulk of loose refuse, potsherds, chert flakes, clams and shells and splintered animal bones". The lower level contains the largest skeletal remains in the mounds.

Consistently throughout the article, the author distinguishes between what information was found, stating the evidence, location and layer, and the occupation it is associated with. Along with the specifics of the unearthed artifacts, Langford attempts to connect his findings to mortuary customs, the manufacturing of clay pots and the role of copper, shell and animal bones within the cultures that once inhabited the site. It should also be noted that chipped stone implements, along with some animal bone artifacts) served as indicators of a stone culture in the Lower level.

Langford’s objective is to give a detailed survey of his findings at the Fisher site, while breaking it down into the locality and stratigraphic context. The author accomplishes his objectives in this detailed article that requires careful reading to get an understanding of the many aspects described. The reader would also benefit from an archaeological background as it is geared to the archaeological details and specifics of the site.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

LINDSAY THOMPSON University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Linton, Ralph.     Report on Work of Field Museum Expedition in Madagascar: From January to September 9, 1926. American Anthropologist 1927, Vol. 29: (292- 307).

The author’s main objective is to provide information about Madagascar to other anthropologists who may be travelling in the area. This information is based on his experience in the region, while he was serving as US government agent in search of purchasable land and collectables.

To discuss the country, he divides his paper into fifteen main topic which include geography, transportation, climate, living conditions, health, natives, working methods, and so on. In doing so the author attempts to give a well-rounded view of the country. However, it is important to notice that many of his descriptions regarding the country and its people are overly simplistic. When discussing the natives for example, he states that they are "surprisingly uniform"(295). He goes on to ethnocentrically describe them as "uniformly cowardly, treacherous and dishonest…" and later as "universally suspicious of anything or any one connected with the government"(297). None of these declarations are well substantiated but instead they reflect the author’s attitude toward the people of Madagascar.

Although the article is clearly written and easy to read, it provides an overly simplistic view of the country. This work would be particularly useful for researchers interested in such topics as ethnocentrism in anthropology and strategies used to collect "curiosities" for museum exhibits.

CLARITY RATING: 4

EVE MOREAU: University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Linton, Ralph.     Report on Work of Field Museum Expedition in Madagascar: From January to September 9, 1926. American Anthropologist 1927, Vol. 29: 292- 307.

The author’s main objective is to provide information about Madagascar to other anthropologists who may be travelling in the area. This information is based on his experience in the region, while he was serving as US government agent in search of purchasable land and collectables.

To discuss the country, he divides his paper into fifteen main topic which include geography, transportation, climate, living conditions, health, natives, working methods, and so on. In doing so the author attempts to give a well-rounded view of the country. However, it is important to notice that many of his descriptions regarding the country and its people are overly simplistic. When discussing the natives for example, he states that they are "surprisingly uniform"(295). He goes on to ethnocentrically describe them as "uniformly cowardly, treacherous and dishonest…" and later as "universally suspicious of anything or any one connected with the government"(297). None of these declarations are well substantiated but instead they reflect the author’s attitude toward the people of Madagascar.

Although the article is clearly written and easy to read, it provides an overly simplistic view of the country. This work would be particularly useful for researchers interested in such topics as ethnocentrism in anthropology and strategies used to collect "curiosities" for museum exhibits.

CLARITY RATING: 4

EVE MOREAU: University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Linton, Ralph.     Rice, A Malagasy Tradition. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol.29:654-670

This article is an ethnography regarding the meaning and tradition of rice among the Malagasy people. Ralph Linton recorded the article in a field expedition to Madagascar, led by the Museum of Natural History of Chicago. Linton’s objective is to explain the cycle or rice from the moment it is seeded to the moment it is eaten and prayed for by the Malagasy people. Linton argues that the lengthy process of farming rice and celebrating its production is the most important aspect of the Malagasy tradition. Evidence to support his work is explained by: the production of rice, the mythological and superstitious beliefs during the harvest, and finally the symbolic nature this tradition represents to the Malagasy people.

The author reveals the importance of the production process as being extremely specific, since there exists seventy different types of rice. Linton explains the method of sowing, labouring and harvesting which entails intense planning.

Linton explores the Malagasy mythological and religious beliefs concerning rice. For example, "it was forbidden to eat peanuts or to burn green plants at the fire in the house, while the rice was growing" (657). This action was believed to bring locusts to the fields and/or beckon natural catastrophes such as severe hailstorms and bring damage to crops.

Finally, Linton discloses the symbolic importance of rice to the Malagasy by the different ways of preparing food. He explains the special thanksgiving ceremonies, as well as the prayer sessions that were done directly to the gods [of rice]. This action affirms protection, for the well being of the people as well as their ancestors.

The author manages to attain his objective by recording the cycle of rice from the historical information and traditional knowledge of the Malagasy people. Linton appears to be writing for a wide audience, which therefore allows the general public to easily understand the article.

CLARITY RANKING:4

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Lutz Henry.     The Sumerian and Anthropologist. American Anthropologist. 1926,Vol. 29: 202-209.

The author’s main objective is to argue that the Sumerian people, with their keen interest to understand cultural development, were in many ways similar to anthropologists of the 19^th and 20^th-centuries. Unlike the Semitic people who believed that humans became more imperfect over the course of time, Sumerians, like many anthropologists, believed that humans progressed from a primitive stage to one that was more developed or civilized.

In order to effectively support his claim, Lutz first establishes that the Sumerian people were in fact interested in the development of culture. To illustrate this point he looks at two Sumerian belongings: the seal cylinders and the Didactic Poem. In both examples, there are references to hunting groups, which predate the Sumerian settlers. For example, upon each seal are the pre-Sumerian heroes, Enkidu, who is represented with bison horns, and Gilgamesh, who is often seen fighting a bison. According to Lutz, this animal, which is intrinsically related to hunting, indicates that Enkidu and Gilgamesh must represent a pre-Sumerian hunting people. These seals, therefore, must indicate that the Sumerians had an interest in the cultures preceding them.

The Sumerian Didactic Poem of Creation also supports this claim. The author refers to the poem in order to discuss the Sumerian perspective of cultural development. In their view, humans originate at a ‘low stage’ -that is, nomadic and hunting-based- and progress to a ‘higher stage,’ which refers to cultures that are settled and ‘civilized’.

The author accomplishes his objective, which is to liken Sumerians to anthropologists, through a clear, well organized, and well-supported discussion.

CLARITY RATING: 4

EVE MOREAU: University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker).

MacLeod, William Christie     Trade Restrictions in Early Society. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29:271-278

The author describes some trade restrictions in early society. The first trade restriction that the author talks about includes the Mohawk and Onandaga. The Long House include the Seneca, in the west, Keppers of the Western Door; the Mohawk, in the east, Keepers of the Eastern Door; and the Onandaga, in the center. In the middle of 17^th century, the French of Canada traded with the Onandaga by shipping merchandise around Lake Ontario straight into the Onandaga country. By going around Lake Ontario instead of going through Mohawk, they avoided paying a toll to the Mohawk. In 1652, the Mohawk protested. They wanted to change the policy of the confederacy by insisting that French goods from St. Lawrence must enter by their "door" and pay toll as they pass through. Another type of restriction that is described in the article happened among the natives of the Huron Iroquois. The restriction suggested that those who discovered a new line of trade or new field of trade automatically has a monopoly to this line of field. Moreover, family was also regarded as the unit of political representation; therefore, the family was, typically, the owner of its own territory. As a result, anyone wishing to travel across the territory of a family or band had to pay the family owner or the feudal lord or chief a payment equaling to the fine for trespass. For instance, in great Northwest, the Hudson Bay Company found that Stone Age aborigines had very definite trade boundary and trade regulations. The natives of this region were not interested in the fines, but rather wanted to act as middlemen between adjacent groups because they could make a profit by doing this. However, some groups fail to act as middlemen because adjacent groups were stronger and more powerful. In northwest coast, intergroup trade was very important, and sometimes vital to their survival.

The author concluded that early groups were not only greedy for resources of raw materials, but also eager for new markets. As a result, wars were often declared, and the weak were often exploited by the strong.

The article is interesting to read, but must be read slowly, especially when readers have no previous understanding in aborigines.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

CHRISTINE LAM University of British Columbia, Canada. ohn Barker)

Nelson, N. C.     Archaeological Research in North China. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29: 177-201

After scientists gained access to China around the turn of the century, three researchers made some notable discoveries mainly in the northern part of the country. In this article, Nelson comprehensively summarizes the finds of these researchers by analyzing their various papers on archaeological, geological and geographical finds. At the time, it was believed that humans originated in Asia, thus, archaeology is the primary focus above all else.

The author explains that Dr. J. G. Andersson s papers deal with thirty-eight Eneolithic sites, including peat bogs in the Peking Plain, the village of Yang Shao in northwestern Honan, Sha Kuo T un cave in Manchuria, and various localities in Kansu Province. He says that Dr. Andersson s finds included whole villages as well as isolated ceramics, skeletons, worked bone, antler and shells, etc.

In the work of Father Vincent and Father Teilhard de Chardin, Nelson highlights discoveries of Paleolithic remains that are similar to those associated with the Mousterian and Aurignacian cultures. He also notes Neolithic findings from the region within the northern limits of the bow in the Yellow River.

Despite his detailed summaries of the three archaeologist s discoveries, Nelson claims that there are still many gaps in the record, but if scientists had more information from French Indo-China, Yunnan, Tibet and Siberia, more conclusive observations could be made. He also states that while findings neither negate nor substantiate evidence for human origins in China, they do suggest that human culture originated elsewhere.

CLARITY: 3

KRISTINA WILSON University of British Columbia (John Barker)

Schuller, Rudolph.  The Native Country of the Maya-K’ice Indians.  American Anthropologist, 1927: 231-240.

This article concerns itself with the original homeland of the Maya-K’ice Indians, as well as the time and circumstances in which the Maya and Huaxteca separated.  Schuller begins by critiquing the theory of the well-known German scholar, Sapper, and later goes on to essentially disprove many of Sapper’s claims.  Schuller explains that it is not accurate to group languages together based only on the similarities of their words, something Sapper apparently does, and also that simply the nature of the language of a people does not show us definitely the migration pattern of those peoples.

Schuller goes on to explain some of the more ethnological characteristics of the Huaxteca people- how they were a strong people uninfluenced by even the Catholic church.   He explains that for a people to be so strong and uninfluenced, they must have been very numerous as smaller groups tended to be more easily influenced and converted by other cultures.  Because they were such a numerous people, a large scale migration would have been nearly impossible.  He also shows that the migration that Sapper claimed happened could not have happened even if the Huaxteca were a smaller people, since then they would have been assimilated into the other societies they passed through.

Based on his own interpretation, as well as other’s research, Schuller concludes that the Huaxteca migration must have occurred in very early times and that it undoubtedly had a large impact on the linguistic and ethnic makeup of the land.  He claims that this Huaxteca migration created a separation between the Huaxteca and the Maya that was never fixed.  He does not seem to give a definite answer to one of his two opening questions: the original homeland of the Maya, although he does say in the beginning of the article, that there could be no scientifically accurate answer.

CLARITY: 3

JENNY COHEN    Barnard College  (Paige West)

Schuller, Rudolph; The Native Country of the Maya- K’ice Indians, American Anthropologist, 1927, pg. 231

Schuller seeks to discover where lay the original homeland of the Maya- K’ice, and when, and under what circumstances did the Huaxteca, the northernmost branch of the Maya-K’ice (linguistic) tribe separate from the Maya. Indian race.  He offers an alternate opinion as to where the Maya originally came from.  He quotes the common opinion of a German scholar known as Sapper, who believed that the Huaxteca, a Mayan tribe traveled from Southwest Mexico to Northeast Mexico.  Schuller seeks to prove that the Mayan tribe originally existed in the Northeast and then traveled southwest.

He proves his case by combining ethnographic data of tribes to geographical remnants.  Furthermore, he discusses the hardships that would come upon a relatively small tribe such as the Huaxteca trying to emigrate, namely, trying to pass thru areas controlled by other, larger tribes.  Therefore, Schuller believes that the original home of the Maya was along the gulf coast, close to the Huaxteca.  Then, came an invasion of central Mexico by the Nahua Mexican tribe, which drove the Central Mexican residents south, and into the Maya territory.  This movement caused a breach between the Maya and the Huaxteca, which has remained separate ever since.  He proposes that the Maya Huaxteca  made up a uniform ethnological group, with a patrilineal structure (unlike the current Huaxteca, which has been more Matrilineal since the separation).  Therefore, the separation caused a movement of the Maya from North to the South, while the Huaxteca continued in the North.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JONATHAN ROSENBERG     Columbia University     (Paige West)

Smith, Harlan I.     A List of Petroglyphs in British Columbia. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29:605-610

The author’s objective is to identify a list of petroglyphs recorded in the province of British Columbia, Canada. Petroglyphs are defined as, "a sculpture in low relief, situated on rock in situ or at least of rather large size" (605). Since this article is plainly a list of petroglyphs, Smith has not developed any argument.

The list of petroglyphs is arranged in a geographical manner beginning with the petroglyphs in the northeastern sub-artic area to the southeastern plateau area of B.C.. The author believes it seems "desirable" to have a list like its kind to be on record for public access (606). The list is compiled of vouched sightings and reported sightings, which are also said to, "probably be correct", since several observers have reported the sightings (605).

Smith makes a point that there is other information surrounding these petroglyphs at the Victoria Memorial Museum in Ottawa. In conjunction with this, Smith explains that the province of British Columbia created this list in 1925, naming it under the Historic Objects Preservation Act. This Preservation Act advises that under the Lieutenant-Governor, "no person shall… remove, deface, obliterate, alter add to or otherwise interfere with the historic object…" (610).

Since this article is simply a list of the locations of petroglyphs for public query, Smith accomplishes his objective briefly and minimally, although he does not attempt to define the cultural and historical context associated with these petroglyphs.

CLARITY RANKING:3

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Smith, Harlan I.     A Pictograph on the Lower Skeena River, British Columbia. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol.29:611-614

The author’s objective is to describe the location and the visual image of a painted pictograph on the Skeena River in British Columbia. In this brief article, Smith simply describes the shapes and colours of the pictograph seen on the rock face. The article begins with the pictograph’s geographical location, the physical appearance, and then leads to a brief description of another set of pictographs along the river. Smith’s article lacks a significant amount of cultural and historical context, which signifies a "salvage" archaeological method of its time.

Smith describes the pictograph being visible from passing trains, one and a half miles East of Tyee on the Skeena River. These pictographs were painted in red and brown colours on a rock face approximately six and ten inches above the horizontal rock at the base of the cliff.

Smith argues that these images are presumed to be six "coppers" and one face, which are characteristic of the North Pacific culture (p. 613). The author inclines to say that this pictograph was made in honour of an individual, since "coppers" are associated with peoples of high status and great wealth (p. 613).

The author precedes to describe another set of pictographs further down the river, where Smith intelligently suggests that the pictograph’s "preservation as a provincial or national monument would seem well worth while…" (p. 613)

Smith accomplishes his objective by simply describing the visible archaeological monuments on the rock faces of the Skeena River.

CLARITY RANKING:4

DIANA SENICHENKO University of British Columbia, Vancouver (John Barker)

Smith, Harlan I.     A Prehistoric Earthwork in the Haida Indian Area. American Anthropologist 1927 Vol. 29: 109-111

Consisting primarily of a description of an earthwork discovered on Graham Island in the Queen Charlottes, this article provides dimensions, possible materials used in the original construction, conceivable temporal relationships between the sand dunes, trees and the earthwork, and potential functional explanations.

The discovery of the earthwork on Rose Point was made in 1919. It is comprised of various low ridges of earth, some of which form rectangles. The ridges measure twelve to eighteen inches in height and vary in length. A local resident posits that the walls are made of sods; however, Smith writes that it is more likely that they are made of timber. Covering part of the structure are sand dunes, which may have been present before or after construction. Inside one of the rectangles stands a 175 year old spruce tree. If the tree sprouted after the earthwork was built, it would date to about 1744.

Smith concludes that if there was any occupation of the site at all, it was of a short duration. He doubts that the ridges represent remains of banking around houses, for Haida houses were traditionally square. Other Haida sites have been identified as fortifications, but Smith has reservations about labeling Rose Point as such. In short, the author largely proposes what the site is not and supports his arguments with a comprehensive description.

CLARITY: 4

KRISTINA WILSON University of British Columbia (John Barker)