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American
Anthropologist
Clements, Forrest E., Sara M Schience, and T. K. Brown. A New Objective Method for Showing Special Relationships. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Volume 28(4):585-604.
This method gives a set of numbers that allow for objective analysis
with regards to the distribution of particular traits across cultural
lines. CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Clements, Forrest E., Sara M.
Schenck, and T.K. Brown. A
New Objective Method for Showing Special Relationships. American
Anthropologist October- December,
1926 Vol. 28(4):585-604. This article explains
how the authors converted Ralph Linton’s monograph
on “The Material Culture of the Marquesas Islands” into a new table that
allowed Linton’s data to be interpreted more objectively through the
use of statistics and probability. The original monograph compared the “material
culture” of six different Polynesian islands: Clements, Forrest F., Sara M. Schenck and T.K. Brown. A New Objective Method for Showing Special
Relationships. American
Anthropologist October-December,
1926 Vol.28(4):585-604. This
article takes as its starting place the need for more exact methods
of treating cultural data and suggests a specific methodology to achieve
the goal of greater objectivity in the treatment of such data. The
authors apply an extension of the standard “means square contingency” statistical
tool to correlate the data contained in Ralph Linton’s monograph, “The
Material Culture of the The basic methodology involves breaking down various traits into simple
units and then scoring each trait as present, absent or no data available. The
methodology makes it possible to show the special relationships, or,
put another way, the areas of similarity and dissimilarity, within the
general category of Polynesian culture. All
common elements are disregarded and the actual frequency of trait appearances
is compared to the frequency that would be present if chance were the
only force operating in the distribution of the data. It
is then possible to rank agreements and disagreements in traits along
a spectrum in which chance is a more or less potent factor. The goal of the study is largely formal. While
it reaches certain ethnological conclusions concerning two varieties
of Polynesian culture that appear to differ considerably, the principal
purpose of the study is to demonstrate the practicality and objectivity
of the authors’ methodology and, secondarily, to suggest to specialists
in Polynesian ethnology areas for further study and areas in which existing
data is weak. CLARITY: 3 .gif){kind=small} Davidson, D.
Sutherland. The
Basis of Social Organization in Davidson starts
out by noting that in his day the Australian aborigines captivated
the interest of ethnologists. He states that
they have a very
complex social structure. Researchers have described this, but they have
almost totally overlooked "the material culture and economic aspects
of Australian life" (529). The problem that Davidson addresses is
the argument over the many theories pertaining to the origin and advancement
of their social configurations. The author states that scholars often
come to an agreement only to withdraw into chaos. Davidson argues that additional ground rules need to be established
in order to arrive at a scholarly understanding. Many scholars of the
past, according to the author, have dealt with the problem of social
organization. They have produced a structure that Davidson suggests has
an unstable basis. They failed to start at the bottom. They started at
the problem and worked forward, instead of finding out about the history
of the problem. According to ethnographic evidence, there are four class systems in
the aboriginal society: the eight-class, the four-class, the two-class,
and the no-organization class (533). Davidson believes that the eight-class
evolved out of the four-class, the four-class evolved out of the two-class,
and the two-class started with no organization. The author then describes,
in as much detail as was available at that time, nine different social
groups. The main characteristics that are common in all nine groups are: They are subdivided into family units. Kinship runs through the male line. They are patrilocal. The local group has a headman as a leader. This position is hereditary
only if the son shows signs of ability. They have medicine men who sometimes are the same as the headman. The government consists of a council of elders. The elders are the
headmen and the older, more experienced men of the group. The "old theory" was
that the social organization started with the two-class system, but
Davidson suggests that the social
structure
began with no organization. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Davidson, Sutherland. The
Basis of Social Organization in Davidson is primarily concerned with the material and economic aspects
of Australian life. More specifically, he distills the controversy surrounding
the development of the various social patterns in Australian culture.
He claims that the fundamentals of the different Australian tribal structures
need to be deconstructed in order to resolve these conflicting arguments. The primary argument that Davidson
disagrees with, says that Aboriginal Australian tribal structure has
its roots in an original 2-Class social system. Davidson believes that
the original Australian tribe had no class division whatsoever, and that
subsequent class divisions (including a 2-Class social structure) all
stem from an original classless state. Davidson uses both, the geographical location, and the different class
division, of tribes, to explain how Australian culture developed. Examination
of the similarities between different classless tribes, as well as, the
similarities between classless tribes class-based tribes clarifies where
exactly the origins of Australian culture reside. He observes in different classless tribes: Kurnai,
Yuin, Geawegal, Chepra, Yerkla-Mining, Narrinyeri, Narrongel, tribes
of South West Victoria, and costal tribes of Peninsula Country of the Davidson summarizes the basic similarities amongst all the classless
tribes: Each is in an isolated area of the country, they are organized
into local groups (usually defined by familial relationships), trespassing
(within local groups) is forbidden, tribes continue via patralineal descent,
there is a leader (headman), and a council of elders. Davidson looks
at the extent to which the structure of the other class systems (2-Class,
4-Class, and 8-Class) resembles those of the classless system. He discovers that all of them, regardless
of their different social strata, have very similar social structures
in place. These similarities include, well-defined boundaries (based
on the division of the tribe into familial groupings), the presence of
a headman, and an established council of elders. Based on those results,
Davidson concludes that clearly, the no-class group is the earliest form
of Australian social organization, and it prevailed in CLARITY : 5 DANIELLE CHERRICK Davidson, Sutherland D. The Basis of Social Organization in Davidson criticized some prior studies done by anthropologists in He closely examines the classless groups of He then examines the same practices in the tribes which have two-, four-
and eight- class systems. He notes that they all share similarities with
one another and with the no-class tribes, and that the class system seems
to be overlaid on the underlying no-class system. He concludes by saying
that the no-class system has characteristics, which are universal, and
therefore is probably the ancestral system. Davidson writes in a very straight-forward and clear manner, and has
a very organized way of presenting the material, separately examining
each tribe and listing its characteristics. In his analyses he relies
heavily on the facts from fieldwork which others have gathered, and quotes
several anthropologists, and it is not even clear if he had been to all
of the places he describes himself. CLARITY: 5 LIZZA PROTAS De Angulo, Jaime. Two Parallel Modes of Conjunction
in the CLARITY RANKING: 4 De Angulo, Jamie. Two Parallel Modes of Conjugation in the The main focus of
the article by Jamie De Angulo is on how "everything" in
the De Angulo also states that for every descriptive conjugation there is a corresponding volitional conjugation. These are distinguished from each other by the use of prefixes and suffixes, and also by tonal patterns and internal vocalic changes. Next, she explains, "Tense is not used relationally, but only as a derivational concept expressed by the suffixes –ni for the past, -gu for the future descriptive, and by the prefix ma- for the future volitional." (p. 273) Finally, De Angulo describes that when you express "incipiative" action the words are pronounced in a volitional manner, rather than a descriptive manner. On the other hand, the descriptive form is used and the action is in the future. What the author is trying to point out is the importance of volition
for the Pit River Indian. The interesting thing in the CLARITY RANKING: 3 DANIEL MORALES, CHRISTINA WELCH, JENNIFER BENNISH, MATT CASTELLANI Northern De Angulo, Jaime. The
Background of Religious Feeling in a Primitive Tribe. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Jaime De Angulo. The Background
of the Religious Feeling in a Primitive Tribe. American
Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28: 352-360 Jaime De Angulo’s main aim is to try to contradict the notion that monotheism
is the major form of the religion of the “primitives”. In order to achieve
this goal, author gives an example from the religious practices of the
Pit River Indian tribe, who do not conform to the generalization given
above. Through the research and
observation of the life of the tribe the author was able to come to some
conclusions about the society of Pit River Indians. The life of the Pit
River Indians can be considered very simple; they live close to nature,
they are not farmers, on the contrary they are hunters and gatherers. The tribe doesn’t posses any concept of centralized
G-d or even a figure of G-d. Even
though animals are sacred to the people none of them are considered G-d,
and all animals are equally sacred in the eyes of the tribe. Even
though they do not have a well-defined notion of G-d, their lives are
full of religious practices. They value power, which to them is the same
thing as luck. Therefore luck
as well as gambling is sacred and the best gamblers are not only possessive
of power but are revered. Shamans,
people that are able to connect to the other world, usually “talk” to
spirits with the help of the interpreter. The
latter’s job is comprised of repeating what shaman says out loud with
a different intonation. Interpreter
serves as a connection between the world and the shaman. Even
though the Pit River Indian tribe has religious practices, definition
of what is sacred as well as religious beliefs and traditions, it can
be said that the concept of G-d to them is very unorganized, that is
there doesn’t exist one well defined image of G-d. Thus
we can say that the tribe doesn’t practice monotheism. The author explains the observations and conclusions through numerous
examples from everyday life of the tribe. The
evidence is the clearest when author quotes directly from the members
of that society. Clear and understandable language in addition to abundant
examples and explanations make the article easy to read and understand. CLARITY: 5 Gifford, Edward
Winslow. Miwok
Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal Gifford attempts to explain the practical use of lineages among the
Shoshonean people of According to Gifford, the Miwok, while functioning communally on a moiety
level, also organized themselves into lineages, which operated on a political
level. Genealogical relationships among the Miwok were based solely on
male lineage or patrilineal descent, called nena. On the other
hand, nena also meant the native home of their lineage ancestors.
The nena, or male lineage, had a main chief descending in direct
line from father to the oldest son. Each lineage was exogamous in that
they married outside their own lineage. Since the Miwok were a patrilineal
culture, only the women married into the lineage. Each lineage inhabited
their ancestors’ home or in other words owned that piece of land. Besides
the women who were married into the lineage/nena, only the male,
his offspring, and his descendants through the male line resided in one
area, the nena. However, the majority of land around them was
accessible to any lineage/nena in search of food by way of hunting
or gathering; this was an all-encompassing oral law and understood by
every lineage/nena. Gifford believes that these genealogical and social pieces of information
prove that the Miwok, a Shoshonean lineage, was once a self-governing
political unit. He continues to demonstrate his line of reasoning by
observing and remarking on the lineage similarities once used by other
Shoshonean peoples, such as those I named above, in comparison to the
Miwok. However, he does comment on their differences as well. Gifford expands on his theory by commenting on the evolution of these
lineages from one independent political component to combined lineages
working as a political unit, and then to village/civilized life. He often
used examples to back up his claim of lineage evolution. Such examples
include the merging of lineages due to white pressure, enemy trouble,
or better environmental quality. Though some of his examples were theories
rather than facts, he still provides the reader with an understandable
timeline of the transition from independent political lineages to village-like
societies, where lineages no longer control and categorize groups of
people. By explaining this evolutionary process, it is easier for the
reader to comprehend that Shoshonean peoples once relied on lineages
as self-governing political units, which over time merged into village
communities. Thus, lineages were no longer needed as political entities
and were used only for social organization. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Gifford, E.W. Miwok
Lineages and the Political Unit in Aborinal In this article,
the author describes the Miwok of Sierra Navada region in terms of their
social organization patterns. The term used to describe the Miwok kinship
system is referred to as
the patrilineal joint
family. This term has two meanings; it alludes to the male lineage pattern
as well as the ancestral home where the lineage first developed. The
Miwok are connected through a geneological relationship. Each lineage
is a political group made up of all its members living in the ancestral
home. The ancestral dwelling consisted of the male members of the lineage,
their wives and their children. Although each lineage held an area of
land, the majority of the land was unclaimed. In 1848, the Americans
arrived in the Sierra Miwok territory. This began the process of transforming
the lineages into villages. Due to Caucasian pressures, the Miwok were
driven from their ancestral sites. Many people from several unrelated
lineages were brought together to form a new political body, the village
community. The author makes the point that in the present day, the lineages of
the Miwoks are solely social groups. Although decades have past, each
individual remembers his or her place of origin and paternal ancestry.
This memory is celebrated by a performance at a ceremony. The Miwok situation
can be compared to the Desert Cahuilla of Southern California and the
Serrano of Southern California. Each of these groups share common ideas
which preserve the memory of the past political independence of each
lineage. The author successfully demonstrates that in the past, lineages existed
as both self-governing political units and as parts of larger political
bodies. The author accomplishes his objectives in this well organized
article. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Green, Laura
C. and Martha Warren Beckwith. Hawaiian
Customs and Beliefs Relating to Sickness and Death. American Anthropologist
January – March, 1926 Vol. 28 (1): 176-208. In this article the authors record descriptions and examples of Hawaiian
customs and beliefs concerning death, the soul after death, omens of
sickness and death, and the treatment of the sick. They begin with customs concerning treatment of the body after death.
When a Hawaiian commoner passes away the body is cleansed with salt water
and dressed before any wailing may take place. Wailing announces the
death and calls other members of the community into the household of
the deceased. When a chief or person of high rank dies his bones are
considered to hold power and bring luck to anyone who may possess them.
Because of the value of these bones someone must hide them; in many cases
that person must sacrifice his own life to protect the whereabouts of
the bones. After death, the soul of a Hawaiian may abide in one of three places:
a volcano, the ocean, or the dry plains. The place where the soul goes
depends on which god they worshipped during life. Occasionally the soul
of the deceased may become angry and it is then called a Lapu or
evil ghost of the dead. The Lapu may take on a shadowy form, be heard
in a whisper, be felt in the form of a warm breath, or chase a person.
Certain foods and drinks attract Lapu when they are carried at night.
Hawaiians also believe that the sprit of the dead stays in the area of
the body for some time after death and that it is possible to bring the
person back to life. There are several omens of sickness and death to Hawaiians. Sometimes
a sickness or death can be brought about by sorcery or imitative magic.
Many occurrences may warn of the coming of such events. For example,
it would be a sign of death if a child were to roll himself in a mat
while playing because this is a common practice in burial. There are
separate signs associated with the death of a chief. For example, if
a rainbow is seen that is broken at one end it is a sign that a chief
will become ill or die. Treatment of the sick relates to the belief in these omens and in sorcery.
Hawaiians are known to use herbs, massage and various natural cures in
treating their sick. If these do not succeed the illness is ascribed
to an angry god, spirit, or to sorcery. One must avoid angering the gods
which may be done in a variety of ways including failing to avoid object
or activities that are sacred to the gods. To gain forgiveness of sins
and possibly cure these illnesses one must pray and go through a sacrificial
rite called Pani. If an evil sprit has taken the body by possession
and is causing illness one must hire a Haka, a person with whom
the gods will communicate, and this person would expel the possessor
and the afflicted person would be cured. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Green, Laura
C. and Martha Warren Beckwith. Hawaiian
Customs and Beliefs Relating to Sickness and Death. American
Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:176-208 In this article, the authors describe Hawaiian burial customs. When
a person died, relatives washed and dressed the body. Saltwater was used
because of its power to purify and preserve. According to ancient Hawaiians,
saltwater was the wai kala or "water of forgiveness." The
lower part of the body was wrapped in bark cloth in order to form a palu or
skirt. The body was dressed in a kikepa which consisted of two
strips of bark cloth which wrapped around the back, chest and shoulder.
The body was kept for two or three days before being buried. The relatives
and friends of the deceased would show their respect by chanting and
wailing. In the past, injury was performed to the body such as knocking
out teeth, tattooing the tongue or scarring the body. A feast was prepared
by the family when there was a death. The authors explain that after death, the soul has three places where
it resides. These places are in a volcano, in water or on dry plains.
The dead live in an underworld called Milu. The authors discuss
how Hawaiians also believe in omens of sickness and death. For example,
it is a sign of death for children to roll themselves up in mats when
they play because ancestral chiefs were often buried like this. The authors
suggest that these omens are signs from the gods. There are several taboos
in Hawaiian culture. The authors give several examples of these taboos. Hawaiians use herbs, massage and prayer to heal the sick. Ku and
his wife, Hina are worshipped as the gods of medicine and are
invoked when herbs are gathered. If natural treatments do not work to
heal the sick, sacrifices are made to the gods. The authors display their vast knowledge of Hawaiian customs in an interesting
and understandable article. CLARITY RANKING 5 Gunther, Erna. An
Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony. American Anthropologist October-December, 1926 Vol.28(4):605-617. In this article, Gunther explores the presence of a ceremony marking
the arrival of the first seasonal salmon among North Pacific Coast Indians.
The migration of salmon upstream to spawn marks the beginning of the
fishing season for Native American groups in this area. It also signifies
the end of the near starvation conditions that these individuals endured
until this time. What the author concludes from her research is while
most of the tribes studied use salmon as an important part of their diet,
the presence of a ceremony is not universal. There are four main tribes mentioned in the article who participate
in the first salmon ceremony. While each tribe differs slightly in the
actual rituals employed at this time, all follow the same basic rules.
These rules include treating the salmon with respect, sharing the meat
with particular members of the tribe, reciting prayers, and following
specific rules for preparing the meal. Some surrounding tribes also have
ceremonies for the first salmon of the season but the ceremony might
be as simple as consuming the fish. The author states that the ceremony is not found among all the tribes
on the Gunther also examines the similarities between the salmon ceremonies
and ceremonies that are used to mark the first fruit or first bear of
the season for other Native American groups. These ceremonies are strikingly
similar and show that the reason given for such rituals is the respectful
attitude toward the food source and the desire for more to come in subsequent
seasons. The presence of taboos surrounding salmon is more widely accepted than
the rituals themselves. Most tribes that utilize the fish as a dietary
supplement follow strict guidelines for the disposal of the bones in
order to guarantee the return of the fish. Also, most tribes believe
in a correlation between salmon and twins. However, they differ on the
exact way they are correlated. Some believe that twins of the same sex
are reincarnations of salmon. Others believe that twins can call salmon
to specific rivers. The article seems to prove that salmon and the ceremony itself were
an important part of many tribes in the American Northwest. The specific
ways that the salmon affect their tribes differ from tribe to tribe but
the similarities imply that all the tribes are linked in their history
with regard to salmon. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Gunther, Erna. An
Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony. American Anthropologist 1926 Vol. 28:605-617 This article discusses the ceremony which marks the beginning of the
first salmon run of the season. When the salmon run up river to spawn,
the fishing season begins. This is a common ceremony shared by many North
West Coast First Nation groups. The ceremonial features are similar throughout
the area. Salmon plays an important role in the First Nation culture;
it is the principal animal food source, it plays an important role in
mythology and several taboos surround it. Many rituals are performed
for salmon. The author describes four first salmon ceremonies; the Tsimshian,
the Kwakiutl, the lower Lillooet, and the Snohomish. The author includes
a detailed map of the different tribal areas. Each ceremony involves
prayer, song, dance, and a feast of cooked salmon. The beliefs surrounding
salmon are expressed in mythology and taboo. Most often mythology describes
ceremonial behavior. The First Salmon ceremony is widespread and although
the expression varies somewhat from tribe to tribe, the basic idea is
the same. The author believes that the main concept of the First Salmon ceremony
originated in one tribe and spread through contact with neighboring groups.
The author presents this information in an organized article. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hallowell, A.
Irving. Bear
Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. American Anthropologist January-March,
1926 Vol. 28(1): 1-175. This article looks
at "primitive" peoples of
the northern hemisphere and their relation to the animals of their
environment; specifically
their relationship to the bear, as it appears in their magico-religious
beliefs. Hallowell begins
by explaining the two basic approaches mankind takes in dealing with
the natural environment. The first is
utilitarian, in
which man exploits animals for food and other uses. This also includes
domesticated animals that are exploited for their services or products,
such as milk. The second is psychological, how man himself views his
relationship to the animals. This includes folk beliefs, and also customs
of primitive cultures surrounding these animals. He points out that in
Euro-American societies the folklore about the animals is coupled with
an "assumed superiority" over them, thus allowing the utilitarian
viewpoint to be foremost in our culture. Hallowell questions the origins
of man’s concepts about animals, but says there is "no satisfactory
answer" to this question because the available data which most people
use to form their theories is incomplete. Hallowell then goes on to explain the method behind his investigation.
He has done comparative studies of many northern hemisphere peoples,
focusing on beliefs and customs associated with the bear. In doing this
type of study, he hopes to find an answer to the question of the origin
of psychological beliefs about this animal. Hallowell divides the cultures
he studied into two areas: North America and Hallowell begins his study by focusing on the animal. He examines the
geographic distribution of the bear within his study area, and what species
are present. He then looks at the hibernation habits of each species,
and what folk beliefs about that species and its habits are held by the
associated cultures. Next, he looks at the common elements of bear hunts
as practiced by each of these cultures. He looks at the weapons and methods
used by each culture, and the taboos associated with the hunt. Then Hallowell examines the customs and ceremonies held by each culture
associated with hunting the bear. He starts by identifying the linguistic
terminology used by the cultures to describe or identify the bear. Many
cultures use familial terms, especially grandfather. The ceremonies associated
with the bear hunt include calling the bear out of its den and apologies
given to the bear for the necessity of killing it. Post-mortem ceremonies
also involve taboos relating to the preparation of meat and disposal
of remains. Hallowell concludes that the history of bear customs originated with
an ancient boreal culture associated with the pursuit of reindeer. This
culture then spread throughout Eurasia, and later into This article was well written and informative, with fascinating data
and analysis; however, the amount of information covered in this small
a space caused a slight lack of clarity. Had the article been longer,
with more space given to explanation of the data, I believe it would
have been easier to digest. As is, it needs at least two readings to
fully understand. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hallowell, A.I. Bear Ceremonialism
in the Northern Hemisphere. American Anthropologist January, 1926 Vol.28(1):2-175. Hallowell presents,
in his dissertation, a comparative survey of the role of the bear in
the cultures of a variety of peoples
living throughout
the Northern Hemisphere. He draws information from the practices of what
he refers to as “Indian” or “primitive” peoples and uses that information
to compare and contrast different groups as well as different regions,
such a North America as opposed to Siberia or Hallowell argues that many such societies practice some form of animalism
and are closely connected to the species of animals found in their natural
environment. This connection arises from two factors, a utilitarian need
for food and other materials derived from animals, and a psychological
element. This latter aspect describes the beliefs and practices that
surround an animal which are often nearly religious in nature. He enters
into a short discussion on the nature and origin of these practices.
However, he ends this discussion by coming to the assertion that there
are many generalizations concerning animalism and that this is limiting
as each form is unique. The bear, Hallowell
argues, differs from other animals in that all of the cultures he has
incorporated into his study give
great importance
to this animal. This may be, he suggests, due to some distinctive characteristics
of the animal, such as its perceived resemblance to man as well as hibernation.
Bears are hunted using particular methods, and although the favored method
may differ regionally, there is nearly always one technique that is considered
to be the most appropriate. This technique often involves using spears
or axes, even when guns are available. The manner in which the carcass
is handled is of equal, if not greater, significance. Speeches or prayers
are often spoken or presents offered. It is clear that all the groups
used in this survey have great reverence for the bear and wish to appease
its soul by treating the body with honor. The skinning of the bear and
the treatment of its parts and the feasting upon the animal’s boiled
or roasted flesh are also practices surrounded by a great many rules
and taboos. For instance, among the Asiatic Eskimos the head and skin
of the slain bear are positioned within the house in the place of honor
and are, for five days, paid constant attention and respect. Bear ceremonialism
often involves or creates a sexual dichotomy. An example of this can
be seen in the practices in Hallowell concludes
his study by attempting to develop an explanation for the significance
of the bear, which exists over
a wide geographical
area. He dismisses the propositions that the bear’s “man-like” appearance
or its economic value are responsible for the reverence it is paid. This,
he argues, is because there are some areas that are inhabited by bears
but where the peoples do not exhibit particular or differential respect
for the animal. He concludes, rather, that the practices of bear ceremonialism
share a single origin and became distributed over a large geographical
area. It was after this dispersal of a common custom of bear ceremonialism
that the individual practices became modified, achieving the level of
differentiation Hallowell has observed. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LAUREN D. BLOOM Harrington, M.
R. Alanson
Skinner. American
Anthropologist April, 1926. Vol. 28(2): 275-280. The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, of Alanson Buck Skinner was born in Skinner was a very avid reader with a wonderful memory. Skinner probably
possessed the most detailed knowledge of the Central Algonkian tribes
and the Southern Siouan peoples who are similar in culture to the previous
tribes. Skinner concentrated most of his studies on material culture,
social organization, mythology, and religion. Skinner attained many accomplishments
throughout his life, but he will be best remembered as an ethnologist.
Skinner mostly wrote about the Menomini tribe of Skinner deeply loved Native Americans although he had no Indian ancestry
of his own. When he married his wife, Dorothy, a member of the Wyandot
tribe, he received the Wyandot Deer clan name of Tronyetase, meaning "Round
the Sky." Skinner was also formally adopted by the Menomini under
the Thunder clan name of Sekosa, or "Little Weasel," a
nickname that remained for most of his life. Skinner was a cheerful individual with a great sense of humor and a
radiant personality who had no troubles making a friend wherever he would
go regardless of color or culture. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Harrington, M. R. Alanson
Skinner. American Anthropologist
April, 1926. Vol. 28(2): 275-280. In this article, M.R. Harrington eulogizes Alanson B. Skinner, an anthropologist
who studied and wrote on American archeology and the lives of American
Indians. Skinner died in an automobile
accident in Alanson Buck Skinner was born in Skinner’s ethnographic work
focused on the native tribes of North America, including the Sauk,
the Potawatomi, the Iowa, the Cree, the Plains
Ojibway, the Salteaux, the Eastern Dakota, the Central Algonkians, and
the Southern
Siouan. His specialty, however,
were the Menomini of Wisconsin by whom he was formally adopted and named Sesoka or “Little Weasel.” After his marriage to Dorothy Preston Skinner,
a member of the Wyandot, Skinner received the Wyandot Deer-clan name
of Tronyetase or “Round the
Sky.” Despite some early dabbling in physical and
linguistic anthropology, Skinner was most interested in studying the
material culture, social organization, mythology, and religion of his
subjects. The extensive bibliography appended to his
obituary attests to the exhaustiveness of his effort. According to M.R. Harrington,
Skinner’s work was infused with a sensitivity
that reflected his concern for, and admiration of, his subjects. For
this reason, among others, the death of Alanson Buck Skinner was a tragic
loss to his family, his colleagues, and the indigenous people of CLARITY RANKING: 5 SETH CAFFREY Herskovits, Melville J. The
Cattle Complex in Herskovits identifies a culture complex of cattle in After discussing the concept of a culture area, the author applies the
American method to similar cattle ownership behaviors in CLARITY RANKING: 3 LARISSA L. EVEN Herskovits, Melville. The
Cattle Complex in It is a common occurrence
in many cultures around the world for there to be a "bride price" or
some sort of compensation, to the father of the bride, paid by the
bridegroom. This article focuses on
this custom in the tribes of eastern Informants maintain that there is no ownership implied with the bride
price. It is usually given to the parents of the bride to assure her
good treatment by her husband. For if her husband mistreats her and she
leaves he loses his wife and the dowry he paid her parents. The bride
price may also be compensation for the loss of her presence and work
ability to her parents. In some cases it is said to be compensation for
what it cost for her parents to raise her. A complex system of laws governing this custom has developed and is
known by all members of the society. These laws include such things as
the amount of the dowry, terms of refund, and what is to become of the
bride price under many different circumstances such as adultery and divorce. Cattle play a very important role in marriage for most tribes in For some societies children are betrothed at or before birth. The father
of a boy will go to the father of a girl, bringing him a small about
of cattle to seal the deal. Once the boy is grown he must pay the rest
of the bride price before he is allowed to marry the girl. The amount of the dowry given for a woman varies greatly depending on
the financial and social status of the individuals involved. Most of
the time the father helps his son pay his first bride price. Then, if
the son is to take more wives he must pay the dowry. Often the brothers
or uncle of the man may help him gather the required bride price and
in that case the woman becomes wife to the group. In poorer regions the
boy is responsible for gathering the bride price himself, which may take
from 18 months to two years. In some cultures influence from whites has
made money take the place of cattle in the bride price custom. It is
also standard that the larger the dowry given for a woman, the more she
feels her husband wants her and the greater her personal prestige. Cattle are often given to the woman as a present from her family when
she is married. Cattle are an integral part of almost all rituals in Cattle also play a very important, and complex, role in divorce. If
a woman leaves her husband because he is mistreating her, he may lose
his wife and his cattle. If a woman leaves her husband for another man
often that man is responsible for the repayment of the dowry. The situation
becomes more complex when there are children involved. Usually when a
woman leaves she takes her children with her. If the bride price is not
refunded to the husband he has full right to the children and in many
cases the right to any children the woman will bear in the future. If
the woman dies, does not perform her wifely duties, or does not have
children the husband may send her back to her family and demand that
his cattle be returned or that he is sent one of her sisters instead.
The bride price is, by law, usually repaid by the person determined at
fault in a divorce or not repaid at all if the husband is determined
to be the guilty party. Based on the circumstances, the process of divorce
gains complexity exponentially. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Herskovits, Melville J. The
Cattle Complex In This article covers a wide range of factors showing how cattle are intertwined
in everyday life and ritual in several East African tribes. He documents
how cattle are involved in birth and death rituals, marriage, rules of
inheritance and compensation, etc. Herskovits begins by giving
several examples of how cattle enter into birth rituals and ceremonies.
He states that even though the cow may
not be directly related to a certain ritual, it still may be indirectly
in the form of cow dung, milk and so on: " While they (cattle) are
not so closely connected with birth as with marriage, yet if the use
of milk and the imposition of milk taboos on the mother before the birth
of the child, the use of cow dung and cattle skin may be taken into consideration"(p.
494). The article shows different ways cattle are thought of as important
and are brought into many aspects of daily life other than subsistence.
An example that Herskovits gives comes from the Wawange tribe. A woman
who gives birth to twins is said to be so unlucky that she must be
secluded, for if she happens to look at a cow her unluckiness would
diffuse from
her to the cow, rendering the cow dry and unable to give milk (p.498). The cattle complex, Herskovits
explains, is most evident in death ceremonies. The ways cattle play
a part in deaths of significance are many. The
article gave a clever example of how cattle played a part in a death
among the
Kafirs: "The cows were left un-milked so that their disconsolate
lowing will support the wails of the women and add to the general air
of desolation at the death of their master"(p 494). At the funerals
of chiefs cattle were sacrificed in great numbers and graves were lined
with the skin of cattle. In some cases men were sewn up into freshly
flayed bovine skin. The article goes on to explain rules of inheritance concerning cattle
and how cattle are used as currency or compensation. Herskovits is very
clear and meticulously descriptive. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Herskovits, Melville J.. The Cattle Complex in Herskovits’ article is a basically a broad regional survey, which focuses
on manifestations of “the cattle complex” – basically anything to do
with cattle – in birth and death rituals, inheritance law, milk and grass
taboos, and law in general (in that order). Herskovits makes use of a
plethora of activities, many from other ethnographers, to make his point.
Unfortunately, the claim of his argument is the title, and as for his
argument’s structure, he does little to develop it, except for offering
pages and pages of examples, three or four lines from a “tribe” and
then three of four from another. The only claim he seems to make is
that cattle
are everything, they are the medium of wealth, and the unit of payment
that dominates most exchanges, inheritances, and fines. In pages 494 through 499,
Herskovits presents scores of different accounts and rituals of East
African peoples revolving around birth many of
these activities have some element relating cows and fertility. Some
examples:
The Nandi bury the newborn’s placenta in the cow-dung heap of the village.
The Banyoro only permit the nursing mother of a newborn boy to drink
milk from cows who have lost their calves; however, if a girl is born,
the mother may drink all milk without distinction. Pages 499 through 506 deal
with a similar multitude of death rituals. Here, though, there is an
articulated claim: “Almost every observer states
that, cattle being wealth, there is great reluctance to lose any of them.
It would argue their great significance, therefore, when one sees again
and again, especially in burial ceremonies, the almost prodigal consumption
of their meat.” (page 506) Then, cattle being defined
as wealth, Herskovits moves into another rambling list of loosely related
inheritance laws from many different
groups, noting the emphasis on division of cattle, livestock, and widows,
and the different responsibilities and obligations placed on the survivors
in each ethnic group. Pages 506 – 516 occupy inheritance, then pages
516 through 525 concern themselves with the taboos and rituals surrounding
milk and grass, as associates of cattle. Special vessels are necessary
for milk. Obviously the variety of practices from people to people
is fantastic, for examples, taboos on mixing milk and meat, or the
favoring
of soured milk. Some restrict pre-pubescent children to do the milking,
others forbid men or menstruating women from contact with milk-cows. Hersokvits’ summary concerns
itself with the law in CLARITY: 3 ERIC J. POSNER Herskovits, Melville J. The
Cattle Complex in In this article, Herskovits differentiates the culture-area of Herskovits describes a culture-area as being an empirical grouping of
tribes that manifests similar cultures. He
asserts that Herskovits compares the culture of Although the existence of cattle is a prerequisite to be considered
part of CLARITY: 4 MISHA ROBYN Herskovits, Melville J. The
Cattle Complex in The Cattle Complex in East Africa talks about finding the one
cultural trait that links a certain area of habitation, with its surrounding
neighbors. For example, this article
focuses on several areas in Eastern Africa, including the The cattle have become the dominant element in the cultures of the African
people. However, in order to
name a culture-area, having one main trait isn’t everything. “It
is the extent to which this trait has gathered about it a complex of
other traits which makes possible the mapping of an area” (Herskovits
652). In the case of the cattle
in Africa, it can be linked to many of the other events that occur in
daily life, which is why it can be said that there is a cattle complex
in Consequently, a culture-area is “an empirical grouping of tribes which
manifest similar cultures; that, being descriptive, it is a picture which
does not necessarily include time-depth” (Herskovits 657). The area should have related cultural settings,
but the elements of the complexes do not have to be fixed. So, though cattle are found throughout Eastern
Africa, one cannot automatically assume that all cultures around CLARITY: 4 YUMI CHO Herskovits, Melville J. The Cattle Complex
in This article is about cattle and how they are the basis of wealth in
East African culture. Cattle are the focus of East African culture
because people in this part of the world are pastoral nomads, and as
such cattle
are their means of survival. Another major role of cattle is in the
form of ceremonies. For a dowry, cattle are the most cherished gift
that a
husband can give to his new wife’s family. In some of the cultures
that Herskovits looked at a cow is commonly slaughtered to signify
the end
of a marriage ceremony. In the event of a divorce or if the wife
fails to produce any offspring for her husband then the repayment
of the
cattle is the primary issue. Herskovits also compares the cultural importance of cattle to surrounding
areas. He mentions the Bushmen whom he describes as "hunter gatherers." The
Bushmen do not depend on cattle as a means of subsistence, therefore
their culture is completely different from that of the people who live
in The argument that Herskovits is trying to make in this article is that
people with cattle or animals that play similar roles to cattle all share
common cultural characteristics. This can be seen in the marriage ceremonies,
milk drinking ceremonies, and division of labor taboos. At the end of
the article Herskovits makes the generalization that the more a culture
is dependent on something, in this case cattle, the more that culture
will revolve around that something. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Kidder, A. V. A Sandal from In this article the author described a sandal found in a cave of the
Chinlee system in CaZon de Chelly. Kidder explained that there are two
classes of sandals found in the caves and cliff dwellings of this region.
First, there are those made of cedar bark, yucca leaves, and other coarse
materials; second, those woven using tightly wound cords. The sandal
which is the focus of this article is of the second type. It is a scallop-toed
specimen associated with the post-Basket Maker culture which existed
between the Basket Maker culture and the Pre-Pueblo culture. According to Kidder, the sandal was in good condition. It appeared to
have been worn out and was most likely purposely discarded by the owner.
The sandal measured 9.75 inches long and 4.5 inches wide (at its widest
point). The wear patterns suggest it was worn on the left foot. It is
also asymmetrical, which may have been an attempt to shape the sandal
for the left foot, which is rare in this type of footwear. Kidder studied the method of weaving utilized in the creation of this
sandal by unweaving it, in essence, reversing the process used to create
it. The sandal was elaborately decorated using dyed materials in the
forward and mid sections, and a raised pattern in the rear area. The
raised pattern most likely served to thicken the sandal for extra wear
and to provide added traction. The raised pattern contained over a thousand
knot like loops. According to Kidder, this sandal was an average example of its type.
Thirty-five feet of three-strand yucca cord and 848 feet of fine apocynum
string were used in its manufacture. The weaver utilized nine methods
of weaving and dyed a large portion of the materials. Though the sandal was handsomely decorated, Kidder believed it was made
for everyday use because sandals of its kind were found plentifully in
the region. The author believed the careful design of the sandal was
due to pride in craftsmanship or possibly magical faith. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Kidder, A.V. A Sandal from This article is an ethnographic dissection of a pair of sandals found
in a cave of the Chinlee system, in Canon de Chelly. A.V. Kidder analyses the sandals’ shape,
decoration, and string components while paying special attention to
how they were woven. Kidder explains
that the toes were where the first warps were knotted. Consequently,
the analysis is broken into segments of the sandal that also begins at
the toes, followed by the forward zone, the middle decorated zone, the
rear zone and the terminal tie. The article contains numerous diagrams that depict the different methods
employed for weaving the sandal. Kidder’s
detailed exhibits describe nine weaves that were used in the sandal. Twilled twined weave over pairs of warps,
twilled lock weave over pairs of doubled warps, plain weave and double-wrap
knot were the common methods that created the structure and physical
form of the sandal. The Middle
Decorated Zone is given close attention as it has the most elaborate
patterns on the sandal. Twenty-two
black and brownish alternating lines woven with left-to-right crossing
and then right-to-left crossing produce an intricate checkered pattern. Kidder describes the sandal as an average specimen. Kidder points out that even the most basic
sandal requires an extensive amount of labor required to. The amount of string required was 35 feet
of yucca warp, 424 feet of weft and 848 feet of fine apocynum string. The process
of extracting the fiber from leaves or stalks, then cleaning, combing
and spinning the fibers by hand would have required a large effort for
the preliminary work that had to be done. Kidder
poses the question of why so much work was put into decorating the section
of the sandal that could not be seen under the foot and would get dirty
the quickest. In a single sentence,
Kidder offers the explanation of pride in craftsmanship or magical beliefs
as the reasons for this means of construction. CLARITY RANKING: 4 KORWIN CHIU Kroeber, A. L. Culture Stratifications in Kroeber’s article deals with the findings of a 1925 archaeological expedition
to The article is divided into two parts. In the first section Krober discusses
two of the ancient cultures in the |
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