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American
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Bogoras, Waldemar. Ideas of Space and Time in the Conception of Primitive Religion. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27 (2):205-266. In this article Bogoras examines the ideas of space and time in shamanistic
societies across Asia and Bogoras reviews many of the ritual practices of these shamanistic peoples. He recounts incantations for hunting rituals, for health, love, and many other things. Bogoras explains the layout of the spirit world of these people, where each spirit resides, and what they have dominion over in the real world. He goes into great detail about the customs involved with the hunt and how each practice is intended to make the hunt successful and all the spirits happy. Bogoras continues to delve into each facet of shamanistic and animistic religion and beliefs in over 60 pages of explanation. In conclusion, Bogoras attempts to relate examples given during physics lectures about the real world to his analysis of the shamanistic view of the world. Depending on your depth of understanding of the principle of general relativity this may make from some to no sense at all. This article may very well improve your understanding of these theories. CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Bogoras, Waldemar. Ideas of Space and Time in the Conception of Primitive Religion. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol.27(2):205-266. The author attempts
to correlate certain religious concepts of space and time embodied
in "primitive" myth, folklore, ritual, art
and philosophy with analogous concepts in "modern" physics
and psychology. His main hypothesis is that primitive ideas mirror modern
ones because people all have identical cognitive faculties of perception.
To support his hypothesis, Bogoras provides data on the Chukchi, Koryak
and Yukaghir of North-eastern Bogoras begins his
discussion by laying out scientific principles on the relativity of
time. He then explains how primitive
people perceive
the world through an ideological lens. Life’s events are a result of
supernatural forces and are swayed using magic, witchcraft and ritual.
He introduces the concept of animism, where the multi-tiered universe
is full of invisible spirits. Only shamans and spirits can move freely
between the dimensions of the universe. The size of spirits
is relative to their level of antagonism. Simply put, attacking spirits
grow to large proportions and vanquished
spirits
diminish. It can be said that people and spirits reside in different "systems" which
act and react against each other in a kinetic fashion. This corresponds
to a physics formula in which the size of bodies belonging to separate
systems are determined by the differential motion and velocity of these
systems. The perception of experiencing a prolonged sequence of events within
a short time-span occurs in a shamanistic trance. The shaman is ostensibly
able to complete a long journey to a spirit world within the short period
of his trance. This phenomenon mirrors another formula of physics: There
exists no absolute time. There exists in the primitive mind the concept
of co-existent forms of being existing outside of time. This is exemplified
by dualism in much religion, myth and folklore. The ways of perceiving
the objective world for modern humanity lies in the cognitive, psychological
realm. Dreams are a source
of religious
knowledge, yet they are a psychical anachronism: "Our dreams are
palaeolithic" (242). For the primitive mind, dreams are the same
as waking life. The primitive conceptions of space, time and dualism
coincide with dream-world elements. These primitive concepts are also
found in hallucinations, drug or alcohol induced visions, schizophrenia,
hypnotical suggestions, children’s play and in the "double consciousness" of
actors, poets and novelists. The same elements of space and time are
found in primitive art. Finally, Bogoras
discusses the theory of "mana": the pre-animistic,
impersonal conception of religion. If there is a "supreme being",
it is passive and aloof. The self and the universe are one. There is
no death, only eternal life. Other religious ideas evolved out of the
mana concept, including dualism, and it is only with the separation of
self from the universe that a fear of death arose. This esoteric and
somewhat ambitious article presents an unlikely fusion of science and
religion. Despite being nonsensical
at times and glaringly
racist at others, the author’s argument is quite enthralling. CLARITY RANKING: 2 .gif){kind=small} De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship
Terms in Some Languages of This article is a collection of kinship terms from nine groups in southern The author uses symbols which were commonly accepted by all American ethnologists of the time, omitting pitch tones. In addition, all open vowels were approximated to the nearest closed one and nasal breaths were noted with the symbol ". The list of data included in the article are terms for: father, mother, paternal uncle and aunt, maternal uncle and aunt, older brother and sister, younger brother and sister, offspring, son, daughter, paternal grandfather and grandmother, maternal grandfather and grandmother, grandchild, grandson, granddaughter, cousin, second cousin, nephew, niece, husband, wife, second wife, father-in-law, mother-in-law, and brother of either spouse. In several cases the data is either lacking (second cousin and second wife) or is the same for two particular kinship terms (i.e. maternal and paternal uncle or older and younger brother). This article consists solely of the lists of kinship terms, lacking any sort of analysis of the data. There is a brief introductory paragraph which simply outlines from where the data is derived as well as a brief explanation of the symbols used. CLARITY RANKING: 3 De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship Terms in Some Languages of In this article, Angulo presents a list of kinship terms from several Southern Mexican languages. He uses languages from the Zapotecan, Chontal, and Mixe families. More specifically, he lists words in Zapotec, Mixtec, Mazatec, Chatino, Chocho, Cuicatec, Chinantec, Mixe, and Chontal. He gives examples of words such as Father, Mother, Paternal Uncle, Paternal Aunt, and Older Brother and Sister. All of the languages differ greatly from each other as far as the words themselves are concerned, but when it comes to patterns, such as word for “brother” also being the word for “cousin,” the languages are very similar. In all the languages, the words for Paternal Aunt and Uncle are the same as the words for Maternal Aunt and Uncle. In Zapotec and Mixtec, the word for Older Brother and Sister change depending on who is addressing them. For example, if a sister is talking to her brother (in Zapotec), she calls him "pizaa," but if a brother is talking to his brother, he calls him "betza." In all the languages except for Mixe and Chontal, the terms for younger brother and sister match the terms for older brother and sister. In all languages except for Mixe, there is a collective term for children, and sons and daughters are not differentiated through terminology. This article was fairly hard to comprehend simply because Angulo gave no commentary on the lists of vocabulary he presented. After a brief introduction, in which he did not really give his purpose in writing, he stated that he had “assembled the following list of kinship terms” and then left the reader to figure it out for himself. CLARITY: 2 NICOLE MCMILLAN De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship
Terms in Some Language of This article is simply a list of kinship terms collected from nine different
groups in southern Omitting pitch tones, the author simplified the phonetic transcription for the symbols he chose. The symbols were limited to those which were commonly accepted by all American ethnologists of that time period. In an attempt to indicate pronunciations as cleary as possible, the author approximated all open vowels to the nearest closed one and nasal breaths were noted with the symbol “. The data included in the article are terms for the following: father, mother, paternal uncle and aunt, maternal uncle and aunt, older brother and sister, younger brother and sister, “offspring”, son, daughter, paternal grandfather and grandmother, maternal grandfather and grandmother, grandchild, grandson, granddaughter, cousin, second cousin, nephew, niece, husband, wife, second wife, father-in-law, mother-in-law, and brother of either spouse. For some of the cases the data is either incomplete, such as for second cousin and second wife, or the data is exactly the same for two particular kinship terms, such as for maternal and paternal uncle or older and younger brother. This article is just a simple list of kinship terms. The author does not analyze the data in any way or state the purpose of collecting this data. The short introductory paragraph provides information on where the data comes from and an explanation of the symbols used. However, this article is just a list of terms and does not seem to have a purpose. CLARITY: 3 HANNAH AHN Delabarre, Edmund
Burke. A Possible
Pre-Algonkian Culture in Delabarre wrote this article to propose that the archaeological evidence
he discovered on The article includes the location, size, and a photograph of the archaeological
site, Half of the artifacts were excavated from a maximum depth of nine inches
below surface and the other half were collected from the beach during
low tides. Of the sample collected, three-fourths of the artifacts were
various projectile points. Delabarre notes that some of the projectiles
found look similar to Algonkian tools, but others represent an earlier
form differing from the later projectiles. He found that the Grassy Island
Indians made a larger proportion of stemmed projectile points than did
the later Wampanoags who manufactured a larger proportion of smaller,
triangular arrow points. Delabarre also provides data on the various
types of materials (quartz, green shale, rhyolite, sandstone, quartzite,
felsite) used to manufacture the tools and suggests that some of the
materials were obtained from a considerable distance, because they are
exotic materials not located on Delabarre realizes
his limitations and says that the sample of artifacts he discovered
may not be enough to represent an
entire culture, but he
feels that the large sample and the variety of types of artifacts he
collected at Grassy Island represents a cultural occupation of a pre-Algonkian
group over a long period of time. Delabarre says that the occupation
of the island probably wasn’t continual because of rising tides, but
rather a seasonal area of occupation. From the evidence collected he
determined that the Grassy Island Indians engaged in agriculture and
used red and black paints, but there was no evidence to link this culture
to that of the Red Paint People of Maine. Delabarre says the chief value
of his observations is that they help give clues as to the earliest inhabitants
of CLARITY RANKING: 4 Delabarre, Edmund
Burke. A
Possible Pre-Algonkian Culture in This article looks at evidence in which suggests that there may have
been an indigenous culture that occupied the Burke provides an extensive description of the site where the lithic
artifacts were found. He notes that this area are problematic, as the
deposits are now covered by several feet of salt-water peat. This area was difficult to excavate
systematically as the tide frequently shifts the context of the artifacts
(361). However Burke was able to determine a rate of peat growth that
would imply that this site dates from as early as [AD] 1640 (368) In order to analyze the lithic artifacts found, Burke divides them into
several groups. Three quarters fall under the category of chipped objects,
being arrowheads, knives and perforators, which he then classifies into
smaller groups based upon shape. These objects were made of various materials
such as quartz or rhyolite. Some of the materials used have come from
considerable distances, which may indicate trade networks or natural
movement processes of these materials such as glacial drift(363). Burke
also makes special note of lithic tools similar in morphology to contemporary
indigenous hoes, which implies that these earlier peoples may have been
agriculturalists (364-365). Other artifacts include ground stones such
as mortars and pestles. Some of these artifacts are especially important,
as they possess evidence of fire damage indicating that at the time of
inhabitation the site was out of the way of the tide zone (365). These
lines of evidence such as the lithic scatters themselves, hearths, and
indicators of agriculture lead Burke to determine this to be a locate
of early settlement. This article has a clear statement of purpose and a strong emphasis
on description, and classification. Burke further supplements this article
with numerous pictures of the lithic artifacts of which he describes. CLARITY: 4 Hoernle, A. Winifred. The
Social Organization of the Hottentots of This article is an overview of the social organization of a group living in an area known as the Protectorate of Southwest Africa in the 1920's. Hoernle begins with a short history of the groups that make up the present-day Nama Hottentots, and a survey of the area in which they live. The Nama were originally two groups, known to Dutch settlers as the Little Namaqua and the Great Namaqua. The Little and Great Namaqua were nomadic pastoralists who were divided into tribes. At the time this article was written the tribes were no longer distinct groups, but had mixed. Some of the tribes no longer had living members. Therefore, the information presented is a historical record of the original social organization of the Nama Hottentots, inferred from information gathered from "old headmen." According to the headmen, the tribes were broken down into groups called sibs. Members of a sib were considered to be blood relatives. The sib formed the strongest social group. Hoernle found that the Hottentots had a classificatory kinship system. She gave evidence of this using a categorization devised by Professor Radcliffe-Brown that breaks the terms used for kinship into levels of ascending and descending generations. The Hottentots use the same terms for grandparents on the mother’s and father’s sides. They also use the term for wife to describe their wife’s sister. Hoernle’s main evidence for the structure of the system is based on Hottentot kinship terminology, and the way in which relatives behave toward one another. She ends the article by bringing the two together to argue that a Hottentot kinship term actually defines appropriate behavior. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hoernle, Winifred. The
Social Organization of the Nama Hottentots of In this article
the author concerns herself with detailing the social organization
of the people generally known as the Hottentots,
but call
themselves the Nama, who reside within the territory, that in 1921, was
called the Protectorate of Southwest Africa. She attempts to describe
Nama social structure as it existed in the past before the influence
of colonization and other incoming tribes. This work can be classified
as "salvage" ethnography; she pieces together information gathered
from the old headmen of the tribes and accounts from the younger generation
to reconstruct Nama social patterns of interaction and kinship terminology. The first section
of article provides a historical backdrop of the region, outlining
how the external influences that effected
the area have resulted
in a culture that is "in the last stages of decay" (8). The
author begins with a description of the landscape and the Nama’s relationship
with its resources. She then goes on to explain how the Nama originally
believed themselves to be descended from one line of ancestors that then
divided into seven groups. A discussion follows outlining how the influence
of incoming tribes (where there was evidence of the existence of European-Native
admixture and the use of European languages) and the increasing presence
of colonists resulted in a breakdown of the Nama way of life. These external
variables caused: a disruption in migration that was tied to resource
use, a dismantling of tribal organization and politics, and the loss
of traditional social organization patterns and kinship terminology. The author now moves
into a discussion of Nama social organization as it existed in the
past. She discovers that the "sib" is
the strongest social unit in Nama existence, overriding even the importance
of tribal allegiance, and that this finding is consistent throughout
the region. The tribe is composed of a number of patrilineal sibs, a
patrilineal sib being a group of people claiming to be related along
the male line. The author then describes the how the interplay between
hereditary status, leadership, politics and marriage patterns function
within the Nama sib system. She focuses on Swartbooi tribe believing
this tribe to be representative of Nama social organization in general.
The effect of the sib system on settlement and living arrangements is
discussed next, following by a description of the quality of relationships
between non-sib and sib members of the tribe. Members of the same sib
regard themselves as blood relatives and certain taboos mark their conduct
towards each other. The remainder of the paper lays out the classificatory kinship terminology.
It should be noted that in this system, devised by Radcliffe-Brown, the
relative age of the person speaking and the person being spoken to are
carefully recognized. The terms are outlined according to 1st and
2nd ascending and descending generations with the ego falling
into the contemporary generation category. A brief mention of behavioral
protocol is touched upon in the conclusion, highlighting the moral and
social regulatory aspects of the sib system and the respect that is shown
for elders. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hooten, E.A. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27(2): 357-358. This obituary for
Louis Robert Sullivan describes a man who lived a short life of only
33 years, however still accomplished
a lot in that
little time. The majority of Sullivan’s work dealt with race mixtures
in the Hawaiian Islands, where Sullivan worked for the Bishop Museum
of Honolulu by the Hooten describes Sullivan as a man who was respected by his peers not only as a professional, but also as an individual. The loss of Louis Sullivan, in Hooten’s opinion, deprives anthropology of what could have been one of the best minds to come around. Still, during that short time he was able to complete more than most people. His work covered many subjects, but primarily Polynesian anthropometry, and included a manual so people could do field work in anthropometry. CLEARITY RANKING: 5 Hooton, A.E. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27 (2): 357-358. This article addresses the untimely death of Louis Robert Sullivan,
an anthropologist responsible for collecting vast amounts of anthropometric
data in the Hooton’s purpose
is to emphasize the importance of exceptional anthropological work,
accomplished under the guidance of a devoted
anthropologist. By
using examples from Sullivan’s life, Hooton is able to present an argument
for increased spending on anthropological research without appearing
self-centered. For example, Hooton states that Sullivan’s
anthropometric data on race mixtures in the After defining this first problem, Hooton goes on to examine the living conditions of Sullivan. Hooton states that Sullivan lived in poverty during the early years of his life. Hooton then slyly mentions that research anthropologists attached to museums cannot possibly make enough money to support themselves and/or their families (358). Although the museum did make every effort to aid Sullivan financially when he contracted pleurisy, he enjoyed the social relaxations of a first-rate mechanic during his early 20s. To play on the reader’s emotions, Hooton insists that Sullivan had an unbiased attitude toward new ideas and new methods for his work. Hooton stresses the need for people like Sullivan in the field of anthropology, instead of independently wealthy people who want to do field work (358). In this article, Hooton presents a concise, yet elegant, biography of anthropologist Robert Louis Sullivan. While doing so, Hooton craftily inserts an argument for greater allocations of money towards anthropological research and/or the salaries of anthropologists. In the process of remembering his friend, Hooton seeks to better the conditions of the anthropological community. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JULIA NAGLE Hooton, E.A. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist 1925 vol. 27: 357-258 Although three-quarters of this article act as an appreciative remembrance for the life of Louis R. Sullivan and his work to physical anthropology; the true message and larger social concern emerges somewhat rashly in the closing statement. E.A Hooton advertently uses Louis Sullivan as an instrument to bring about social awareness of the economic oppression which attacked research anthropologists during the early 20th century. Hooton structured the article with intentions, not to immortalize Sullivan’s great efforts towards anthropological progress, but rather claim that Sullivan’s death would have been preventable if anthropologists were given the basic capitalistic means in order to survive. The Article begins
and goes on to exposes the life and accomplishments of Louis Sullivan.
It quickly became obvious that Sullivan
was a man
who held deep passion towards his field of work. Hooton showed Sullivan’s
path into the field of anthropology through the schools he attended,
degrees he earned, and work he did; he exposed Sullivan’s background,
and by doing so showed his caliber. After graduating and receiving his
A.M. degree from After providing a background, Hooton delved into the actual work Sullivan
accomplished as a professional anthropologist. Although his professional
career was short, due to his prolonged illness that inturn ended his
life; Sullivan took on interesting studies and forged through with new
ideas. He worked in Hooton blames Sullivan’s untimely death on the “poverty” of the anthropologist, claiming that his death would have been preventable if Sullivan received a “living wage.” At one level this article was written to memorialize a dedicated anthropologist. However, it also carries indignation towards society. Hooton faults the economic tier and implies that anthologists are not financially supported enough to live in relation to the jobs they do. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LAUREN BELIVE Kantor, J. R. Anthropology, Race, Psychology, and Culture. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27(2):267-283. J. R. Kantor aggressively critiques the role and responsibility of psychology in the study of culture and the willingness of anthropologists to accept psychological tools without questioning their cultural biases. Kantor first questions the validity of psychological tests to measure the "mentality" of other cultures. He claims these tests are a "product of cultural development" and therefore inaccurate in other cultures, and cannot be used to determine if innate mental endowment even exists. He asserts that there is no "native mental endowment" based on biological differences of race. He also believes the mentality of a specific group is dependent upon materials found within the group or those taken from others, which are then passed down the generations and altered over time. Kantor defends his dismissal of "racial mental endowment" by explaining the role of biology to direct a "physiological response of a psychological organism to particular stimuli." The response is determined by experience and stimulus and cannot be isolated to one biological function. He uses language acquisition as his example. All humans have the same biological structures to produce speech, but language is a psychological function that differs from group to group. It is a complex interaction of the individual, culture and stimuli. He warns readers of the dangers of seeking anatomical structures for every psychological feature such as politeness, intellect, or patriotism. In doing so, psychology has all too easily ignored the influences of culture on psychological development and the interaction of nature and nurture. He states the issue is not one of race but of the general character of psychological activities. Basing cultural differences on racial endowment highlights psychology’s inability to critically observe human behavior and is ethnocentric science. Anthropology is not without blame either, as Kantor admonishes that "the anthropologist is insensitive to the temperature of his own intellectual bath." He stresses the importance of recognizing the influence our own culture has on scientific interpretations. He critiques both fields for succumbing to the force of tradition instead of observable evidence. Kantor states the two fields of psychology and anthropology are compatible and can assist one another. By being aware of the bias that can occur due to our own culture, we can then alter the field of study to accommodate it and become more accurate in reporting. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Kantor, J.R. Anthropology,
Race, Psychology, and Culture American
Anthropologist, 1925. Vol.27:267-283. Kantor argues in this paper that when anthropologists study the psychological race factor, the tradition and the weight behind it outweighs the use factual observation and discusses the ways in which this is problematic. Kantor discusses the arguments for and against belief in native traits, as well as the relationships between mentality/ psychological phenomena, and culture CLARITY:3 Kantor, J.R. Anthropology, Race, Psychology, and Culture. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27(2):267-283. Kantor critiques the position of psychology in reference to anthropology. He asserts that some considerations of the fundamental tenets of objective or biological psychology will help anthropologists to attack the theory of objective psychology which suggests ideas about the psychological features of race. Kantor states that anthropologists fail to explore the some intellectual circumstances in their own culture. Kantor strongly believes that by studying the psychological race factor, the anthropologist neglects psychological concepts that apply to their own culture’s problems. Instead, anthropologists borrow from the traditional way of thinking, which in fact, according to the author, does not benefit them at all. Kantor first explores the role of the mental endowment. He states that we assume that mental endowment even exists and if not, then there is no point in identifying the whether other human groups have different degrees of it. Psychology tests are used to measure the mentality of other cultures, but Kantor refutes this point. He believes that the tests are purely just a product of culture, so it can not be used to justify that mental endowment exists. He does not believe that mental endowment is passed down through generations because the endowment is solely based on the stimulational objects in the group, which is consistent throughout generations. He considers the biological functions of an organism as factors that can be analyzed outside of the psychological conduct because beyond an animal’s basic reflexes, all other factors are not needed. Kantor supports his assertion that racial mental endowment does not exist by explaining biology even further by reducing it to reflexes. The response, or reflex, is provoked by experience or a stimulus. To support this, Kantor uses the example of language. Humans all have the same mechanisms to formulate speech, however speech still remains something that varies group to group. It is based on the interaction of an organism and its culture and surrounding stimuli. Kantor draws attention to the fact the importance of seeing the influence our own culture has on scientific interpretations. He emphasizes the strength of looking at both anthropology and psychology together and recognizing the biases will lead to more accurate anthropological reports. CLARITY: 3 MICHELLE MORSE Kidder, A. V. Theophil Mitchell Prudden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):149-150. This article is
a short biography of Dr. Theophil Mitchell Prudden, one of the foremost
students of Southwestern archaeology during
the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Dr. Prudden was an
avocational archaeologist, he advanced the study of Southwestern culture
dramatically. For many years it was Dr. Prudden’s custom to relax from
his professional duties at the Rockefeller Institute with trips to CLARITY RANKING: 5 Kidder, A. V. Theophil Mitchell Prudden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):149-150. This is a short biography promoting the work of the late Theophil Mitchell
Prudden who is here written as one of the foremost students of Southwestern
archeology as well as one of the Founders the Anthropological Association. Prudden
worked at the Rockefeller Institute but traveled to CLARITY: 5 SABRINA MONDSCHEIN MacLeod, William
Christie. Certain
Mortuary Aspects of This article examines
some of the mortuary practices of the Native American peoples of the
North American Northwest Coast.
He first focuses on what
he believed Tylor overlooked, the so-called "mitigated survival" of
widow burning. MacLeod begins by explaining the mortality customs of
three groups (the Carriers, the northern Kwakiutl, and the Sikanni) who
require the widow to throw herself onto her husband’s funeral pyre—a
pile of wood used when cremating a dead body. It is believed that these
groups borrowed this custom from the Tsimshian and that the cremating
practices of each group did not arise independently. He later goes on
to explain the mortuary practices (including cremation and mummification),
of several of the different groups of the Northwest Coast including:
the Tlingit, Tsimshian, Tcilquek, Kwantlem, Haida, Kutchin, Tahltan,
Nootka, Salish, Pitlatlq, Quinault, Cowichan, Clallam, Aleuts, Kadiak,
and Clayoquot; and how each group may be related or unrelated to each
other. MacLeod also notes some of the similarities of mortuary practices
of the As far as cremation is concerned, it is probable that the practice among
the various groups found in the plateau regions may be a result of diffusion
from those groups found on the coast. It is also possible that cremation
use came from areas to the south of the Although many groups did practice cremation, it was not the only fate
that would result upon death. MacLeod mentions that some of the ceremonies
involved with cremation suggest a previous practice of burial. In addition,
mummification was a mortuary custom used among some of the peoples of
the MacLeod’s article
illustrates the various mortuary traditions of the aboriginal peoples
of the CLARITY RANKING: 3 Macleod, William
Christie. Certain
Mortuary Aspects of The author discusses the immolation of widows by burning, cremation,
shaman mortuary officials and mummification in Northwest coast culture.
The data are taken from secondary sources, primarily from other anthropologists.
The specific peoples concerned include the Kwakiutl, Sikanni, Tsimshian,
Carriers, Tlingit, Haida, Tahltan, Kutchin, Nootka, Coast Salish, Chinook,
Cowichan, Quinault, Tcilqeuk, Clallam, Aleuts and Kadiak. The immolation of widows by burning occurs during the cremation of her
spouse and is confined to the Carriers, the northern Kwakiutl and the
Sikanni. Widowers are also subject to this practice, but less often and
less cruelly. After the mortuary potlatch, the deceased individual is
placed on an elevated pyre and set alight. The widow is suspected of
contributing to the death of her spouse. She is obliged to lie on the
funeral pyre and embrace the burning remains of her husband until covered
in blisters. If she is known to be an unsatisfactory wife, she is repeatedly
flung back into the flames by the mourners. After the cremation, she
carries the charred bones of her husband in a back-pack for several years
until the mourning period is over. Widows often commit suicide to avoid
this torture. Cremation seems to be limited to the Northern groups on the Pacific
coast. The corpse is placed in a box before being burnt, and the heart
is removed and buried. Due to their status, shamans are never cremated,
but rather interred in isolated grave-houses. For some groups of people,
cremation is only practised in special circumstances, for example, those
who die far from home or by violence (such as warriors killed in battle).
Corpses are also burned so that they will be warm in the afterlife. Shaman mortuary
officials usually prepare and bury (or burn) the corpse. This responsibility
is assigned to them because shamans
are in contact
with the spirit world and are qualified to deal with the dead. In some
cultural groups there is a distinction between the shaman proper and
the healer, herbalist, sorcerer or soothsayer. The soothsayer, for example,
is responsible for protecting the living from evil spirits and can communicate
with the corpse’s ghost. Shamans conduct sacrificial rituals where the
deceased’s property or presents may be burnt. Food for the dead may also
be thrown into the fire. Mummification appears
fairly recently in the historical period and is reserved for the wealthy
or those of high status. Among
the Aleuts, the
body is eviscerated through the pelvis and body fat is washed out with
runnning water. It is dried and wrapped in a sitting position. Sometimes
the mummified body is positioned "as if engaged in some congenial
occupation, such as hunting, fishing, and if a woman, sewing, etc." (144).
Replicated tools, masks and effigies carved of wood are placed in the
burial chamber. The Kadiak only mummify male whale hunters. The author
believes mummification was introduced by diffusion from the Ainu. This article is primarily descriptive, the data is presented as verbatim
accounts from fieldworkers and there is little further interpretation. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Macleod, William. Debtor
and Chattel Slavery in Aboriginal In this article Macleod addresses the different cases and forms of slavery
in different areas of the The article is laid out in a very straightforward manner. Macleod states his purpose, and proceeds to give documented cases of the forms of slavery and how they came to be. Macleod starts off with an excerpt from the Jesuit Relations volumes. It mentions the case of a woman who wagered herself in a gamble and lost. The repercussion of her loss was a sentence of slavery to the winner for two years. Macleod gives several accounts of one becoming another’s slave for reasons of gambling. In some cases enslaved men remained slaves until they could repay their debts. In other cases men or women become enslaved for reasons of commercial debt, negligence, or harm (intentional or unintentional). Macleod gives an instance observed by A. L. Kroeber where a man became enslaved to another where intent did not play a part. A poor man was burning off his field when the blaze grew out of control and ruined a neighboring field. The poor man could not compensate for the damage and was sentenced by the "law of the region" to be the other man’s slave until the debt was paid. Macleod explains chattel slavery and gives different accounts of it.
He states that it mainly existed in non-agricultural CLARITY 4 Macleod, William
Christie. Debtor
and Chattel Slavery in Aboriginal This article looks at the practice and origins of slavery among various
indigenous groups in Based upon numerous sources such as documentation from expeditions and
travelogues, as well as anthropological works, Macleod determines that
slavery appears to be a wide spread practice across His conclusions on the origins of slavery state that hereditary slavery
may have been a result of diffusion from CLARITY 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Metal Industry of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist October-December, 1925 Vol. 27(4): 550-557. The main focus of this article is the use of copper and the open question of a Bronze Age independent of European influence among the Aztecs and other Central American groups of the pre-Columbian period. For this purpose, collected artifacts are examined for their sophistication and mineral content. In trying to determine the existence of bronze among Central American artifacts, Phillips consults descriptive texts of the pre-Columbian period, such as Prescott’s Conquest of Mexico. He also notes the scarcity of copper in Aztec metallurgy while there was great skill and workmanship applied to silver and gold. A brief description of the general metal artifacts found in museum collections follows, listing the primary artifacts as bells, T-shaped implements, hatchets, chisels, and lance points. The regions inhabited by the Aztecs had copper in short supply, resulting
in fewer copper implements. The arrival of a Bronze Age into this area
is blurred by the arrival of European groups, trading throughout CLARITY RANKING: 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Metal Industry of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist October-December 1925 Vol. 27 (4): 550-557. The article focuses
on the idea that Aztecs (and other Central American groups before Columbus’ voyage
to The Bronze Age in CLARITY 3 NATHALIE NEPTUNE Philips, George
Brinton. The
Primitive Copper Industry Of Phillips argues for the existence of a pre-Columbian copper industry
in the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Primitive Copper Industry of In this article, Phillips discusses the early use of copper by the Native
Americans and the subsequent research that proves that this industry
existed before contact with Europeans. His
main assertion is that although there is little documentation of pre-Columbian
copper use, evidence of an abundance of copper in the Phillips begins his discussion with a basic explanation of copper use
in pre-Columbian Because of relatively recent excavations, many of the Native American burial grounds are being uncovered and more is being learned about their use of copper. By examining objects placed with the bodies and determining their origin as either European manufacture (objects such as glass beads) or American manufacture, the burials can be dated as either pre- or post- Columbian burials. In the same vein, a chemical analysis of the metals can be used to determine whether the burial occurred before or after contact with Europeans. American copper is 99.9% pure, while foreign copper is about 98% pure. A great deal of the copper artifacts found in Native American burial mounds is remarkably pure, which leads one to conclude that the artifacts were created in pre-Columbian times. In summary, Phillips provides evidence of pre-Columbian copper use by the Native Americans based on the wide-spread use of copper and the variety of objects created, as well as the pure chemical composition of the artifacts. The majority of these objects now rest in either museums or private collections, where they are being studied and analyzed. This article is relatively easy to read, though Phillips tends to focus more on the present-day excavation techniques and analysis of the copper than on the actual use and significance of the copper for the Native Americans. CLARITY: 4 Radin, Paul. Maya, Nahuatl, and Tarascan Kinship Terms. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):100-102. Radin briefly summarizes some kinship terms within these indigenous
languages of CLARITY RANKING: 3 Radin, Paul. Maya, Nahuatl, and Tarascan KinshipTerms. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol.27(1): 100-102. Four lines of explanatory
text accompany this list of kinship terms for the Maya, the Nahuatl
and the Tarascan. In each case
the kinship
terms were extracted from the work of a Spanish author. The Maya terms
came from the Arte del Idioma Maya (1742), the Nahuatl terms from the
Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana (1571), and the Tarascan terms from
the Diccionario de la Lengua Tarasca (1559). As these cultures no longer
exist as they did in the past the author referred to literary sources,
concerned with the lexicon of the culture, to find the information. For
each group the kinship terms didn’t extend beyond 1st and
2nd ascending and descending generations. For example, if
ego is considered to be wife or husband, relations beyond grandparents
and grandchildren are not included on the term list. Generally the same
term categories were collected for each culture. Although an analysis
of the terms reveals that relative age distinction appears to have been
more important for the Nahuatl and the Tarascan, as there are more categories
referring to "older" and "younger" kin for these
cultures. Those terms used more than once in the kinship system are marked
with an asterisk. Obviously it is impossible to observe how these terms
were used in a practical, behavioral setting, but a comparison could
be done between the terminology used by present-day populations in the
area, possibly revealing something about the evolution of kinship terminology. During the time this article was printed there was a focus and fascination
around uncovering genealogical information and kinship terminology. Through
this type of data it was believed that one could more accurately comment
on marriage relations, law regulating descent and the inheritance of
property, the migration of people, social organization and many other
cultural phenomena. The fact that a list of terms could stand alone as
a scholarly contribution reflects this importance. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Ricketson, O. Burials in the Maya Area. American Anthropologist July, 1925 Vol 27(3): 381-398. In this article, Ricketson uses the findings of other archaeologists to document the different burial practices of the Mayan people during the existence of their empire. He gives various examples of inconsistencies in the treatment of the dead for burial, as well as differences in the burial locations of the bodies. He has been able to piece together some information about Mayan funeral practices but calls for an examination into the overall feelings about death and dying in that society. Ricketson starts by discussing the different types of Mayan burials. He writes that some were simply buried beneath homes, while others were cremated. Still others were buried in tombs that contained more than one body. Burial "furniture" or goods like pottery accompanied some of the dead in their graves. In other cases, body parts such as skulls, were displayed by families in their homes. The author gives many accounts of sites found by archaeologists and describes the state of the bodies in great detail. He also writes of the handling of the fragile remains and how some sites were discovered. The author firmly supports his conclusions by giving a vast amount of evidence as well as detailing the exact condition of the burials and the remains. He uses the writings of Mayan experts to piece together the motives for burial and to try to find some similarities between the different practices. Ricketson has studied extensively the works of the archaeologists who first came onto the scene of the various Mayan sites and he cites their work in great detail. He does not try to give any answers as to why the differences occur but he does state that the archaeologists involved have shown no inclination to further examine the social reasons behind the varied practices. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Ricketson, O. Burials in the Maya Area. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol. 27:381- 401. This article looks at various types of Mayan burials in In writing this article Ricketson examines the different kinds of Mayan
burials uncovered at various sites such as Ricketson’s criticisms fall under two categories: "the paucity
of material [and] the great unevenness of work reported" (381).
The first point of criticism addresses the absence of detailed documentation
of the observations or excavations of these various Mayan sites. This
is regrettable to Ricketson, as detailed information that may seem redundant
at the time may prove useful to others studying this topic. It is not
obviously apparent as to what Ricketson means by "great unevenness
of work reported" (381). Upon reading the article I can only assume
that he means the descriptions recorded are somewhat subjective, choosing
to provide details only on certain aspects. For example Ricketson states
that Landa fails to mention the character of the graves, whether they
are simple inhumations or elaborate stone vaults (383). Ricketson concludes by stating that there is an obvious lack of systematic
or thorough documentation of the excavations or observations of Mayan
burials. The emphasis of archaeological work prior to 1925 was on exploration
(398). Ricketson notes that the archaeologists where perhaps impatient
and failed to make inferences into the anthropological side of these
burials. CLARITY: 4 Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity of Subtiaba in This article is
the first half of Edward Sapir’s analysis of Subtiaba,
a language spoken by "a small number of Indians" in the Before beginning his Subtiaba analysis, Sapir noted that he "simplified and normalized" the writing system he used to compare the languages to make his paper more accessible to American readers. He then proceeds to provide 23 pages of cognates connecting Subtiaba with other proposed Hokan languages. The cognates are broken into the following categories: body-part nouns; animal nouns; natural objects; cultural objects; verbs; adjectives; numerals; demonstratives, interrogatives, and other pronominal stems; particles; and grammatical elements. The remainder of this half of his analysis focuses on Subtiaba phonology, including vocalic changes and loss and contraction of vowels, among other things. The article’s table of contents facilitates easy access to each aspect of the Hokan languages that Sapir analyzed, and its tables help visualize the sometimes complex relationships Sapir describes between the languages. For Sapir’s conclusion, see American Anthropologist, 1925 Vol. 27 (4): 497-527. Although it has been heavily criticized in the last 30 years, this analysis was definitely seminal in that it, along with many of Sapir’s other works, provoked intense interest in the field of historical linguistics, especially in North American languages. CLARITY RANKING: 2-3 Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity Of Subtiaba In The object of Edward Sapir s article was to do a follow up on a valuable
hypothesis which Dr. W. Lehmann proposed in regard to the Subtiaba language,
a language which at the time was spoken by a small number of Indians
of this area in What is known of this second language is that there is a vocabulary
of sixty-nine (69) words published by Since Dr. Lehmann first observed the remarkable analogy between the
nominal d-prefix of Subtiaba and that of Washo, He does not accept this theory because there appears to be a group of
languages outside of this research. Dr. Lehmann may be essentially correct
however, Sapir states that the Subtiaba and Tlappanec are to be regarded
as a southern outside language of the Hokan-Coahuiltecan stock as a whole
and not of a sub-group and therefore should be researched outside of
this language group. Sapir concludes his argument by discussing: that aside from the d-prefix, which is shared by Salinan and Chumash (San Luis Obishpo dialect) and of which reflexes probably exist elsewhere in Hokan-Coahuiltecan, there seem to be no lexical or morphological agreements that would justify our setting of Washo and Subtiaba-Tlappanec against the other Kohan and Coahultecan languages (p. 404). |
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