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American
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Bogoras, Waldemar. Ideas of Space and Time in the Conception of Primitive Religion. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27 (2):205-266. In this article Bogoras examines the ideas of space and time in shamanistic
societies across Asia and Bogoras reviews many of the ritual practices of these shamanistic peoples. He recounts incantations for hunting rituals, for health, love, and many other things. Bogoras explains the layout of the spirit world of these people, where each spirit resides, and what they have dominion over in the real world. He goes into great detail about the customs involved with the hunt and how each practice is intended to make the hunt successful and all the spirits happy. Bogoras continues to delve into each facet of shamanistic and animistic religion and beliefs in over 60 pages of explanation. In conclusion, Bogoras attempts to relate examples given during physics lectures about the real world to his analysis of the shamanistic view of the world. Depending on your depth of understanding of the principle of general relativity this may make from some to no sense at all. This article may very well improve your understanding of these theories. CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Bogoras, Waldemar. Ideas of Space and Time in the Conception of Primitive Religion. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol.27(2):205-266. The author attempts
to correlate certain religious concepts of space and time embodied
in "primitive" myth, folklore, ritual, art
and philosophy with analogous concepts in "modern" physics
and psychology. His main hypothesis is that primitive ideas mirror modern
ones because people all have identical cognitive faculties of perception.
To support his hypothesis, Bogoras provides data on the Chukchi, Koryak
and Yukaghir of North-eastern Bogoras begins his
discussion by laying out scientific principles on the relativity of
time. He then explains how primitive
people perceive
the world through an ideological lens. Life’s events are a result of
supernatural forces and are swayed using magic, witchcraft and ritual.
He introduces the concept of animism, where the multi-tiered universe
is full of invisible spirits. Only shamans and spirits can move freely
between the dimensions of the universe. The size of spirits
is relative to their level of antagonism. Simply put, attacking spirits
grow to large proportions and vanquished
spirits
diminish. It can be said that people and spirits reside in different "systems" which
act and react against each other in a kinetic fashion. This corresponds
to a physics formula in which the size of bodies belonging to separate
systems are determined by the differential motion and velocity of these
systems. The perception of experiencing a prolonged sequence of events within
a short time-span occurs in a shamanistic trance. The shaman is ostensibly
able to complete a long journey to a spirit world within the short period
of his trance. This phenomenon mirrors another formula of physics: There
exists no absolute time. There exists in the primitive mind the concept
of co-existent forms of being existing outside of time. This is exemplified
by dualism in much religion, myth and folklore. The ways of perceiving
the objective world for modern humanity lies in the cognitive, psychological
realm. Dreams are a source
of religious
knowledge, yet they are a psychical anachronism: "Our dreams are
palaeolithic" (242). For the primitive mind, dreams are the same
as waking life. The primitive conceptions of space, time and dualism
coincide with dream-world elements. These primitive concepts are also
found in hallucinations, drug or alcohol induced visions, schizophrenia,
hypnotical suggestions, children’s play and in the "double consciousness" of
actors, poets and novelists. The same elements of space and time are
found in primitive art. Finally, Bogoras
discusses the theory of "mana": the pre-animistic,
impersonal conception of religion. If there is a "supreme being",
it is passive and aloof. The self and the universe are one. There is
no death, only eternal life. Other religious ideas evolved out of the
mana concept, including dualism, and it is only with the separation of
self from the universe that a fear of death arose. This esoteric and
somewhat ambitious article presents an unlikely fusion of science and
religion. Despite being nonsensical
at times and glaringly
racist at others, the author’s argument is quite enthralling. CLARITY RANKING: 2 .gif){kind=small} De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship
Terms in Some Languages of This article is a collection of kinship terms from nine groups in southern The author uses symbols which were commonly accepted by all American ethnologists of the time, omitting pitch tones. In addition, all open vowels were approximated to the nearest closed one and nasal breaths were noted with the symbol ". The list of data included in the article are terms for: father, mother, paternal uncle and aunt, maternal uncle and aunt, older brother and sister, younger brother and sister, offspring, son, daughter, paternal grandfather and grandmother, maternal grandfather and grandmother, grandchild, grandson, granddaughter, cousin, second cousin, nephew, niece, husband, wife, second wife, father-in-law, mother-in-law, and brother of either spouse. In several cases the data is either lacking (second cousin and second wife) or is the same for two particular kinship terms (i.e. maternal and paternal uncle or older and younger brother). This article consists solely of the lists of kinship terms, lacking any sort of analysis of the data. There is a brief introductory paragraph which simply outlines from where the data is derived as well as a brief explanation of the symbols used. CLARITY RANKING: 3 De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship Terms in Some Languages of In this article, Angulo presents a list of kinship terms from several Southern Mexican languages. He uses languages from the Zapotecan, Chontal, and Mixe families. More specifically, he lists words in Zapotec, Mixtec, Mazatec, Chatino, Chocho, Cuicatec, Chinantec, Mixe, and Chontal. He gives examples of words such as Father, Mother, Paternal Uncle, Paternal Aunt, and Older Brother and Sister. All of the languages differ greatly from each other as far as the words themselves are concerned, but when it comes to patterns, such as word for “brother” also being the word for “cousin,” the languages are very similar. In all the languages, the words for Paternal Aunt and Uncle are the same as the words for Maternal Aunt and Uncle. In Zapotec and Mixtec, the word for Older Brother and Sister change depending on who is addressing them. For example, if a sister is talking to her brother (in Zapotec), she calls him "pizaa," but if a brother is talking to his brother, he calls him "betza." In all the languages except for Mixe and Chontal, the terms for younger brother and sister match the terms for older brother and sister. In all languages except for Mixe, there is a collective term for children, and sons and daughters are not differentiated through terminology. This article was fairly hard to comprehend simply because Angulo gave no commentary on the lists of vocabulary he presented. After a brief introduction, in which he did not really give his purpose in writing, he stated that he had “assembled the following list of kinship terms” and then left the reader to figure it out for himself. CLARITY: 2 NICOLE MCMILLAN De Angulo, Jaime. Kinship
Terms in Some Language of This article is simply a list of kinship terms collected from nine different
groups in southern Omitting pitch tones, the author simplified the phonetic transcription for the symbols he chose. The symbols were limited to those which were commonly accepted by all American ethnologists of that time period. In an attempt to indicate pronunciations as cleary as possible, the author approximated all open vowels to the nearest closed one and nasal breaths were noted with the symbol “. The data included in the article are terms for the following: father, mother, paternal uncle and aunt, maternal uncle and aunt, older brother and sister, younger brother and sister, “offspring”, son, daughter, paternal grandfather and grandmother, maternal grandfather and grandmother, grandchild, grandson, granddaughter, cousin, second cousin, nephew, niece, husband, wife, second wife, father-in-law, mother-in-law, and brother of either spouse. For some of the cases the data is either incomplete, such as for second cousin and second wife, or the data is exactly the same for two particular kinship terms, such as for maternal and paternal uncle or older and younger brother. This article is just a simple list of kinship terms. The author does not analyze the data in any way or state the purpose of collecting this data. The short introductory paragraph provides information on where the data comes from and an explanation of the symbols used. However, this article is just a list of terms and does not seem to have a purpose. CLARITY: 3 HANNAH AHN Delabarre, Edmund
Burke. A Possible
Pre-Algonkian Culture in Delabarre wrote this article to propose that the archaeological evidence
he discovered on The article includes the location, size, and a photograph of the archaeological
site, Half of the artifacts were excavated from a maximum depth of nine inches
below surface and the other half were collected from the beach during
low tides. Of the sample collected, three-fourths of the artifacts were
various projectile points. Delabarre notes that some of the projectiles
found look similar to Algonkian tools, but others represent an earlier
form differing from the later projectiles. He found that the Grassy Island
Indians made a larger proportion of stemmed projectile points than did
the later Wampanoags who manufactured a larger proportion of smaller,
triangular arrow points. Delabarre also provides data on the various
types of materials (quartz, green shale, rhyolite, sandstone, quartzite,
felsite) used to manufacture the tools and suggests that some of the
materials were obtained from a considerable distance, because they are
exotic materials not located on Delabarre realizes
his limitations and says that the sample of artifacts he discovered
may not be enough to represent an
entire culture, but he
feels that the large sample and the variety of types of artifacts he
collected at Grassy Island represents a cultural occupation of a pre-Algonkian
group over a long period of time. Delabarre says that the occupation
of the island probably wasn’t continual because of rising tides, but
rather a seasonal area of occupation. From the evidence collected he
determined that the Grassy Island Indians engaged in agriculture and
used red and black paints, but there was no evidence to link this culture
to that of the Red Paint People of Maine. Delabarre says the chief value
of his observations is that they help give clues as to the earliest inhabitants
of CLARITY RANKING: 4 Delabarre, Edmund
Burke. A
Possible Pre-Algonkian Culture in This article looks at evidence in which suggests that there may have
been an indigenous culture that occupied the Burke provides an extensive description of the site where the lithic
artifacts were found. He notes that this area are problematic, as the
deposits are now covered by several feet of salt-water peat. This area was difficult to excavate
systematically as the tide frequently shifts the context of the artifacts
(361). However Burke was able to determine a rate of peat growth that
would imply that this site dates from as early as [AD] 1640 (368) In order to analyze the lithic artifacts found, Burke divides them into
several groups. Three quarters fall under the category of chipped objects,
being arrowheads, knives and perforators, which he then classifies into
smaller groups based upon shape. These objects were made of various materials
such as quartz or rhyolite. Some of the materials used have come from
considerable distances, which may indicate trade networks or natural
movement processes of these materials such as glacial drift(363). Burke
also makes special note of lithic tools similar in morphology to contemporary
indigenous hoes, which implies that these earlier peoples may have been
agriculturalists (364-365). Other artifacts include ground stones such
as mortars and pestles. Some of these artifacts are especially important,
as they possess evidence of fire damage indicating that at the time of
inhabitation the site was out of the way of the tide zone (365). These
lines of evidence such as the lithic scatters themselves, hearths, and
indicators of agriculture lead Burke to determine this to be a locate
of early settlement. This article has a clear statement of purpose and a strong emphasis
on description, and classification. Burke further supplements this article
with numerous pictures of the lithic artifacts of which he describes. CLARITY: 4 Hoernle, A. Winifred. The
Social Organization of the Hottentots of This article is an overview of the social organization of a group living in an area known as the Protectorate of Southwest Africa in the 1920's. Hoernle begins with a short history of the groups that make up the present-day Nama Hottentots, and a survey of the area in which they live. The Nama were originally two groups, known to Dutch settlers as the Little Namaqua and the Great Namaqua. The Little and Great Namaqua were nomadic pastoralists who were divided into tribes. At the time this article was written the tribes were no longer distinct groups, but had mixed. Some of the tribes no longer had living members. Therefore, the information presented is a historical record of the original social organization of the Nama Hottentots, inferred from information gathered from "old headmen." According to the headmen, the tribes were broken down into groups called sibs. Members of a sib were considered to be blood relatives. The sib formed the strongest social group. Hoernle found that the Hottentots had a classificatory kinship system. She gave evidence of this using a categorization devised by Professor Radcliffe-Brown that breaks the terms used for kinship into levels of ascending and descending generations. The Hottentots use the same terms for grandparents on the mother’s and father’s sides. They also use the term for wife to describe their wife’s sister. Hoernle’s main evidence for the structure of the system is based on Hottentot kinship terminology, and the way in which relatives behave toward one another. She ends the article by bringing the two together to argue that a Hottentot kinship term actually defines appropriate behavior. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hoernle, Winifred. The
Social Organization of the Nama Hottentots of In this article
the author concerns herself with detailing the social organization
of the people generally known as the Hottentots,
but call
themselves the Nama, who reside within the territory, that in 1921, was
called the Protectorate of Southwest Africa. She attempts to describe
Nama social structure as it existed in the past before the influence
of colonization and other incoming tribes. This work can be classified
as "salvage" ethnography; she pieces together information gathered
from the old headmen of the tribes and accounts from the younger generation
to reconstruct Nama social patterns of interaction and kinship terminology. The first section
of article provides a historical backdrop of the region, outlining
how the external influences that effected
the area have resulted
in a culture that is "in the last stages of decay" (8). The
author begins with a description of the landscape and the Nama’s relationship
with its resources. She then goes on to explain how the Nama originally
believed themselves to be descended from one line of ancestors that then
divided into seven groups. A discussion follows outlining how the influence
of incoming tribes (where there was evidence of the existence of European-Native
admixture and the use of European languages) and the increasing presence
of colonists resulted in a breakdown of the Nama way of life. These external
variables caused: a disruption in migration that was tied to resource
use, a dismantling of tribal organization and politics, and the loss
of traditional social organization patterns and kinship terminology. The author now moves
into a discussion of Nama social organization as it existed in the
past. She discovers that the "sib" is
the strongest social unit in Nama existence, overriding even the importance
of tribal allegiance, and that this finding is consistent throughout
the region. The tribe is composed of a number of patrilineal sibs, a
patrilineal sib being a group of people claiming to be related along
the male line. The author then describes the how the interplay between
hereditary status, leadership, politics and marriage patterns function
within the Nama sib system. She focuses on Swartbooi tribe believing
this tribe to be representative of Nama social organization in general.
The effect of the sib system on settlement and living arrangements is
discussed next, following by a description of the quality of relationships
between non-sib and sib members of the tribe. Members of the same sib
regard themselves as blood relatives and certain taboos mark their conduct
towards each other. The remainder of the paper lays out the classificatory kinship terminology.
It should be noted that in this system, devised by Radcliffe-Brown, the
relative age of the person speaking and the person being spoken to are
carefully recognized. The terms are outlined according to 1st and
2nd ascending and descending generations with the ego falling
into the contemporary generation category. A brief mention of behavioral
protocol is touched upon in the conclusion, highlighting the moral and
social regulatory aspects of the sib system and the respect that is shown
for elders. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hooten, E.A. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27(2): 357-358. This obituary for
Louis Robert Sullivan describes a man who lived a short life of only
33 years, however still accomplished
a lot in that
little time. The majority of Sullivan’s work dealt with race mixtures
in the Hawaiian Islands, where Sullivan worked for the Bishop Museum
of Honolulu by the Hooten describes Sullivan as a man who was respected by his peers not only as a professional, but also as an individual. The loss of Louis Sullivan, in Hooten’s opinion, deprives anthropology of what could have been one of the best minds to come around. Still, during that short time he was able to complete more than most people. His work covered many subjects, but primarily Polynesian anthropometry, and included a manual so people could do field work in anthropometry. CLEARITY RANKING: 5 Hooton, A.E. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27 (2): 357-358. This article addresses the untimely death of Louis Robert Sullivan,
an anthropologist responsible for collecting vast amounts of anthropometric
data in the Hooton’s purpose
is to emphasize the importance of exceptional anthropological work,
accomplished under the guidance of a devoted
anthropologist. By
using examples from Sullivan’s life, Hooton is able to present an argument
for increased spending on anthropological research without appearing
self-centered. For example, Hooton states that Sullivan’s
anthropometric data on race mixtures in the After defining this first problem, Hooton goes on to examine the living conditions of Sullivan. Hooton states that Sullivan lived in poverty during the early years of his life. Hooton then slyly mentions that research anthropologists attached to museums cannot possibly make enough money to support themselves and/or their families (358). Although the museum did make every effort to aid Sullivan financially when he contracted pleurisy, he enjoyed the social relaxations of a first-rate mechanic during his early 20s. To play on the reader’s emotions, Hooton insists that Sullivan had an unbiased attitude toward new ideas and new methods for his work. Hooton stresses the need for people like Sullivan in the field of anthropology, instead of independently wealthy people who want to do field work (358). In this article, Hooton presents a concise, yet elegant, biography of anthropologist Robert Louis Sullivan. While doing so, Hooton craftily inserts an argument for greater allocations of money towards anthropological research and/or the salaries of anthropologists. In the process of remembering his friend, Hooton seeks to better the conditions of the anthropological community. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JULIA NAGLE Hooton, E.A. Louis Robert Sullivan. American Anthropologist 1925 vol. 27: 357-258 Although three-quarters of this article act as an appreciative remembrance for the life of Louis R. Sullivan and his work to physical anthropology; the true message and larger social concern emerges somewhat rashly in the closing statement. E.A Hooton advertently uses Louis Sullivan as an instrument to bring about social awareness of the economic oppression which attacked research anthropologists during the early 20th century. Hooton structured the article with intentions, not to immortalize Sullivan’s great efforts towards anthropological progress, but rather claim that Sullivan’s death would have been preventable if anthropologists were given the basic capitalistic means in order to survive. The Article begins
and goes on to exposes the life and accomplishments of Louis Sullivan.
It quickly became obvious that Sullivan
was a man
who held deep passion towards his field of work. Hooton showed Sullivan’s
path into the field of anthropology through the schools he attended,
degrees he earned, and work he did; he exposed Sullivan’s background,
and by doing so showed his caliber. After graduating and receiving his
A.M. degree from After providing a background, Hooton delved into the actual work Sullivan
accomplished as a professional anthropologist. Although his professional
career was short, due to his prolonged illness that inturn ended his
life; Sullivan took on interesting studies and forged through with new
ideas. He worked in Hooton blames Sullivan’s untimely death on the “poverty” of the anthropologist, claiming that his death would have been preventable if Sullivan received a “living wage.” At one level this article was written to memorialize a dedicated anthropologist. However, it also carries indignation towards society. Hooton faults the economic tier and implies that anthologists are not financially supported enough to live in relation to the jobs they do. CLARITY RANKING: 4 LAUREN BELIVE Kantor, J. R. Anthropology, Race, Psychology, and Culture. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27(2):267-283. J. R. Kantor aggressively critiques the role and responsibility of psychology in the study of culture and the willingness of anthropologists to accept psychological tools without questioning their cultural biases. Kantor first questions the validity of psychological tests to measure the "mentality" of other cultures. He claims these tests are a "product of cultural development" and therefore inaccurate in other cultures, and cannot be used to determine if innate mental endowment even exists. He asserts that there is no "native mental endowment" based on biological differences of race. He also believes the mentality of a specific group is dependent upon materials found within the group or those taken from others, which are then passed down the generations and altered over time. Kantor defends his dismissal of "racial mental endowment" by explaining the role of biology to direct a "physiological response of a psychological organism to particular stimuli." The response is determined by experience and stimulus and cannot be isolated to one biological function. He uses language acquisition as his example. All humans have the same biological structures to produce speech, but language is a psychological function that differs from group to group. It is a complex interaction of the individual, culture and stimuli. He warns readers of the dangers of seeking anatomical structures for every psychological feature such as politeness, intellect, or patriotism. In doing so, psychology has all too easily ignored the influences of culture on psychological development and the interaction of nature and nurture. He states the issue is not one of race but of the general character of psychological activities. Basing cultural differences on racial endowment highlights psychology’s inability to critically observe human behavior and is ethnocentric science. Anthropology is not without blame either, as Kantor admonishes that "the anthropologist is insensitive to the temperature of his own intellectual bath." He stresses the importance of recognizing the influence our own culture has on scientific interpretations. He critiques both fields for succumbing to the force of tradition instead of observable evidence. Kantor states the two fields of psychology and anthropology are compatible and can assist one another. By being aware of the bias that can occur due to our own culture, we can then alter the field of study to accommodate it and become more accurate in reporting. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Kantor, J.R. Anthropology,
Race, Psychology, and Culture American
Anthropologist, 1925. Vol.27:267-283. Kantor argues in this paper that when anthropologists study the psychological race factor, the tradition and the weight behind it outweighs the use factual observation and discusses the ways in which this is problematic. Kantor discusses the arguments for and against belief in native traits, as well as the relationships between mentality/ psychological phenomena, and culture CLARITY:3 Kantor, J.R. Anthropology, Race, Psychology, and Culture. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27(2):267-283. Kantor critiques the position of psychology in reference to anthropology. He asserts that some considerations of the fundamental tenets of objective or biological psychology will help anthropologists to attack the theory of objective psychology which suggests ideas about the psychological features of race. Kantor states that anthropologists fail to explore the some intellectual circumstances in their own culture. Kantor strongly believes that by studying the psychological race factor, the anthropologist neglects psychological concepts that apply to their own culture’s problems. Instead, anthropologists borrow from the traditional way of thinking, which in fact, according to the author, does not benefit them at all. Kantor first explores the role of the mental endowment. He states that we assume that mental endowment even exists and if not, then there is no point in identifying the whether other human groups have different degrees of it. Psychology tests are used to measure the mentality of other cultures, but Kantor refutes this point. He believes that the tests are purely just a product of culture, so it can not be used to justify that mental endowment exists. He does not believe that mental endowment is passed down through generations because the endowment is solely based on the stimulational objects in the group, which is consistent throughout generations. He considers the biological functions of an organism as factors that can be analyzed outside of the psychological conduct because beyond an animal’s basic reflexes, all other factors are not needed. Kantor supports his assertion that racial mental endowment does not exist by explaining biology even further by reducing it to reflexes. The response, or reflex, is provoked by experience or a stimulus. To support this, Kantor uses the example of language. Humans all have the same mechanisms to formulate speech, however speech still remains something that varies group to group. It is based on the interaction of an organism and its culture and surrounding stimuli. Kantor draws attention to the fact the importance of seeing the influence our own culture has on scientific interpretations. He emphasizes the strength of looking at both anthropology and psychology together and recognizing the biases will lead to more accurate anthropological reports. CLARITY: 3 MICHELLE MORSE Kidder, A. V. Theophil Mitchell Prudden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):149-150. This article is
a short biography of Dr. Theophil Mitchell Prudden, one of the foremost
students of Southwestern archaeology during
the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Dr. Prudden was an
avocational archaeologist, he advanced the study of Southwestern culture
dramatically. For many years it was Dr. Prudden’s custom to relax from
his professional duties at the Rockefeller Institute with trips to CLARITY RANKING: 5 Kidder, A. V. Theophil Mitchell Prudden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):149-150. This is a short biography promoting the work of the late Theophil Mitchell
Prudden who is here written as one of the foremost students of Southwestern
archeology as well as one of the Founders the Anthropological Association. Prudden
worked at the Rockefeller Institute but traveled to CLARITY: 5 SABRINA MONDSCHEIN MacLeod, William
Christie. Certain
Mortuary Aspects of This article examines
some of the mortuary practices of the Native American peoples of the
North American Northwest Coast.
He first focuses on what
he believed Tylor overlooked, the so-called "mitigated survival" of
widow burning. MacLeod begins by explaining the mortality customs of
three groups (the Carriers, the northern Kwakiutl, and the Sikanni) who
require the widow to throw herself onto her husband’s funeral pyre—a
pile of wood used when cremating a dead body. It is believed that these
groups borrowed this custom from the Tsimshian and that the cremating
practices of each group did not arise independently. He later goes on
to explain the mortuary practices (including cremation and mummification),
of several of the different groups of the Northwest Coast including:
the Tlingit, Tsimshian, Tcilquek, Kwantlem, Haida, Kutchin, Tahltan,
Nootka, Salish, Pitlatlq, Quinault, Cowichan, Clallam, Aleuts, Kadiak,
and Clayoquot; and how each group may be related or unrelated to each
other. MacLeod also notes some of the similarities of mortuary practices
of the As far as cremation is concerned, it is probable that the practice among
the various groups found in the plateau regions may be a result of diffusion
from those groups found on the coast. It is also possible that cremation
use came from areas to the south of the Although many groups did practice cremation, it was not the only fate
that would result upon death. MacLeod mentions that some of the ceremonies
involved with cremation suggest a previous practice of burial. In addition,
mummification was a mortuary custom used among some of the peoples of
the MacLeod’s article
illustrates the various mortuary traditions of the aboriginal peoples
of the CLARITY RANKING: 3 Macleod, William
Christie. Certain
Mortuary Aspects of The author discusses the immolation of widows by burning, cremation,
shaman mortuary officials and mummification in Northwest coast culture.
The data are taken from secondary sources, primarily from other anthropologists.
The specific peoples concerned include the Kwakiutl, Sikanni, Tsimshian,
Carriers, Tlingit, Haida, Tahltan, Kutchin, Nootka, Coast Salish, Chinook,
Cowichan, Quinault, Tcilqeuk, Clallam, Aleuts and Kadiak. The immolation of widows by burning occurs during the cremation of her
spouse and is confined to the Carriers, the northern Kwakiutl and the
Sikanni. Widowers are also subject to this practice, but less often and
less cruelly. After the mortuary potlatch, the deceased individual is
placed on an elevated pyre and set alight. The widow is suspected of
contributing to the death of her spouse. She is obliged to lie on the
funeral pyre and embrace the burning remains of her husband until covered
in blisters. If she is known to be an unsatisfactory wife, she is repeatedly
flung back into the flames by the mourners. After the cremation, she
carries the charred bones of her husband in a back-pack for several years
until the mourning period is over. Widows often commit suicide to avoid
this torture. Cremation seems to be limited to the Northern groups on the Pacific
coast. The corpse is placed in a box before being burnt, and the heart
is removed and buried. Due to their status, shamans are never cremated,
but rather interred in isolated grave-houses. For some groups of people,
cremation is only practised in special circumstances, for example, those
who die far from home or by violence (such as warriors killed in battle).
Corpses are also burned so that they will be warm in the afterlife. Shaman mortuary
officials usually prepare and bury (or burn) the corpse. This responsibility
is assigned to them because shamans
are in contact
with the spirit world and are qualified to deal with the dead. In some
cultural groups there is a distinction between the shaman proper and
the healer, herbalist, sorcerer or soothsayer. The soothsayer, for example,
is responsible for protecting the living from evil spirits and can communicate
with the corpse’s ghost. Shamans conduct sacrificial rituals where the
deceased’s property or presents may be burnt. Food for the dead may also
be thrown into the fire. Mummification appears
fairly recently in the historical period and is reserved for the wealthy
or those of high status. Among
the Aleuts, the
body is eviscerated through the pelvis and body fat is washed out with
runnning water. It is dried and wrapped in a sitting position. Sometimes
the mummified body is positioned "as if engaged in some congenial
occupation, such as hunting, fishing, and if a woman, sewing, etc." (144).
Replicated tools, masks and effigies carved of wood are placed in the
burial chamber. The Kadiak only mummify male whale hunters. The author
believes mummification was introduced by diffusion from the Ainu. This article is primarily descriptive, the data is presented as verbatim
accounts from fieldworkers and there is little further interpretation. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Macleod, William. Debtor
and Chattel Slavery in Aboriginal In this article Macleod addresses the different cases and forms of slavery
in different areas of the The article is laid out in a very straightforward manner. Macleod states his purpose, and proceeds to give documented cases of the forms of slavery and how they came to be. Macleod starts off with an excerpt from the Jesuit Relations volumes. It mentions the case of a woman who wagered herself in a gamble and lost. The repercussion of her loss was a sentence of slavery to the winner for two years. Macleod gives several accounts of one becoming another’s slave for reasons of gambling. In some cases enslaved men remained slaves until they could repay their debts. In other cases men or women become enslaved for reasons of commercial debt, negligence, or harm (intentional or unintentional). Macleod gives an instance observed by A. L. Kroeber where a man became enslaved to another where intent did not play a part. A poor man was burning off his field when the blaze grew out of control and ruined a neighboring field. The poor man could not compensate for the damage and was sentenced by the "law of the region" to be the other man’s slave until the debt was paid. Macleod explains chattel slavery and gives different accounts of it.
He states that it mainly existed in non-agricultural CLARITY 4 Macleod, William
Christie. Debtor
and Chattel Slavery in Aboriginal This article looks at the practice and origins of slavery among various
indigenous groups in Based upon numerous sources such as documentation from expeditions and
travelogues, as well as anthropological works, Macleod determines that
slavery appears to be a wide spread practice across His conclusions on the origins of slavery state that hereditary slavery
may have been a result of diffusion from CLARITY 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Metal Industry of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist October-December, 1925 Vol. 27(4): 550-557. The main focus of this article is the use of copper and the open question of a Bronze Age independent of European influence among the Aztecs and other Central American groups of the pre-Columbian period. For this purpose, collected artifacts are examined for their sophistication and mineral content. In trying to determine the existence of bronze among Central American artifacts, Phillips consults descriptive texts of the pre-Columbian period, such as Prescott’s Conquest of Mexico. He also notes the scarcity of copper in Aztec metallurgy while there was great skill and workmanship applied to silver and gold. A brief description of the general metal artifacts found in museum collections follows, listing the primary artifacts as bells, T-shaped implements, hatchets, chisels, and lance points. The regions inhabited by the Aztecs had copper in short supply, resulting
in fewer copper implements. The arrival of a Bronze Age into this area
is blurred by the arrival of European groups, trading throughout CLARITY RANKING: 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Metal Industry of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist October-December 1925 Vol. 27 (4): 550-557. The article focuses
on the idea that Aztecs (and other Central American groups before Columbus’ voyage
to The Bronze Age in CLARITY 3 NATHALIE NEPTUNE Philips, George
Brinton. The
Primitive Copper Industry Of Phillips argues for the existence of a pre-Columbian copper industry
in the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Phillips, George Brinton. The Primitive Copper Industry of In this article, Phillips discusses the early use of copper by the Native
Americans and the subsequent research that proves that this industry
existed before contact with Europeans. His
main assertion is that although there is little documentation of pre-Columbian
copper use, evidence of an abundance of copper in the Phillips begins his discussion with a basic explanation of copper use
in pre-Columbian Because of relatively recent excavations, many of the Native American burial grounds are being uncovered and more is being learned about their use of copper. By examining objects placed with the bodies and determining their origin as either European manufacture (objects such as glass beads) or American manufacture, the burials can be dated as either pre- or post- Columbian burials. In the same vein, a chemical analysis of the metals can be used to determine whether the burial occurred before or after contact with Europeans. American copper is 99.9% pure, while foreign copper is about 98% pure. A great deal of the copper artifacts found in Native American burial mounds is remarkably pure, which leads one to conclude that the artifacts were created in pre-Columbian times. In summary, Phillips provides evidence of pre-Columbian copper use by the Native Americans based on the wide-spread use of copper and the variety of objects created, as well as the pure chemical composition of the artifacts. The majority of these objects now rest in either museums or private collections, where they are being studied and analyzed. This article is relatively easy to read, though Phillips tends to focus more on the present-day excavation techniques and analysis of the copper than on the actual use and significance of the copper for the Native Americans. CLARITY: 4 Radin, Paul. Maya, Nahuatl, and Tarascan Kinship Terms. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):100-102. Radin briefly summarizes some kinship terms within these indigenous
languages of CLARITY RANKING: 3 Radin, Paul. Maya, Nahuatl, and Tarascan KinshipTerms. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol.27(1): 100-102. Four lines of explanatory
text accompany this list of kinship terms for the Maya, the Nahuatl
and the Tarascan. In each case
the kinship
terms were extracted from the work of a Spanish author. The Maya terms
came from the Arte del Idioma Maya (1742), the Nahuatl terms from the
Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana (1571), and the Tarascan terms from
the Diccionario de la Lengua Tarasca (1559). As these cultures no longer
exist as they did in the past the author referred to literary sources,
concerned with the lexicon of the culture, to find the information. For
each group the kinship terms didn’t extend beyond 1st and
2nd ascending and descending generations. For example, if
ego is considered to be wife or husband, relations beyond grandparents
and grandchildren are not included on the term list. Generally the same
term categories were collected for each culture. Although an analysis
of the terms reveals that relative age distinction appears to have been
more important for the Nahuatl and the Tarascan, as there are more categories
referring to "older" and "younger" kin for these
cultures. Those terms used more than once in the kinship system are marked
with an asterisk. Obviously it is impossible to observe how these terms
were used in a practical, behavioral setting, but a comparison could
be done between the terminology used by present-day populations in the
area, possibly revealing something about the evolution of kinship terminology. During the time this article was printed there was a focus and fascination
around uncovering genealogical information and kinship terminology. Through
this type of data it was believed that one could more accurately comment
on marriage relations, law regulating descent and the inheritance of
property, the migration of people, social organization and many other
cultural phenomena. The fact that a list of terms could stand alone as
a scholarly contribution reflects this importance. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Ricketson, O. Burials in the Maya Area. American Anthropologist July, 1925 Vol 27(3): 381-398. In this article, Ricketson uses the findings of other archaeologists to document the different burial practices of the Mayan people during the existence of their empire. He gives various examples of inconsistencies in the treatment of the dead for burial, as well as differences in the burial locations of the bodies. He has been able to piece together some information about Mayan funeral practices but calls for an examination into the overall feelings about death and dying in that society. Ricketson starts by discussing the different types of Mayan burials. He writes that some were simply buried beneath homes, while others were cremated. Still others were buried in tombs that contained more than one body. Burial "furniture" or goods like pottery accompanied some of the dead in their graves. In other cases, body parts such as skulls, were displayed by families in their homes. The author gives many accounts of sites found by archaeologists and describes the state of the bodies in great detail. He also writes of the handling of the fragile remains and how some sites were discovered. The author firmly supports his conclusions by giving a vast amount of evidence as well as detailing the exact condition of the burials and the remains. He uses the writings of Mayan experts to piece together the motives for burial and to try to find some similarities between the different practices. Ricketson has studied extensively the works of the archaeologists who first came onto the scene of the various Mayan sites and he cites their work in great detail. He does not try to give any answers as to why the differences occur but he does state that the archaeologists involved have shown no inclination to further examine the social reasons behind the varied practices. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Ricketson, O. Burials in the Maya Area. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol. 27:381- 401. This article looks at various types of Mayan burials in In writing this article Ricketson examines the different kinds of Mayan
burials uncovered at various sites such as Ricketson’s criticisms fall under two categories: "the paucity
of material [and] the great unevenness of work reported" (381).
The first point of criticism addresses the absence of detailed documentation
of the observations or excavations of these various Mayan sites. This
is regrettable to Ricketson, as detailed information that may seem redundant
at the time may prove useful to others studying this topic. It is not
obviously apparent as to what Ricketson means by "great unevenness
of work reported" (381). Upon reading the article I can only assume
that he means the descriptions recorded are somewhat subjective, choosing
to provide details only on certain aspects. For example Ricketson states
that Landa fails to mention the character of the graves, whether they
are simple inhumations or elaborate stone vaults (383). Ricketson concludes by stating that there is an obvious lack of systematic
or thorough documentation of the excavations or observations of Mayan
burials. The emphasis of archaeological work prior to 1925 was on exploration
(398). Ricketson notes that the archaeologists where perhaps impatient
and failed to make inferences into the anthropological side of these
burials. CLARITY: 4 Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity of Subtiaba in This article is
the first half of Edward Sapir’s analysis of Subtiaba,
a language spoken by "a small number of Indians" in the Before beginning his Subtiaba analysis, Sapir noted that he "simplified and normalized" the writing system he used to compare the languages to make his paper more accessible to American readers. He then proceeds to provide 23 pages of cognates connecting Subtiaba with other proposed Hokan languages. The cognates are broken into the following categories: body-part nouns; animal nouns; natural objects; cultural objects; verbs; adjectives; numerals; demonstratives, interrogatives, and other pronominal stems; particles; and grammatical elements. The remainder of this half of his analysis focuses on Subtiaba phonology, including vocalic changes and loss and contraction of vowels, among other things. The article’s table of contents facilitates easy access to each aspect of the Hokan languages that Sapir analyzed, and its tables help visualize the sometimes complex relationships Sapir describes between the languages. For Sapir’s conclusion, see American Anthropologist, 1925 Vol. 27 (4): 497-527. Although it has been heavily criticized in the last 30 years, this analysis was definitely seminal in that it, along with many of Sapir’s other works, provoked intense interest in the field of historical linguistics, especially in North American languages. CLARITY RANKING: 2-3 Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity Of Subtiaba In The object of Edward Sapir s article was to do a follow up on a valuable
hypothesis which Dr. W. Lehmann proposed in regard to the Subtiaba language,
a language which at the time was spoken by a small number of Indians
of this area in What is known of this second language is that there is a vocabulary
of sixty-nine (69) words published by Since Dr. Lehmann first observed the remarkable analogy between the
nominal d-prefix of Subtiaba and that of Washo, He does not accept this theory because there appears to be a group of
languages outside of this research. Dr. Lehmann may be essentially correct
however, Sapir states that the Subtiaba and Tlappanec are to be regarded
as a southern outside language of the Hokan-Coahuiltecan stock as a whole
and not of a sub-group and therefore should be researched outside of
this language group. Sapir concludes his argument by discussing: that aside from the d-prefix, which is shared by Salinan and Chumash
(San Luis Obishpo dialect) and of which reflexes probably exist elsewhere
in Hokan-Coahuiltecan, there seem to be no lexical or morphological agreements
that would justify our setting of Washo and Subtiaba-Tlappanec against
the other Kohan and Coahultecan languages (p. 404). Sapir then provides a list of cognate words and elements in Subtiaba
(and Tlappanec) and Hokan-Coahuiltecan. He suggests that there appears
to be more cognate related elements of the languages in the CLARITY RANKING: 2 EDNA NYCE: Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity of Subtiaba in In the first half
of this article, Edward Sapir began his argument that the Nicaraguan
language Subtiaba is one of the southern
languages in
his proposed North American language family originally called "Hokan-Coahuiltecan," focusing
primarily on comparative word lists and phonology (See American Anthropologist,
1925 Vol. 27: 402-435). At the time of his study, Subtiaba was only spoken
by a small population of "Indians" in Subtiaba, "a village
near Léon, on the Pacific slope of In this article,
which continues from the first, Sapir stressed that only the more surface
elements of Subtiaba distinguish
it from the rest
of the Hokan family; if investigated more deeply with a "historical
perspective" rather than a descriptive one, he felt the language’s
Hokan affinity would become more readily apparent. Essentially, Sapir
attempted to connect Subtiaba with his Hokan group by reconstructing
what he felt were fossilized forms of Hokan morphology and linking these
fossilized forms with morphological forms in Subtiaba. Sapir concluded
the article by outlining a new potential classification of North American
languages he called "Hokan-Siouan" that extended from the Focusing specifically on typical morphological stem patterns in Subtiaba and "the alternation of forms with and without (an) initial vowel," Sapir systematically compared linguistic evidence about noun, adjective, and verb prefixes in the then-established Hokan languages with those in Subtiaba. While he obviously compiled as much information as possible to defend his point, Sapir was also quick to note instances when Subtiaba did not resemble its proposed Hokan relatives and certain aspects of the various Hokan languages that needed further study before reaching any decisive conclusions. The article’s table of contents facilitates easy access to each aspect of the Hokan languages that Sapir analyzed, and its numerous tables help visualize the sometimes complex relationships Sapir describes between the languages. Although it has been heavily criticized in the last 30 years, this analysis was definitely seminal in that it, along with many of Sapir’s other works, provoked intense interest in the field of historical linguistics, especially in North American languages. CLARITY RANKING: 2-3 Sapir, Edward. The
Hokan Affinity Of Subtiaba In This article is part two of Edward Sapir s research on the Subtiaba
language. He focuses his discussion on comparing languages in which he
considers are remotely related, i.e English to Irish. He argues that
there are obvious differences in grammatical structure, but if studied
more intently one will notice significant resemblances in which he believes
makes more genetic sense. He says these grammatical structures are merely
secondary dialectic developments which yield no very remote historical
perspective (p. 491). What is considered or conventionally called grammar
are of little value to the remoter comparison which may rest largely
on submerged features that are of only minor interest to a descriptive
analysis. In this way language is viewed (studied/researched) in a descriptive
manner as opposed to a historical approach. He uses another example of
the Haida and the Tlingit/Athabaskan in which he says the differences
are based on a purely descriptive method and against all attempts at
reconstructing the historical perspective (p. 491). In the second part of part two of this article Sapir discusses the historical
aspect of vowels within the Hokan-Coahuiltecan languages, he refers to
this as the, Form of Stem. There are a large number of stems in these
languages which begin with a vowel and this vowel has a tendency to drop
out either in other forms of the same word or in cognate words in other
languages of the group (e.g. Po.uyu eye : yu-xa eye-water,tear ) (p.
493). Hokan noun prefixes. The prefixed d-, in which Sapir discussed in part
one of this article, he explains is a freely movable element, as is the
corresponding element in Washo and Salinan. In many cases the noun, if
beginning with a vowel, may occur with or without the d-prefix. Except
in the case of body part nouns which may have the d -prefix (p. 495). Based on the evidence of his research, Sapir concludes that Subtiaba
is a Hokan-Coahuiltecan language and is genetically related to widely
different languages spoken far to the north [and northeast in areas]
such as Tonkawa and Karankawa on the Part two of this
article is a fairly lengthy article and must be read very thoroughly,
slowly and carefully to begin to
even understand the
linguistic terminology in which Sapir uses. I found this article difficult
to comprehend, if the author had used examples such as language family
s with respect to dialect it might have been a bit easier to understand.
He provides numerous examples in which one may have to write down themselves
in order to understand the proper pronunciations and language use. Perhaps
if this copy wasn’t taken from a micro-film it may have made a difference. CLARITY RANKING: 2 EDNA NYCE: Shonle, Ruth. Peyote,
the Giver of Visions. American
Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1:53-75. Several themes prevail
throughout Shonle’s article: the role that the
Christian religion played in the diffusion of peyote; the focus of diffusion
of peyote amongst various mid-American tribes from 1890 to 1920; differences/variations
between respective Native American groups regarding peyote’s function
during ceremonials and associated symbolism; and how peyote’s usage changed
over time within certain groups of native tribes. Shonle points out that
only "five or six tribes [used peyote] north of the Shonle identifies several factors in the spread of peyote to some parts
of the Visions that peyote elicits are not mentioned at length until the end of the article. Here, Shonle refers to "seasoned" users and their ability to control their visions, establishing a clear religious purpose for its usage. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Shonle, Ruth. Peyote, the Giver of Visions. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol. 27: 53-76. Peyote, the giver of visions, is a hallucinogenic mushroom. In this
article, the author uses anthropological studies of North American Indian
tribes, correspondence with reservation agents, and correspondence with
native peyote users to inquire as to the origin and subsequent diffusion
of peyote use and the rituals associated with it, as well as its psychological
effects. While the specific tribe that was the first to use these mushrooms remains
unclear, Shonle lists possible factors that may have contributed to the
spread of its use, which she judges to be more important. Among the factors
she lists are the segregation of Indians onto reservations, which engendered
a host of cultural changes; the advent of mechanical means of communication,
such as postal services and railways; the proximity of tribes in relation
to each other; intermarriage; and cultural geographical factors such
as the location of mountain ranges and its ecological effects on cultural
diffusion. Due to its hallucinogenic properties, the peyote mushroom is connected
to supernatural beliefs that not only contribute to the spread of its
use, but also to the diffusion of the religious and medicinal rituals
subsequently associated with it. Here, the author compares characteristic
features of these rituals and uses positive correlation to formulate
her inferences about diffusion dynamics. She then uses this information
to classify the tribes themselves and the types of variations found in
different ceremonies. Among these different categories of variation is
the adaptation to previous ideas of tribal dance ritual and the influence
of Christianity. These in turn are due to the fragmentary manner in which
a given ritual is introduced to a tribe, and the significance of cultural
differences. Finally, she discusses
the psychological and physical effects of peyote mushrooms. Due to
their effects, they are attributed
medicinal and curative
powers. Seasoned users claim they can control their hallucinations, and
those who become talented enough are said to use the mushrooms as "the
means for interpreting the Bible" (72). To conclude, Shonle recapitulates the evidence she used to trace the
diffusion of peyote and suggests additional methods for future studies,
such as recording peyote songs and myths. CLARITY RATING: 5 Skinner, Alanson. Songs of the Menomini Medicine Ceremony. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27 2:290-314. This article focuses on the preservation of the songs and customs of the Menomini tribe. The author provides the reader with information about the meanings of the songs, what rituals they were used for, and the links the songs had to sacred animals. Skinner does this in order to educate the layman about the tribe’s culture in order to preserve the knowledge of the dying Menomini culture before it is forgotten. Skinner outlines each song in the article, translates the words, and explains the further meaning of the song. For example, he tells how the songs, and words in the songs, can mean the opposite of what is actually being said. He also tells of the rituals that go along with each song and the reasons why the rituals were important in order to give a better feeling for not only what the tribe was doing in the ritual, but also why they were doing it. Skinner shows the link between the medicine bag songs and animals whose skin the bags are made of. He explains the group that the animals belong to and the magic the animals have, and fits each animal into the upper and lower worlds in accordance with Menomini beliefs. He then identifies how the songs are used and the purpose each has. Towards the end of the article Skinner identifies rules for prospective fathers, rules for child bearing and raising of children, rituals for hunting and eating various game animals, and a myriad of other customs used by the Menomini tribe. The author accomplishes his goals of fully explaining many of the songs and customs of Menomini culture in great detail. The article may need to be read over carefully to get an entire understanding of each cultural practice. This article would be of great interest to anyone interested in Native American cultures. CLARITY RANKING : 4 Skinner, Alanson. Songs of the Menonimi Medicine Ceremony. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol.27(2):290-314. The author discusses the imminent extinction, both physical and cultural, faced by members of the pagan portion of the Menonimi tribe. Not only have a great number of Menonimi perished from the influenza epidemic of 1919-1920, but there is a palpable resistance by the surviving elders to give up the secrets of the Medicine Lodge. Added to this resistance, the songs sung in the Medicine Lodge are made immensely difficult to understand by the insertion of nonsense syllables, inverted meanings, circumlocutions, and archaic speech. However, the author, with the assistance of an informant, records the songs and presents a selection of them in this article, thereby participating in a long anthropological tradition of salvage ethnography. The author goes through a litany of songs sung at the Medicine Lodge: songs announcing the opening of the Medicine Lodge and the entrance of its members, songs invoking the gods, songs dedicated to the medicinal herbs and roots, etc. The author notes the importance of the medicine bag songs, songs sung in honor of the animals whose skin is used to make the medicine bags and from whom supernatural healing power is derived. The songs sung during the Jebai Noke ceremony are also presented. The Jebai Noke ceremony is held one year after a member of the Medicine Lodge has died, and it is during this ceremony that the soul of the deceased is transferred to the member who shall take his/her place in the Lodge. Included at the end of the article are addenda on Menonimi customs, including rules for pregnant women and prospective fathers, rites and rituals of childbirth and childrearing, laws of cleanliness and purity, burial customs, hunting traditions, and directions for the construction of elm-bark canoes. CLARITY: 4 SAM MYEROWITZ-VANDERHOEK Skinner, Alanson. Songs of the Menomini Medicine Ceremony. American Anthropologist, 1925. Vol.27(2):290-314 The article tells of the ritualistic songs that are sung by the Menomini,
a group of Native Americans who live on a reservation near Each animal has its own song that is characteristic to the animal. For example, the weasel songs are about burrowing the earth. Other songs in the Medicine Ceremony deal with the dead. There are also other songs that do not deal with the Medicine Ceremony that represent every aspect of life. Songs about love, gambling, and bravery are also sung. Towards the end of the article, Menomini customs are mentioned. There are stringent rules that apply especially to an expectant mother about what they can eat and see. Detailed procedures of childbirth and childrearing are given. There are specific instructions for twins for they are seen as a reincarnation of an old couple. Specific guidelines are also included about how to kill a bear, ancient burial customs, pigeons, canoe making, and traditions of the Sauk War. The article was very coherent and concise. CLARITY RATING: 4 CHRISTIE AUW Smith, Harlan I. Entomology Among the Bellacoola and Carrier Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1925 Vol. 27(3): 436-440. This article is about the similarities and differences between two western Canadian American Indian tribes in the naming of insects, and what each group uses to prevent insects from bothering them. Smith gathered this data while spending three years with the Bellacoola and the Carrier Indians of Ulkatcho. The first thing Smith mentions is that both tribes give name to insects that they find bothersome. The Bellacoola also name insects that they find to be useful while the Ulkatcho do not. Both of these tribes give names to only a few insects in comparison to the names that they give mammals and plants. Smith goes on to talk about the different types of insects that exist in these two Native American groups, making no clear argument in this article. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Smith, Harlan. Entomology Among the Bellacoola and Carrier
Indians. American Anthropologist 1925
Vol. 436-440 Smith compares entomology of two Indian groups in the The method Smith
uses seems to be the use of informants among the Carrier and Bellacoola.
Smith’s writing style is as detached and scientific as
possible. He mentions his inability to transcribe perfectly the Indian
names for the insects. Smith seems to consider the Bellacoola a more “highly
developed social organization.” He compares the Bellacoola to the English
and the Carrier to the Turks. Smith organizes his article by cataloguing the uses and significance
of the Carrier Indians, which he refers to as the Ulkatcho. He mentions
how among both the Bellacoola and the Ulkatcho, insects are given far
less attention than mammals and plants. Only those insects that gave
them trouble were named. Among the Bellacoola, if the ashes of a yellow
jacket nest were rubbed on a child, the child would grow up belligerent.
The gadfly has the same name, clez, among the Ulkatcho as it does among
the Bellacoola. CLARITY RATING: 3 BRETT BELL Smith, Harlan I. Sympathetic Magic and Witchcraft Among the Bellacoola. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol.27 (1): 116-121. Smith discusses
the theory of sympathetic magic that "like produces
like" or "that the effect of something resembles the cause." He
goes on to tell us about a group located in the CLARITY RANKING: 4 Smith, Harlan
I. Sympathetic
Magic and Witchcraft among the Bellacoola. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol.27(2):116-121. The author describes how certain animal and plant materials are used
magically to affect people or events, either for good or harm. He briefly
describes Bellacoola culture, then provides numerous examples of magic
derived from information given by his First Nations informants. Smith points out
that despite European contact, and integration into Western religious
and economic systems, many Bellacoola still
believe
in magic. Numbering about two hundred and fifty, they live on a reserve
at the mouth of the Bella Coola river. They use red cedar extensively
to build canoes, houses and totem poles. Their social organization is
complex and they belong to the Salish linguistic group. The majority
of Smith’s information was obtained in Chinook jargon from Captain Schooner
and Joshua Moody from 1920 to 1923. The data concerned the properties
of certain plants and animals. From this data, Smith isolated those properties
concerning magic and witchcraft. Magic is used sympathetically
to precipitate positive outcomes. The magical actions and materials
used are as follows: To
make a child grow
up to be a good dancer, ashes of aspen leaves are rubbed on the hands,
knees and elbows. Various beaver body parts are applied to a baby girl
to make her industrious or a fast berry picker. To make a boy grow to
be strong, a bear skin is thrown over him. To cure lung sickness, a ritual
involving the eating of phlegm and salmon eggs by crows is performed.
Beaver feet are planted at spots on a river-bank to make it erode there.
The sun is summoned by burning a wood-rat’s nest or poking an ant hill. Magic is also used
for harm. A fire-warmed dead mouse or wood-rat rubbed onto the hands
of a baby will make it a thief. To
make people crazy,
a piece of their clothing is tied around a red squirrel. The ashes of
a burned yellow jacket’s nest, rubbed on a child, makes it grow up to
be quarrelsome. Toads have strong magical associations, and can be used
to kill people. In conjunction with a person’s hair, red cedar bark or
thimble berries, three different kinds of gruesome death can be effected.
Smith concludes by listing some claims and boasts of various people who
believed they successfully killed through witchcraft. This brief article provides straightforward examples of magic practice
among the Bellacoola. Although lacking sufficient ethnographic detail
and context to be useful in further comprehensive research, it is an
interesting account nonetheless. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Smith, Harlan I. Unique Prehistoric Carvings From Near Vancouver, B.C. American Anthropologist April, 1925 Vol. 27(2): 315-318 This article is about two elk antler carvings found on the The heap is perhaps half a mile long and for a considerable distance reaches a height of over six feet. In the heap there is a row of several very large, deep pits, parallel to the beach, apparently house sites. The age was difficult to determine and was figured to be about as old as the shell heap itself. Dr. Harlan counted the annual growth rings on stumps of trees that had grown on top of the heap. Some of the stumps had as many as 400 growth rings, which would have been the minimum age of the heap and the carvings. The carvings themselves were rather faint and slightly weathered in places. On one, the carving consisted of shallow grooves, usually narrow, outlining an animal form. The carving, one on each side, represented an open mouth with protruding tongue, an eye with a long line running back from it, short lines extending downward from both the eye and this line, and a long longitudinal line which with the corresponding line on the reverse forms a V-shaped figure pointing towards the back. The second carving represents an eye, the two edges of an open mouth, and the rear limit of the jaw or head. On the reverse, faint short lines extending up perpendicular to the upper edge of the mouth probably represent teeth. The base of this antler is irregularly rounded and smooth. The use of these two objects was unknown to Dr. Harlan. This would be an interesting article for anyone who has an interest in ancient carvings or in Native American Prehistoric Art. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Smith, Harlan
I. Unique Carvings
From Near This short article describes two intricately carved elk antlers, originally
discovered as roads were being constructed near the border of Washington
and Vancouver. These artifacts were then retrieved and analysed by the
author. Smith includes a full-page illustration of these two carved elk
antlers, and documents the location of the site and the context of the
artifacts within the site. He then attempts to determine the age of these
artifacts, which First Nations group was responsible for their manufacture,
and also the possible function. Smith provides a high level of detail in his description of the site
and the artifacts. He begins by establishing the antiquity of the carved
antlers, using the indirect method of dendrochronlogy, also known as
tree ring dating. The artifacts were located in a shell midden, which
had trees growing over top. After counting the rings of a stump, Smith
assumes the carved antlers to be over four hundred years old at the time
this article was written. Smith also uses methods of association in attempts to deduce which indigenous
group manufactured these artifacts. Since skulls of both, what Smith terms Athe rare narrow type and the common type@ (316), were found in the same deposit with the carved antlers, either group could have made these artifacts. Smith also concludes that these carved antlers had a ceremonial function. This is a very short article with a strong emphasis on description. CLARITY: 4 Strong, William
D. and W. Egbert Schenck. Petroglyphs
Near In this article, the authors describe a set of petroglyphs discovered
in an archaeological reconnaissance along the The petroglyphs in Towards the end of the article, the authors compare the petroglyphs
with others found along rivers in the Northwest. There are comparable
glyphs at one location on the CLARITY RANKING: 4 Strong, William
Duncan and W. Egbert Schenck. Petroglyphs
near Strong and Schenk
attempt to associate the "interesting rock drawings," or
petroglyphs found on the north shore of the Columbia River, across from
the There is one pictograph
in the canyon, and the rest of the artifacts are petroglyphs, some
of which are superimposed upon
others, suggesting
intense and prolonged use of the site. The authors make direct inferences
as to what the drawings depicted based on the archeological data available
at the time, and from local informants. Thus, the objects said to be
depicted fall into four categories: anthropomorphic figures, animals, "water
animals," and "conventional designs" (85). As for the human-like
figures, the authors make inference as to the symbolic meaning of the
images. The animal figures are similarly
analyzed,
but in far greater detail. Eight "species" of animals are described:
mountain sheep, elk, mountain goat, deer, horse, wolf or coyote, buffalo,
and rattlesnake (80). The "water animals" are thought to be
mythical creatures as they represent abstractions of real animals. And
finally, glyphs that cannot be fit into the first three categories are
understood to be "conventional designs" (80). They note that certain
generic resemblance among the pictures suggests they were made by one
man. This would also explain
the site’s apparent
idiosyncrasy in relation to other sites of the Columbia River Area. The
most closely related petroglyphs the authors knew of were located in
three sites: the east side of the Columbia Sentinel bluffs, above Priest
Rapids; Buffalo Rock, just north of CLARITY RATING: 4 Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: Glyphs C, D, and E of the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist January-February, 1925 Vol.27(1):108-115. This article deals with Mayan inscriptions associated with their calendar system. The inscriptions in question are called the Supplemental Series, which are associated with the Initial Series. The purpose of this article is to determine a method of reading three of the glyphs (C, D, and E) from the Supplemental Series, along with their attached number, and apply them to the reading of the Initial Series. The Supplementary Series of glyphs usually contains eight inscriptions which are known as Glyphs G, F, E, D, C, X, B, and A (from left to right). Glyphs C, D, and E, of concern for this article, usually have a number attached to them. These Supplementary Series of glyphs, with their attached number, are supposed to help "determine the date of the Initial Series in some other form of reckoning" (p. 108). The author states that the work consisted of an arithmetical analysis of eighty-four glyphs from the Supplementary Series to bring the various series into agreement for reading. Instead of compiling a list of the several thousand computations, an explanation of the findings is shown. However, the explanation is mainly in a raw data format. In the explanation, the author goes through several of the eighty-four glyphs, giving examples of how many days each stands for. For example, "Glyph E itself apparently stands for 20 days, 3E represents 23 days, 6E represents 26 days, etc." (p. 109). He then goes on to explain how group readings would work; for example "10D, 5C would represent 10 plus 148 days = 158 days" (p. 109). For the inscriptions not included within the text, there is a series of tables outlining the complete results. The results, as inferred from the tables, were gathered where there was a known (complete) initial starting date, as well as a complete glyph. The results show that 70 dates are in complete agreement, 8 dates needed slight corrections, and 6 dates do not agree with reading used, in that they do not match up with the next cycle’s beginning date. Possible sources of error for the readings included those on the part of the original sculptor or most likely that they were not fully clear as to the forms used by the sculptor, causing a misreading of the glyph. The reader should have some understanding of the Mayan calendar system, including the Initial and Supplementary Series. The interpretation of the data seems as though it is the opinion of the author, not necessarily definitive. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: Glyphs C, D, and E of the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol.27: 108-115. This article is about the seven to eight glyphs in the Supplementary Series that accompany most Initial Series in Maya inscriptions. The Supplementary Series is assumed to determine the date of the Initial Series in (probably) lunar terms but until now the exact time system used is unknown. This piece depicts the author’s findings, after “many thousands of computations,” of the possible temporal values of glyphs C, D, and E. The author includes previous works and theories on the glyphs that function as starting points for his project. One theory is that Glyphs C, D, and E may refer to “lunation” groups in the Dresden Codex in which successive moons are recorded in groups of five or six. He assumes that Glyph C represented “the number of complete lunations which had occurred since the end of the last five or six group.” The author finds that Glyph C does represent the number of completed lunations since the end of the last moon group. He even calculated the value of Glyph C with numerals attached: 2C is equal to 59 days, 4C is equal to 118 days, etc. Glyphs D and E represent the remaining days less than a complete “lunation.” When the remaining days are greater than twenty, Glyph E is used and Glyph E alone stands for 20 days. 3E represents 23 days, 6E represents 26 days, and so on. When the remaining days are less than twenty, Glyph D is used which stands for a single day: 8D stands for eight days, 19D for 19 days, etc. A table is provided which includes the name of the monument on which the inscriptions are found, the city where the monument is located, the Initial Series, the values of Glyphs C, D, E, and the date when the last moon group ended. The values in his table supports his reading of Glyphs C, D, and E. The previously mentioned lunations or months in five or six groups seem to vary from city to city and the author has yet to determine the exact temporal system if there was a uniform system used at all. The author assumes too many things in this article. He seems to assume that all his readers are Mayan inscription experts and he jumps into his analysis with hardly an introduction into this dense subject matter. The author hardly pauses to explain any of his terms or reasoning. Terms such as “lunation”, “tzolkin” and “glyphs” were vaguely if at all defined in this article. His table though organized and interesting, is a puzzle to Mayan culture and temple inscription novices. The topic of this article is very interesting and the lack of clarity is therefore frustrating. CLARITY RANKING: 2 CHRISTINE MESIAS Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: Further Notes on the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist October-December, 1925 Vol. 27(4):544-549. This article is a continuation of another written by the author earlier that year ("Maya Inscriptions: Glyphs C, D, and E, of the Supplementary Series" American Anthropologist Vol. 27: pg. 108-115). In the previous article, Teeple deals with the reading of Supplementary Series Mayan glyphs in relation to the Initial Series glyphs they accompany, with the theory that the Supplementary Series represented a form of dating. Most Initial glyphs are accompanied by a group of seven or eight glyphs, called the Supplementary series. Most of these Supplementary glyphs have numerals attached. Teeple focuses on glyphs C, D, and E and their numerals. He surmises that D equals the number of days elapsed since the last point of observation of the moon provided the days are less than twenty. E is used with the days equal twenty or more, and C is the number of complete "lunations in addition that had elapsed since the end of the last moon group of five or six lunations." While there is ample proof for D and E, C is assumed from examples. In this article, Teeple shows that when applied to varied inscriptions, these date calculations show lapses in accuracy in the Maya calendar, causing discrepancies of two-three days at most. Teeple allows that absolute accuracy to the day was "too much to expect from people in their state of development and with their means of reading data." Using this dating system, Teeple demonstrates the Maya Tzolkin as an instrument for following eclipse dates, if you have any fixed starting point as provided by various Maya inscriptions. In this part of the article, Teeple starts getting more and more technical, citing actual glyph data regularly and using various sorts of astronomical notes and terminology. Teeple ultimately concludes that the Maya held the age of the (new) moon in days to be of great importance, and that their calendars arranged moons in groups of five or six to end on possible eclipse dates. While these groupings of five or six can be found in patterns among any one group, the pattern fails when applied to another series of inscriptions. Teeple ends this article with a numbered summary of eight parts: that the Dresden Codex Table was only in use at Naranjo and Copan after a certain date (either 9.14.0.0.0 or 9.15.0.0.0), that it is probable that no Initial date is the date of an eclipse, that an error of two to three days in a Maya calendar was not uncommon, that the moon and eclipse season data here "may be used to check correlation with Christian chronology," that there is unlikely to be an exact correlation of Maya chronology with ours (after 1500 AD) due to normal two or three day discrepancies and the effects of assumed disturbances in Maya-land that preceded the Spaniards, and that any correlation must account for a new moon on 9.16.4.10.7 or the day after (this is also a likely eclipse date if within two days after the sun had passed the moon’s node). CLARITY RANKING: 3 Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: Further Notes on the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist, 1925. 27(4): 544-549. In this article, Teeple continues his interpretation of the Mayan calendar from stele inscriptions. He uses his prior readings of specific Glyphs to then apply them to inscriptions and interpret new meanings. He addresses the issue of accuracy in the dating of the calendar in increments of days proceeding and following new moons and eclipses, in the hopes that correlations could then be checked between Mayan and Christian chronology as it was understood to that point. Contrasting a number of specific stele engravings which give certain dates in relation to days following a new moon, Teeple finds a consistent discrepancy of 2 to 3 days in the calendar system, and he concludes that absolute accuracy should not be expected when the Mayan’s state of development and means of collecting data is taken into account. Furthermore, he reasons that the arrival of the Spaniards could have only increased the disturbance of their chronology, and therefore he has little hope that Mayan dates would prove useful in deriving correlations with the Christian calendar in the years after 1500 C.E. Teeple refers to numerous terms and locations and utilizes a specific dating system, all presumably defined and explained in previous articles, but with no prior knowledge of the subject matter, this renders most of the article unintelligible to the common reader. Therefore, this article will be of little use to anyone unfamiliar with Teeple’s previous works or the Mayan calendar system. CLARITY: 2 INGRID BERGER Teeple, John E. Maya Inscriptions: Further Notes on the Supplementary Series. American Anthropologist, 1925. Vol.27: 544-549. Teeple’s findings about lunar and solar eclipse readings on Mayan glyphs are further explicated in this article after an earlier one he wrote published in the same journal explained the methods and meanings of reading glyphs. He concluded that after further study of Glyph C, which unlike its counterparts Glyphs D and E, had few examples and probability without proof of complete lunations, can be cautiously accepted. The main problem that Teeple had to deal with were probable errors of two to three days in reading exact dates of the new moon. Complete accuracy would be impossible to expect from a developing people because of infrequent intervals of calendar recording during unstable times, e.g. war or famine. The Tzolkin, a Mayan instrument used to follow eclipse dates with any fixed starting point, was used in connection with the Dresden Codex, a book that contained eclipse-prediction tables, as a starting point of investigation. For example, days two hundred and sixty-eight on the Lamat calendar, Teeple noted, showed the unlikelihood of lunar and solar eclipses because it was noted that it occurred fourteen to fifteen days after the new moon. Professor Wilson
and Dr. Guthe’s study on eclipse dates was used as
evidence for Teeple’s data. In
terms of the Tzolkin, the zero day was 11 Manik, or day 167 of the Tzolkin. The first group of six moons was to have
ended at 6 Teeple concluded that the average eclipse happening in the middle of
the year is 173.31 days. No dates
near 9.11.0.0.0 could have been an eclipse day unless it was within days
171, 344, and 518 for solar eclipses and eighteen days for a lunar eclipse. This narrowed the field down; leading to
identifying secondary series data at the eclipse dates and helped correlate
Mayan and Christian calendars. Inscriptions
did not show any apparent attempt to connect moon groups to eclipse seasons. The
only cities that the Dresden Codex corresponded to were the CLARITY: 2 SUE ANN NELSON Wallis, Wilson D. Diffusion as a Criterion of Age. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol. 27(1):91-99. The main problem addressed in this article is the controversy about two classifications of people whom Wallis describes as the Ancients and the Moderns. The debate that the scholars of his day had was locating the starting point of human civilization. The familiar theory of Wallis’ day was that of evolution; however, he supports a new theory called diffusion. Wallis states that "The diffused trait is a superimposition rather than a growth,...it has not evolved out of the content of the tribe..., but has been introduced" (p. 91). Wallis cites different books that argue the theory of diffusion is a more likely explanation for the progress of time than evolutionism. He also states that similarities in different cultures are evidence that diffusion happened, not evolution. We can use diffusion as a means to date advancements in a culture because the diffused trait is older, based on the fact that a culture trait spreads; therefore, the diffused trait is the predecessor of other traits that may evolve from the diffused culture trait. The diffused traits can expand or shrink. If they expand, then they diffuse to other cultures, and if they shrink, then they die out. The factor that determines whether the culture trait will diffuse or terminate is how open the culture is to the trait and whether or not they are ready for the advancement. If they are not open to it or if they are not ready for it, then diffusion of that trait stops at that culture. It can still diffuse elsewhere, but not within that group or its close relatives. However, we cannot estimate the age of the traits from the distribution unless we are cautious enough to make the assumption at the appropriate instance in history, but "in the absence of history we can make no inference" (p. 98). CLARITY RANKING: 3 Wallis, Wilson D. Diffusion as A Criterion of Age. American Anthropologist, 1925, Vol. 27: 91-99 In this article, Wallis explores the idea that the diffusion of a cultural trait and its subsequent levels of development over a period of time is not necessarily a good indication of the age of the trait or the age of the culture that displays it. He claims that people have cultural traits because their neighbors accepted the traits and passed them on, instead of their being developed within the tribe. It is diffusion itself, he claims, that has a huge effect on the interpretations of similarities between cultures, and this prevents a culture from stagnating due to isolation. He also states that the spread of a trait and the rate at which it spreads depends upon the nature of the trait (93), and also the nature of the culture to which it is introduced. An example of this that he provides is the telephone, which he believes “has not spread with equal facility in all lands, the main reason being that all lands were not in the same state of culture preparedness.” (94). He outlines the fact that technology, or symbols, or religious beliefs have become parts of many cultures in the world, but only because the accepting societies were ready and willing to incorporate them into their own culture, or to accept them through assimilation. In terms of age determination, Wallis states that diffusion of a trait can either be superimposed upon older traits, or displace older traits since a culture must already exist in order to accept a diffused trait. He also states that the possibilities of diffusion are greater in civilization than in savagery, but that this difference is simply an intensification of the factors at work in savagery, rather than the introduction of new ones (99). He concludes that the region in which a trait originates is not always the one in which it fully develops, and uses the spread of Christianity as an example of a culture trait that flourished best in lands far from the place of its origination. It is also noted that, “the place of origin does not remain the center of the area of distribution.” (97). Because of development or the lack thereof in different areas, diffusion remains a poor criterion for the determination of age. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Wallis, Wilson D. Diffusion as a Criterion of Age. American Anthropologist 1925 Vol.27(1):91-99 This article concerns the subject of diffusion and raises the question of whether or not it can be used to determine age. Wallis argues against this with a variety of points. He states that the conditions leading to the cultivation of a cultural trait differ, that the region in which a trait develops extensively is not necessarily its origin, that traits both appear and disappear and that this provides evidence of negative correlation of age with distribution. Because the degree to which a trait will flourish, Wallis argues, depends as much on the nature of the culture as it does on the nature of the trait itself an older trait can easily be less widely diffused than an older trait. In addition to this he states that when a trait is first introduced to a culture it will either superimpose itself over older traits or displace these traits entirely. To illustrate this he uses the example of the automobile which replaced the use of horse transportation. To explain his theory Wallis relates diffusion to water, stating that cultural phases do not radiate in a uniform direction. Instead they move like a stream, spreading in much direction and with varying degrees of strength. Sometimes this stream forms a lake, other times it dries up. Wallis makes note of the fact that he believes new traits to be more easily accepted into “civilized” cultures than into “savage cultures”. He believes that this is due to the fact that so-called savages are slower to perceive the utility of new devices. In conclusion he argues that unless one is capable of placing a trait within its precise historical moment age cannot be inferred from distribution. This argument is well presented. Wallis clearly states his theory and proceeds to justify it in a well-organized fashion. Based on his arguments I agree with his thesis that distribution does not determine the age of a trait. The one point I disagree with is his statement that “ savages” are slower to accept new traits. This is clearly unfounded and influenced in outdated theories of culture. Wallis makes no effort to prove that any culture is less inclined to incorporate new traits and instead seems to assume that the reader will naturally believe in the superiority of “ civilization” over “savagery”. Although this point was annoying and weakened his argument, it was a minor enough detail to easily be ignored. Despite this I found the argument to persuasive and well presented. CLARITY:4 JULIA MCCALLUM Walton, Eda Lou and T. T. Waterman. American Indian Poetry. American Anthropologist January - March, 1925 Vol. 27 (1):25-52. "Is the Indian a poet?" The authors of this article, T. T. Waterman, who is interested in Indian poetry, and Eda Lou Walton, who has studied the poetry of the Navajo and has a professional interest in poetry, want to prove to you that "he" is. They want to prove to you that the Indian is not the "untrammeled child of nature" that so many people of the time had made them out to be but a truly refined poet. The authors present many samples of Navaho poetry, being specialists in the field. They begin by trying to explain the symbolism behind the words and go on to further point out the meter and verse of the Navaho song and those of other Native American peoples by comparison to poetry from other societies. One of the main points brought forward by the authors is that, often, to understand the poetry of a people you must know more than their language. You must understand their symbolism and the context in which the words are being spoken and even, at times, the physical actions involved in the telling of this story. The authors go to great lengths to point out the underlying structure and form of Native American poetry by comparison with Hebrew Psalms from the Old Testament, contemporary English writing, and several older Irish and Celtic songs. In reviewing all published Indian poetry of the time the authors categorize the works by form, complete parallelism, incremental parallelism, and repetitive parallelism, then present percentages of each, showing that the majority of Indian poetry is of the same level of complication as what we may consider refined poetry. The authors go on to state their desire to map out these forms based on social group and geographic location for the purpose of constructing a graphical representation of the dispersal of poetic styles used by Native Americans. The final point brought up by the authors is the difficulty inherent in translating Indian verse accurately with the limited knowledge of some languages and the ever so problematic issue of personal liberty taken by the original story teller and the translator. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Walton, Eda Lou and Waterman, T. T. American Indian Poetry. American Anthropologist January-March, 1925 Vol.27(1):25-52 In this article
the authors jointly put forward the idea that Native Americans are
indeed poets based on the fact that their
verse exhibits
certain imaginative qualities, indicative of a higher literary form,
and the evidence of a variety of verse structures. They theorize that
one cannot regard the Native peoples as a homogenous unit, instead each
tribe or culture area has its own mode of cognition, behavior and cultural
representation. The authors disregard the romantic idea that Native poetry
coincides with the general rhythms of nature and the "flicker of
the campfire", rather poetry relates and reflects a tribe’s specific
rituals and beliefs. To further this idea of poetic specialization the
authors suggest that, "even his mind is cramped, and he conforms
religiously to the mores of his time and place" (26), suggesting
that a shared tribal ideology results in poetic structures unique to
each group. Three pages outlining
segments of Navaho poetry are included followed by a discussion of
the poetry itself. Topics broached in relation
to
Navaho poetry include the following: the spiritual quality of the work,
the emphasis on musical rather than verbal rhythm, the evidence of a
connecting thread of meaning running through each poem, and the involvement
of the subconscious when listening to poetry. Subconscious involvement
means that the onus is on the listener’s mind to supply the narrative
and spiritual connections because the meaning is not made entirely explicit.
Parallelism is brought up next, this being the correspondence of terms
in one line to those of another in respect to meaning rather than syllables
or rhythmic groups. If present in poetry the authors believe this to
reflect an "inner orderliness of intellectual expression" (38).
They find the existence of parallelism in seventy percent of Navaho poetry,
reinforcing their belief that this is a highly evolved and refined product.
A comparison of parallelism in Navaho poetry is done with English verse
and song. The poetry of the CLARITY RANKING: 4 Waterman, T.
T. Village Sites
in Tolowa and Neighboring Areas in Dispatched in 1909 by A. L. Kroeber to Waterman goes into brief detail about the differences between Tolowa and Yurok culture. He does point out that although they are neighbors, the Tolowa trade with the Yurok indirectly, through their common neighbor the Karok, and therefore have little contact with them. As for the Tolowa "degeneration of culture" and "more simple way of life" he provides few details and no explanation. It appears that Waterman’s main interest here is a comparison of Tolowan and Yurokan geographical terms and place names. Waterman points out that English speakers tend to anglicize Yurokan and Tolowan place names (for example the Yurok ErL becomes Lake Earl or the Tolowa village Ybn-t’akit becomes Yontucket), while the Yurok have their own names for Tolowan villages and places and vice versa (juxtaposed clearly on two tables). Both cultures tend to name places and villages by describing the surrounding geography. For example, the Yurok refer to one of their villages as otsepo’r, which means "where it is steep." A Tolowa example, tata’ten, is translated as "in-a-corner place." By employing similar approaches, it follows that some Yurok and Tolowa place names share similar English translations. For example, the Yurok village, weitspãs’, is called LtcoilI’ntEn by the Tolowa. Both translate to mean "confluence." In the last few pages of the essay, Waterman goes into great detail
about other Athapascan (the language group to which the Tolowa belong)
place names to the north in CLARITY RANKING: 4 Waterman, T. T. Village Sites in Tolowa and Neighboring
Areas in This article provides an account of the local ethnology of the tribe of the Tolowa. Waterman provides information pertaining to this tribe’s habitat. He focuses on the local geography of the Tolowa in the early 1920’s. He comments on other people who also examined the region that he was camped in and he uses their prior discoveries to enlarge his compilation of information regarding this American Indian tribe. Within this article, Waterman continually refers to different neighboring
tribes for comparison of lifestyles. By
deduction, he reasons that the Tolowa and other The majority of his essay is centered on the study of words that exist within the Tolowa language and what these words are translated to in English. He provides charts that give meaning to particular words and he also offers stories, mostly myths that lie behind certain words that are used to describe the landscape and to offer greater understanding of the tribe. Waterman concludes with a comparison of two different tribes in which the phonetic types of their languages are in contrast with one another. He accounts that the Tolowa’s phonetic type is that of tones. He goes on to say that he believes that all the tone languages are most probably connected in some way or another. His commentary on the phonetics of a language lead the reader to understand that the intermingling of different groups has led to commonalities among languages to produce words that are shared among various groups of peoples and languages. CLARITY: 4 MIA NATHANSON Waterman, T.T. The Village Sites in Tolowa and Neighboring
Areas in In his article, The Village Sites
in Tolowa and Neighboring Areas in Northwestern California, T.
T. Waterman examines and interprets the importance of the names of
local villages, towns, and native groups within the Yurok and Tolowa
societies. The Yurok live in Northern California; across
the bay, in Through many charts and tables, Waterman looks at the names of a number
of different Tolowa villages, towns, and native groups and directly translates
their meaning from the original tribal language. The article gives a
plethora of examples of village names and their translations. Often times, the English equivalent is a
key into old tribal legends that have been passed on for centuries. The names are also commonly a description
about the actual land. For example,
the translation of the Tolowa name for what is now Trinidad is Although the article is composed mainly of examples of names of villages, Waterman does describe the atmosphere of the Tolowa frontiers. The Tolowa tribes mostly lived on the California-Oregon boarder. While the Tolowa and Yurok are separate for the most part, the two communities do share a few small towns on the boundaries. However, away from the boarder, the Tolowa have little contact with other tribes, for the mountains prevent any interaction. Partly due to the fact that the Tolowa were so isolated, their culture and dialect greatly differ from “neighboring” tribes. Waterman clearly highlights the richness of culture and language within the Tolowa tribes. CLARITY: 5 ANNA BENNETT Webb, William
S. Report of
a New Double Conoidal Pipe From This article describes a prehistoric pipe that was obtained from Mr.
John Cinnamon of Several small chips had been split from the edge of the base and one of four figures carved into the sides was slightly marred, but all of the chipping appeared to be of great age and, according to Webb, pointed to the conclusion that all damage that the specimen had sustained was done while still in the service of the prehistoric possessor. The pipe was cut from a block of sandstone into a cubicle form with the four vertical faces protruding out. The base was 4-1/4 inches long from front to rear and 4 inches wide with a height of 3-1/4 inches. The four sides of the pipe rose from the base almost perpendicularly. Into the rear face was cut the large conical stem hole having a diameter of 1-3/8 inches tapering down to ¼ inch. The bowl was an almost exact duplicate of the stem hole. The material of the pipe was originally a rather heavy block of sandstone, probably having a large iron content, probably carbonate of iron. As a result of being hundreds of years in the soil the specimen has become covered with limonite, giving the pipe a fairly smooth hard surface, dark red in color. The author goes on to talk about the figures carved into the sides and how the pipe might have been only for ceremonial use, considering that it weighed 2.9 pounds and would have been difficult to use as an ordinary smoking pipe. The author reports that the pipe was put into his personal collection and that it had not been assigned to any particular linguistic group, tribe or culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Webb, WM. S. Report
Of A New Double Conoidal Pipe From Webb’s article takes
an archaeological approach discussing the accidental finding of an
Indian Pipe in which he refers to as the,
Double Conoidal
Pipe. His main objective is to describe in detail the size and shape,
the distinguishing characteristics, the interesting features and how
this artefact was well preserved over a period of time. The pipe was obtained from Mr. John Cinnamon, of Considering what the pipe had undergone, and the estimated age, it showed
very little damage. The author states that the pipe was probably cut
from a block of sandstone and presents a general cubical appearance,
having four vertical faces, each being an approximate rectangle. The
four faces of the pipe rise from the base almost perpendicularly. Into
the rear face is cut the large conical stem hole. The stem hole is almost
an exact duplicate of the bowl, which as the same depth and slope of
side. These two conical drillings could have been made by the same blunt
reamer. The original material was a heavy sandstone possibly having a large
content of iron, however the sandstone had undergone a change, (after
the manufacture of the pipe) as a result of being hundreds of years well
preserved in the soil. He describes the specimen as being covered with
limonite, giving the pipe a fairly smooth hard surface and dark red in
colour. One of the most striking features of this artefact is the medallion-like
disks raised nearly a quarter of an inch above the face of the pipe,
one on the right and another on the left face of the pipe as one views
the stem hole. Upon each of these raised disks is engraved a human face. Webb then speculates the fundamental use of the pipe, because of its
shape it was fairly easy to hold in the hand, and because of its weight
it might easily have served to crack nuts, or buffet a stone chisel,
it being not an unusual thing to find evidence that among stone age men
one tool served two or more purposes. And considering the weight of the
pipe would make one wonder, how it was supported while in use as a pipe.
There is no real estimation of how old this pipe is and as far as the
owner knows it had not been assigned to any one linguistic group, tribe
or culture. In terms of archaeology, this article was easy to understand. Webb accomplishes
his objective of describing The Double Conoidal Pipe, in detail, although
he could take this a step further in estimating what tribe or culture
this pipe may have originated from by where the pipe was located. CLARITY RANKING: 4 EDNA NYCE:
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