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American
Anthropologist
De Hostos, Adolfo. Anthropomorphic
Carvings from the In this essay Adolfo De Hostos tries to decipher certain West Indian artifacts through an explanation of their origins and characteristics. He summarizes that "the anthropomorphic stone carvings from the Greater Antilles should be considered as evidence of local developments of a specialized art evolved from the agricultural complex of eastern South America" (529). For the purposes of De Hostos’ research, he chooses to separate the Antillean carvings into two categories; the first including separate human heads, and the second including semblances of the entire human body. He follows with detailed descriptions of both groups. It is through these descriptions that De Hostos relates the Antillean carvings to animism, and insists that they not be prejudged as involuntary expressions of creativity. Furthermore, he argues that the simplicity of the objects is deceiving and should not discredit or discourage their study. De Hostos pinpoints three forms of Antillean carvings: three pointed idols, elbow-stones, and collar-stones. Through description and sketch, substantial attention is paid to the carvings’ facial features and limbs. The importance of both the placement and size of the forehead, eyes, ears, nose, cheeks, and mouth is elucidated. In addition, the significance of the position of the carving’s limbs and how it is posed (squatting, kneeling, or standing) is interpreted. Anyone with an interest in the precise detail of such artifacts will benefit from this article. CLARITY RANKING: 3
De Hostos, Adolfo. Anthropomorphic
Carvings from the This article presents an argument that the Arawak inhabitants of the
Greater Antilles originally migrated from north-eastern The first assertion, that the Antillean carvings depict religious subjects and were used in animistic ritual is based on the following evidence: 1.) that the abstract nature of the individuals depicted in the carvings (without facial expression, clothes, tribal markings etc) suggests that they do not portray humans, but gods or spirits; 2.) that unusual images portrayed in some of the carvings (ie: death heads, distorted limbs, crawling beings) may have been inspired by visions attained through ritual use of narcotics and; 3.) that many of the objects, such as amulets, pestles, and masks are of a type that would be used in religious rituals. The second argument, that the carvings are primitive and therefore derive from an archaic tradition of carving on the South American mainland, is backed up with a detailed description of incision techniques, which are evaluated as crude, as well as an itemized study of the style and methods used for sculpting the facial features, headbands, and body details of the carvings. These are listed under headings such as Eye, Nose, and Body Details. The author writes engagingly, using illustrations of different features
of the carvings to support his argument. The article concludes with a
number of points to consider in a possible comparitive study of the stone
sculpture of CLARITY RATING: 3 TIFFANY GALLAHER.
De Hostos, Aldolfo. Anthropomorphic Carvings from the Greater Antilles. One culture, three different islands, very similar results. The author
of this article studied the aboriginal culture of the Arawak in terms
of rock carvings and found very surprising results. Eastern Cuba, Haiti,
and Porto Rico are the three islands under the author’s microscope
and he found that even though these cultures are separated they - in
terms of sacred rock carvings - are almost identical. The author of this
article is expressing to the reader what carvings looked like and what
they meant in the area of the world known as the Antilles. These carvings
ranged from massive to miniature and were primarily carvings of human
figures and their weapons or tools of choice. This article also describes
how such carvings where constructed, and the meaning of such carvings.
The data offered by the author was very detailed and well organized.
He broke the carvings down into two major categories: separate human
heads and entire human bodies. These two categories were then broken
down into many different categories which were important to the carvings.
The author goes deeper into these sections and even provides pictures
of the many different styles of carvings. CLARITY: 4 STEVE ROBERTS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
De Hostos, Adolfo. Three-pointed
Stone Zemi or Idols from the Native American artifacts from the Great Antilles, known as the Three-pointed stones, have been viewed as mysterious and puzzling to researchers. Collectors have hypothesized many interpretations of their purpose and use. Some collectors believe that these objects are vessels used for crushing, while others think that they represent the brilliance of the man and animal figures, and others, that they represent volcanic phenomena. These Three-pointed stones have been examined historically and archaeologically.
Ramon Pane, a friar who spent time with the Haiti Indians, thinks that
the Three-pointed stones cause the yuca plant, a root eaten as a staple
food of the Native American tribes in the Great Antilles were known for their remarkable agricultural art. They had sophisticated methods of irrigation, soil preparation and fertilization. It is also believed that the stones were the result of a bountiful harvest. Perhaps using the stones in a ceremonial way would result in good crops. It is viewed by collectors of the stones that there is a symbolical connection between the stones and the phenomenon of vegetable growth. An uprooted adult yuca plant has a noticeably similar shape to the Three-pointed stones. The spirits zemi are seen in all things that the Native American people hold important. These spirits are given human and plant attributes. Regardless of whether the spirit is good or evil, it is believed that the spirits must be pleased in order to have a favorable crop. CLARITY RANKING: 3
De Hostos, Adolfo. Three-Pointed Stone Zemi or Idols from the West-Indies: An Interpretation. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol.25 (1): 56-71. In this article Adolfo de Hostos attempts to shed some light on the
meaning and uses of three-pointed stones from the He begins by examining the testimony of friar Ramon Pane who witnessed many of the native ceremonies when he lived among the Indians of Haiti in the fifteenth century. Pane describes stone zemi with three points which the locals believed caused the yucca plant to grow. The purpose of idol worship, de Hostos argues, is to evoke the assistance of the spirits for some temporal benefit, which in the case of agricultural idols such as this, is to aid in the growth of cultivated plants. De Hostos goes on to describe the morphological details of the stones, organizing them into arbitrary classes based on complexity. The simpler forms always have a prominent conoid projection, which he believes is an objective representation a tuber of the yuita plant and "was made to symbolize the invisible power of germination which they knew to reside in the bud" (64). Different forms of the stone zemi may have been used for different plants. According to de Hostos the use of agricultural idols would have been the combined product of three factors: "1) a wish to promote the well-being of slow growing plants; 2) woodcraft and plantlife knowledge acquired in the course of the native’s routinary activities in the field; 3) his mental subordination to animistic beliefs" (63). He goes on to provide explanations for the anthropomorphic and animalistic representations on some of the more complex zemi, arguing that they are an outward depiction of animistic concepts. The animal groups represented are either beneficial or harmful to plant life and the stones elicit the help or cooperation of these animal spirits to accelerate the growth of the plants. The stones with concave bases may have been attached to stone collars, thought to be "the embodiment of a tree spirit", in ceremonies where the reproductive powers of the three-pointed stone zemi were required. De Hostos makes his arguments clearly and succinctly while still paying considerable attention to the details of his argument. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Research of Makah music has put forth two ideals of the Makah Indians. The first ideal is physical beauty among women, and the second is physical strength among men. The primary source of evidence that supports these ideals were songs by the Makah which had elements of vanity and focused on the appearance of the individual. Upon further investigation of this "child-like vanity," the author discovers a routine that is common among the Makah. It is a process of massaging that begins at the birth of a child and continues "with unremitting diligence during the entire life of the individual". This procedure, as stated above, begins right after birth when the head, face and body are massaged very carefully. At this early stage, the child’s bones are still soft so massaging ensures the correct molding of the child’s facial features, head, and body to the Makah standards. This is repeated for the baby three times during the course of the day. According to the Makah, massage is the underlying framework for reaching physical perfection. A young girl is instructed to use a "powder puff" made of inner bark fiber of young cedar trees to rub her face to "take off the shine." This process becomes the morning ritual of a woman "who [is] careful of her appearance." The men’s routine involves taking baths when the moon is waxing and praying for their strength. In addition, they engage in contests of strength by seizing another man by his long hair and attempting to throw him to the ground. Achieving physical perfection is an integral aspect of Makah culture. The techniques and rituals between men and women may differ, however, it is clear by studying both sexes that an inherent belief in beauty is represented in the rituals of the Makah Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 4
This short article describes methods used by the Makah of Washington State for enhancing beauty, which is considered an important attribute for both sexes, and building strength, seen as an important trait for men. Densmore learned of the significance placed on these qualities through observing indigenous songs and dramas in which they were celebrated. She believes that a description of Makah standards of vitality and beauty and the means of attaining them is a natural topic of interest for anthropology. The article begins with several examples of "admiration" songs celebrating comeliness and strength. It follows with descriptions of beauty treatments for babies, young girls, women, and men. Rituals for babies centre around regular massage, believed to help shape their bodies and features. This massage continues into adulthood for both sexes. It is supplemented in women with bathing, hair and eyebrow care, attention to posture, and a specialized diet. Men bathe frequently during the waxing moon, believing that this builds their strength. An example of Densmore’s description of Makah cosmetic practices is as follows: "…While the child’s bones were soft, the shape of the nose was modelled, the ridge between the eyes receiving special attention. The cheeks were rubbed upward so that they would not sag, the eyes were rubbed outward "to take out puffiness," and the eyebrows were massaged "to get them into the proper place (566)." Densmore concludes the article with an account of methods of wrestling and instruction by which men encourage each other to improve their strength in order to become dependable warriors. The article is written clearly and concisely. CLARITY RATING: 5
Densmore, Frances. Conscious Effort Toward Physical Perfection Among the Makah Indians. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25: 564-567. In this article Densmore focuses upon Makah perceptions of beauty and beliefs on the proper human form. Densmore relates these views by recounting a dancing scenario he observed among the Makah. The dances he observed featured body language and music that focused on the issue of physical appearance. Some of the participants sang about how they were grateful for their good looks; while some mourned the loss of such attractiveness. Dancers would pantomime certain actions pertaining to beauty; such as looking into a mirror. Densmore finds that the theme of beauty is not confined to dance. Rather the dances and songs are a projection of common behavior. The key behavior for attaining beauty among the Makah is by massage. Shortly after birth, the young Makah under goes his or her first massage. These initial massages are directed at preventing sagging in the face, maintaining a slim figure and for good posture. As the child grows older the massage practice abandons the practice of hand massage and proceeds to massage his or her self with foliage. Women are taught to use the fiber of trees to clean and scrub their face. Also, they are instructed to bathe and shampoo regularly. The Makah quest for beauty does not end at the act of massage. For four years after a Makah women reaches maturity she is prohibited from consuming certain foods. The Makah believe that the forbiddance of such foods will help women to retain a proper figure. Makah men took an active and prescribed part in these beauty rituals. However, the focus for masculine beauty was more related to public displays of strength. It was common practice for Makah men to engage in martial contests with other men to show off their strength. The men were rated by their strength, which fell into the categories of “good” “better” “best.” Densmore remarks that this rating was done to better prepare Makah society in the event of warfare. Densmore makes a good case for his remarks by employing both Makah lore and observed ceremony. However, I feel that Densmore should have employed a higher level of analysis in this article. He does not discuss why the Makah are concerned with physical beauty. Perhaps this issue would seem obvious at first glance but Densmore stated that this article involved “conscious effort” and beauty. So, what was the consciousness behind these activities? I do not feel that Densmore satisfied this concern though I do find his observations appropriate and well formed. CLARITY: 4 CHRIS SHEFFIELD University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Densmore, Frances. Conscious Effort Toward Physical Perfection Among the Makah Indians. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25: 564-567. In this article Densmore reveals his ideas on Makah music and how it relates to the tribe’s culture. He feels that the music represents two of the tribe’s main ideals. One is the importance of physical beauty for women and the other is the importance for men to exhibit physical strength. This is of importance because music of admiration, as Densmore points out, “has always been attributed to the influence of the white race” ( Densmore, 564). Densmore offers evidence that the music is native and not influenced by another culture. He finds that a ritual , called a massage, is the basis for the desire for physical beauty and strength. “As soon as a child was born, before it was bathed, its head, face, and body were carefully massaged (566).” During the process the nose was molded, eyebrows places in the proper place, cheeks rubbed up to prevent sagging, and the wrists and ankles massaged to ensure slimness. These techniques to enhance beauty continue in the person’s life. Young girls were to rub their face with cedar bark fibers and to eat a special diet that would prevent corpulence. Beauty regimens continued as girls grew older. Besides face massages, women in the culture were to take proper care of their hair. The tribe had formulas for “hair care products”, usually made with huckleberry (566). Men were to bathe, rub themselves with herbs, and pray during the waxing moon to promote strength. A man’s strength was measured by a process called the “hold”, which was used to classify men according to strength. “Each man seized his opponent by the hair on either side of the head and attempted to hair. throw him to the ground.” This ritual made it important for men to have an abundance of hair. These rituals were performed during potlatch ceremonies (567). CLARITY: 5 ELISE WENDLAND University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Fewkes, Walter. Clay Figurines Made By Navaho Children. American Anthropologist October-December, 1923 Vol. 25(4): 559-563. Walter Fewkes’ article describes a collection of clay figurines presented to the Bureau of American Ethnology by Dr. W.H. Spinks. Researchers agree that the objects were made by young Navaho children. The figurines take the form of animals and human beings. They are also said to represent the concerns most connected with the lives of children. The figurines most likely functioned as toys for the Navaho children. This article includes several pictures of the figurines that are mentioned. The author’s intent in writing this article is two-fold. First, he finds
the children’s artistic ability noteworthy because the toys were created
with such realistic accuracy. A second, more scientific reason is that
some of the objects strikingly resemble a type of figurine discovered
in the ancient ruins called "prehistoric fetishes." These were
figurines used in Fewkes does not answer the above stated question. However, he does state
that even if the figurines were modeled after prehistoric effigies, one
cannot assume the figurines did not also function as toys for the children
of prehistoric times. Fewkes also adds that prehistoric CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. Clay Figurines Made by Navaho Children. American Anthropologist. Oct.- Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4):559-563 This short article describes a collection of toy figurines modelled by a young Navajo child. The author comments that they illustrate the influence environment has on early childhood skill development and on shaping nascent perceptions of the world. He also speculates on their possible use in interpreting the function of similar objects found in archaeological excavations of Navajo pueblos. The first observation is that the dexterity of the pottery work shows the influence of environment on the development of specific skills. Fewkes compares the quality of the Navajo child’s modelling to the more inferior quality that would be expected in the work of a white child of similar age. The implication is that the importance of pottery-making and dearth of commercially manufactured toys in the Navajo child’s environment has resulted in her acquiring skills in modelling figurines from clay which would be considered "precocious" in Western society. The second observation is that the subject matter of the figurines shows the importance of environment in shaping perceptions of the world. The author notes that the images the child is surrounded with, namely domestic animals, babies, and blanket-clad women, are those she depicts in her pottery work. The final, most significant observation, that the toy figurines are similar to archaeological specimens found in Southwestern pueblo sites, is elaborated on by the author as follows. He states that archaeologists working in the Southwest have interpreted prehistoric figurines as religious fetishes, based on the knowledge of their use in contemporary Navajo religious ceremonies. However, this interpretation is not adequate, as the above contemporary example of figurines used as children’s toys indicate that such artifacts may also have been made for use as playthings. This article is clearly and concisely written and includes photographs of the toy collection described. CLARITY RATING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. Clay Figurines Made by Navaho Children. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25: 559-563. This article discusses clay figurines made by Navaho children. The
author states that they are remarkably creative and clever, and that
the quality is rarely seen in objects made by white children. The objects
themselves seem to be playthings, according to Fewkes’ “informant,” and
they are mostly women figures and those of domesticated animals, such
as sheep, goats, horses, dogs, and cats. Fewkes argues that they represent
what surrounds the child. Perhaps the main issue in the article is that of the idea of the fetishes.
Similar objects have been found in the prehistoric mounds of ruins. Previous
excavators have The article’s basic point is that these objects seem to be nothing more than playthings. Fewkes takes this standpoint himself, but provides little evidence. When people are in doubt as to what an object is, they tend to say it is either ritualistic or for fertility. Some people have said that these clay figurines were ritualistic, but Fewkes disputes that. In all fairness to him, there really is not a way to be sure, all we can do is speculate. That is what Fewkes does – he asserts the possibility for all options. CLARITY: 4 ANDREA ROWLAND University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Fewkes, J. Walter. The The There have been several theories suggested by the author to explain the function of the towers in the monuments. One is that they were used for practical purposes such as food storage, observatories, or forts. Another theory suggests that the towers functioned as a place of religious worship in conjunction with the kivas. Perhaps spiritual ceremonies were conducted around the towers. The CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. The This article describes the ruins of the newly created The first portion of the article consists of a short discussion of the significance of the towers to those who built them. The towers have been variously interpreted as forts, observatories, or as storage units for grain. The author speculates that the towers serve a ceremonial function, particularly for the worship of the sun. The basis for his interpretation wrests on the agricultural lifestyle of those who built the towers. Fewkes reasons that a tower would provide a much needed vantage point for observing the rising and setting of the sun and hence would aid in determining times for planting and harvesting. Conversely, the subterranean rooms or kivas located under the majority of the towers would provide a site for the worship of mother earth. Fewkes describes some of the idols and pictographs associated with the sites to support his theory. Images of the sun, coiled serpents, mountain lions and mountain sheep are some of the symbols that adorn many of the buildings. Fewkes’ interpretations rely heavily on speculations that are not adequately supported by textual evidence, giving the reader the impression that his theories are improbable or at least subject to doubts. The second half of the article offers minute descriptions of each site including the location of the site in the monument, the shape and size of the tower, the state of preservation and any other details deemed important, such as unusual types of masonry. There is very little interpretation in this portion of the article. This is a simple, easy to read article, however, it is primarily descriptive and offers very little in terms of engaging analysis. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Flom, George T. Figures of Ships and the Four-Spoked Wheel in Ancient Irish Sculpture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 25 (3): 387-396. Flom’s research in this article is based on rock carvings
of ships and four-spoked wheels found in The Irish figures of ships and four-spoked wheels are rarely found in Many cross-comparisons are also made between the Irish rock carvings found in different sites. Flom provides great detail of each rock, specifically how the lines are drawn and the ratio of the figures to other drawings on the rock. He focuses more on the figures of the ships and devotes only two pages to the wheel carvings. Aside from the descriptions, Flom’s only conclusion is that a connection can be seen in Scandinavian and Irish rock carvings, suggesting Scandinavian influences on the Irish. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Flom, George T. Figures of Ships and the Four-Spoked Wheel in Ancient Irish Sculpture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25(3): 387-396. Flom references multiple earlier works on the topic by other researchers
in his article. Knowledge of these works along with a previous awareness
of the subject would be helpful in reading and understanding the article.
Flom’s main objective is to show evidence of the figures of ships
and the four-spoked wheel in Irish sculpture. Flom indicates that the ships from New Grange, Dowth and Loughcrew all support his assessment that the ship forms from North Scandinavia resemble those from the South of Europe. He uses the evolutionary type forms of the ships as well as the details of the carvings themselves. Flom also mentions the four-spoked wheel towards the end of the article. The wheel carving was found only once in Scotland but there were multiple found throughout Ireland. The trends between the ship forms in Irish sculpture seem to coincide with those of the four-spoked wheel carvings. He also points out that there is a possible connection with the Celtic West and those of the Scandinavian North.
FAYDRE L. PAULUS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Goldfrank, Esther S. Notes
On Two In approximately 3000 words, Esther S. Goldfrank provides
an observational account of autumn festivals in "Notes on Two Pueblo Feasts." She
comments on a span of several days before and during the events, extremely
careful of detail, social interaction, and the sequence of events. The
first description is of St. Joseph’s day in In describing the feast at Laguna, Goldfrank notes a voluntary change
in the event date to autumn so the feast will be more plentiful. The
emphasis on feast preparation and event procession occupies the bulk
of her essay. Various groups from the regions arrive amongst the backdrop
of food, dress, and material preparation in a complete picture of the
mounting event. Goldfrank continues her chronological account by describing
the different American Indian groups and Mexicans who gather together
dressed in their best garb for Catholic mass. After all partake in a
procession through the village; she describes the different ritual dances
that are the main event of the feast. Duly noting the dress, actions,
and configurations of the participants, Goldfrank concludes her documentation
of the For the St. Elizabeth feast in Pohuati, Goldfrank finds few variations between the two festivals. Her main observation is that only one dance from the gathering in Laguna was repeated at Pohuati, and the performer’s costumes were less extravagant. Esther Goldfrank’s account captures the gathering of different peoples to celebrate a single religious event. Written in a detailed fashion, she is careful to note specific social interactions between the participants. As an example, she observes that although Navajo blankets adorn the ceremonies, the Navajo are disliked and do not enter the church alone. There is no analysis in her essay. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Goldfrank, Ester S. Notes
on Two This short article describes two Pueblo Feasts, one at Laguna and the
other at Pohuati. The feast at Laguna took place on September 19th,
1921 and combines a celebration of the harvest with a tribute to The feast at Pohuti took place on September 25th in celebration of Saint Elizabeth. The description of this feast is quite brief and focuses on the ways in which it differed from the feast at Laguna. The focus is on the somewhat dissimilar dancing formations, which the author describes in detail. The dancers at Pohuti were also dressed more casually than those at Laguna. This article is representative of the purely descriptive monographs of the time and does not offer very much in terms of analysis. In addition, the reader does not get a very good sense of the motivations and meanings behind the activities described. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gustaver, Bror. On a Peculiar
Type of Whistle Found In Ancient American Indian In Bror Gustaver’s article he proposes to investigate
whether or not a series of peculiar objects found in ancient American
Indian graves
are in fact early types of whistles. These objects have been found in
certain Aboriginal sites on Green River, the Lower Ohio River, and the Through the investigation of acoustic laws and measurements of the size of the bore, one is able to realize that these specimens are capable of making a favorable pitch normal for a whistle. When examining the bore more closely, it seems oddly large for its basic function, which suggests that it may serve another purpose. The decorative shape alludes to the possibility of having been worn around the neck by a string. If this is true, then the string was passed through the bore, which would provide conclusive evidence that they are whistles. The designer who made the object would have also had to take into account the diameter of the bore in order to filter a string through it. One may assume that the designer would not have gone to the trouble of making the hole 12 to 18 mm in diameter, if one was not meant to wear it on a string. Therefore, the bore is the essential feature of all the specimens. This article would interest individuals who are intrigued by Native American artifacts. Assuming the artifact in question is a whistle, there is hope in discovering its prevalence among the Native American Indians. From these artifacts, it may be possible to draw remarkable conclusions about other aspects of their culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Gustaver, Bror. On A Peculiar Type Of Whistle Found In Ancient American Indian Graves. American Anthropologist July-Sept., 1923 Vol. 25(3): 307-317. In this article, Bror Gustaver attempts to deal with the question of whether or not certain objects found in some Native American graves in the eastern part of the United States would be adequate for use as whistles. These objects are described as made of stone and antler and drilled through so that there was a hole from 12 to 18 mm in diameter in the middle. His work stems from an article published in the Journal of the Academy
of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (Vol. XVI) by Clarence B. Moore in
which the author proposed these objects were used as sizers to make nets
for fishing. In a later paper by Count Eric Von Rosen, published in the
journal Ymer, the author hypothesizes that these objects were actually
whistles. Mr. Gustaver examines further whether or not these objects
could be used as whistles. CLARITY: 3 BROOKE MILEY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Herskovits, Melville J. Some Property Concepts and Marriage Customs of the Vandau. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25 (3): 376-386. In approximately 5000 words, Melville J. Herskovits describes two social
institutions of a cattle-keeping in an East African tribe. A Herskovits describes property relations by first tracing the origins of how a man acquires land either by joining a kraal (social hierarchical group), or receiving land rights from the sub-chief of the district. With this new land, he is to establish his own kraal (although women can technically own property they rarely do). Land rights are handed over from the sub-chief, and the new owner may do as he pleases. Herskovits then describes the basic differences between private and public land in Vandau terms. Land claimed by an owner is considered private and cannot be intruded upon. All land and its bounty not claimed or previously owned is considered public, although Herskovits also notes that it can be unclear for the Vandau to determine public land. He also describes sanctions and counter-sanctions that are involved with trespassing. Disputes in local courts are a common sanction for trespassing and stealing, but the main deterrent for theft is fear of the spirits that guard the property in question. In this herding society, owning cows denotes wealth to the Vandau, and young men often receive gifts of cattle from their families. Although women can technically own the same property as men, their chances are often overpowered by revolving constraints: the rules of Vandau inheritance essentially restrict a young woman from receiving anything from her father. Herskovits account of marriage rituals begins with the man’s request, which is either accepted or challenged by his parents. A system of dowry is given by the prospective husband to the wife’s family, and is usually paid in cattle as a display of good will. A woman commonly has the option to select her own husband, and her parents rarely challenge her intent. Herskovits also notes that dowry can be reclaimed if divorce ensues, unless the wife can prove that her husband mistreated her. He also remarks that if the husband does not pay the entire dowry, his wife may leave him as she pleases and upon his death, the children belong to the mother’s family. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Herskovits, Melville J. Some Property Concepts and Marriage Customs of the Vandau. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25 (3): 376-386. In this article, Herskovits addresses various aspects concerning land and marriage practices among the Vandau, whom he considers to be a tribe of eastern Africa. His motivation appears to be the documentation of the similarities between the Vandau and other tribes that occupy East Africa. Not surprisingly then, comparisons about the Vandau’s attitude toward court systems, cattle, dowries, and inheritance customs are made. Herskovits’ information comes from a native of the Vandau and student at Columbia University, A. K’amba Simango. The Vandau live in communities called kraals, which each have a head-man. Higher in the government are the positions of sub-chief and chief, which, unlike the head-man positions, are hereditary. Both men and women of each kraal receive their own plot of land for gardening. The land may be near the kraal of residence, but if one kraal is very near to another, the plots of land may be farther away. As with other East African tribes, the Vandau own cattle, obtaining them through working and/or gifts. Also similar to other tribes, cattle are a sign of wealth as well as the typical dowry payment for a bride. Everything is owned individually among the Vandau and women have the same ownership rights as men, though property is inherited through the male line. Wealth is not the only factor of prestige for a person however, as strength is also highly regarded. The Vandau have a court system (again, Herskovits points out that this is like other African tribes) whereby disputes are settled by a principal chief or one of his subordinates. There are no lawyers; each person represents him- or herself, and there are only two fees paid: one by the plaintiff to the chief or subordinate, and another by the defendant to the messenger who comes to inform him of the case against him. Herskovits notes that according to the information given by Simango, it appears that the punishment one would receive from the ruling spirits does as much – if not more – to deter law-breaking than punishment given by the courts. Marriages are very important in the culture. Having a large number of wives has traditionally been considered as a sign of wealth among the Vandau, as it provides the husband with a more comfortable lifestyle, more land in the family, and – it is hoped – many children which help to make the family more prestigious and prosperous. Herskovits does not neglect the white European influence on the Vandau culture. He relates that near the coast the necessary dowry for a bride is increasingly being paid in European money rather than cattle. Furthermore, it is now much harder financially for a man to have many wives. Before the Europeans arrived, men had two or three wives on average, but in Herskovits’ time, it was only a small number of wealthy people who could afford that many wives. CLARITY: 4 AMANDA PARR University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Hough, Walter. Alice Cunningham Fletcher. American Anthropologist April-June, 1923 Vol. 25 (2): 254-258. Walter Hough uses this article to give a brief glimpse at the career of Alice Cunningham Fletcher. At the pinnacle of her career, Fletcher obtained several prestigious honors for her lifetime research and support of the American Indian. Each of these honors was deemed well deserved by her peers, as "her methods were the outgrowth of her character" (256). Fletcher, who was born March 15, 1838, began her effort to help the
American Indian sometime before the year 1880. One of her first accomplishments
was the innovation of a system in which small monetary loans were given
to Indians to assist them in purchasing land and building houses. During
1881 and 1882, she spent time examining the Sioux, In 1891, Fletcher’s work, in conjunction with that of Professor F.W. Putnam, attracted the attention of Mrs. Mary C. Thaw. In response, the Mary Copley Thaw Fellowship was founded in association with the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology. This fellowship allowed Fletcher to dedicate the rest of her life’s work to her studies of the American Indians. During one particular stay, Fletcher developed an interest and appreciation for Indian music after a tragic attack of inflammatory rheumatism, which left her crippled. While bedridden, the Indians sang to her in an attempt to raise her spirits. As Fletcher regained her health and her strength, she recorded their songs for future use. This research is significant today as there is now evidence that Indian songs have inspired some American compositions. At approximately the same time, Fletcher made yet another noteworthy achievement. She was able to record, for the first time in history, a complete documentation of the Hako ceremony of the Pawnee Indians. The importance of this, along with all of Fletcher’s work, resides in her ability to convey the "inner spirit and beauty of the Indian’s concepts" (256). While other observers of her time discredited the study of Indian tribes, Fletcher forged ahead to eagerly interpret their culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hugh, Walter. "Alice Cunningham Fletcher." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol.25:254-258 This article is a short, three-page dedication to the life achievements of Alice Cunningham Fletcher. The article begins with her birth in 1838, and briefly touches on her many accomplishments and endeavors as one of the first recognized female anthropologists. The author David Hough describes the nature of Fletcher’s work among a number of Native American tribes, such as the Sioux, Omaha, Winnebago, Pawnee and the Nez Perce, to name a few. Tirelessly dedicated to recording Native American culture, Fletcher contributed a great deal not just to the broader anthropological community, but also to the people whose cultures she studied. Among the skills that she took with her to the field was a lifelong interest in Native American music, much of which she carefully documented, making the significance of Native American music better known and understood by her colleagues. She also recorded numerous ceremonies and other aspects of indigenous culture that were under the threat of extinction, from encroaching settlement and inhibitory government policies. Regarded as a friend within the indigenous communities where she worked, she was granted access to aspects of their culture as an ‘insider,’ while continuing to maintain an influential connection to scientific anthropological institutions. In this later arena, Fletcher lectured on archeology, and conducted a number of studies from the Cambridge Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. She was also the president of both the American Folklore Society and the Anthropological Society of Washington, and Vice President of the Anthropological Association for the Advancement of Science. Her significant position in the scientific community made her work available to a broad audience and heightened public awareness and understanding of First Nations cultures. Hough writes of Fletcher, "she made unusually important contributions to our knowledge of the inner spirit and beauty of the Indian’s concepts" (256). This article gives a brief and uncomplicated profile of Fletcher. It is smoothly written, full of praise, and includes most of the chief events and contributions of her life long work as an anthropologist. CLARITY RATING: 5 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Kroeber, A.L. American
Culture and the A.L Kroeber’s article is concerned with the origin of cultural elements in the tribes of the Northwest Coast of America. Some of these
elements have traits which are found in other cultures, and some are
commonly found,
generic traits that are seemingly absent in this particular area. The
article is concerned with establishing cultural connections between the Kroeber asserts that there are four groups of ingredients
that make up Pre-Colombian American culture. The first are the original common
American cultural traits. Though not necessarily universal, these
traits must be shown throughout much of the Kroeber provides a thorough investigation of cultural elements such as boat making, basket weaving, house building and political organization to explain the development of the culture of Northwest Tribes. In addition, a historical map of migration is provided to trace different tribes and various distinctions that may have become absorbed by the people of the Northwest coast. By incorporating these two methods, Kroeber has provided the reader with a clear idea of the possibilities of cultural development of certain people. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Kroeber, A.L. American Culture
and the In this article Kroeber attempts to sort out the relationship between
the In this article Kroeber goes through a list of culture traits that are
considered common to most Native American cultures and indicates their
presence or absence in the This article contributes to an overall understanding of the diffusion
of culture traits throughout CLARITY RANKING: 5
Lothrop, S. K. American Feather-Decorated Mats. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 25: (3) 304-306. Lothrop’s article "American Feather-Decorated Mats" examines
preserved mats stored in Lothrop goes into considerable detail describing the physical construction
of the mats. Specifically, he reconstructs the placement of wooden slats
and cotton thread, showing the method in which the makers ensured that
the materials would not slip. Feather placement is also of interest to
Lothrop because it supports the argument that the mats are not from Using the specific placement of the feathers on these mats and comparing
them to other mats collected at the time, Lothrop states that their origins
can be determined using the patterns which they employ. They do not resemble
mats from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lothrop, S.K. "American Feather-Decorated Mats." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol. 25:304-307 This article gives a descriptive analysis of feather-decorated mats
that were brought back from South America by Sixteenth Century Spanish
conquerors, and from underground excavations undertaken in To explain this hypothesis, the author discusses in detail the artistic
patterns found on these mats, carefully explaining the symbols and designs
that he links to various distinctive cultures in The information presented in this article is more descriptive then it
is conclusive; it is not a theoretical examination of the symbolism of
these unique designs. The only conclusive aspect is the assertion made
as to the origin of these artifacts, and their connection the historical
cultures of CLARITY RATING: 3 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Lowie, Robert H. Psychology, Anthropology, and Race. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923. Vol. 25(3): 291-303. This article discusses the differences in the ways in which psychology and anthropology approach the issue of race. Lowie accuses the field of psychology of fabricating biological facts in order to prove a theory. He supports the anthropological approach, which takes environmental factors into consideration when dealing with race issues. This article addresses common misconceptions associated with anthropology and concludes that racial studies must be conducted under careful consideration of all the factors that influence racial issues. Lowie addresses many misconceptions about anthropology. A common misconception is the idea that anthropologists favor excessive influence of environment over hereditary factors in the explanation of cultural patterns. Another misconception is that anthropologists teach absolute equality of all races. Lowie cites Professor Franz Boas as a common target of these callous accusations, and argues that Boas is not a guardian of these doctrines. He quotes professor boas at length to refute the misguided interpretations of Boas’s work. Lowie also states that Boas teaches his students that the innate equality of all races is unproven yet, just as all claims of inequality of all races has not yet been scientifically proven. Lowie goes on to refute the claim that anthropologists are obsessed with environmental factors affecting the abilities of the races. He also states that those who most enthusiastically accuse anthropologists of miscalculating heredity as compared with environment are hypocritical. Lowie examines the debate of innate ability and culture are not necessarily rooted in any innate differences, thus he argues this popular stance is wholly inconclusive. Lowie also holds that environmental factors must be taken into consideration when thinking about racial stratification. He feels it is necessary because no effective quantitative determination of innate differences among races has been developed. Lowie also deters anybody from attempting to group races and nationalities, stating that they rarely coincide. He again attacks prominent psychologists from the time for trying to do just this. Lowie believes the variability of ‘pure’ nationalities is really not known. Lowie concludes anthropological ventures in racial studies must be done
with a survey of these difficulties. One must pick a region well known
in the field and that contains more than one segregated racial strain.
He fingers CLARITY RATING: 3
Lowie, H.R. "Psychology, Anthropology, and Race." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol. 25 July-September No.3:291-303 This article by Robert H. Lowie takes a defensive stance against what he calls "the strange notion that certain anthropologists favor an extravagant influence of environmental as contrasted with hereditary factors"(291). When addressing the question of hereditary explanations for cultural variations, the author begins by arguing against the assumption that anthropologists put sole emphasis on environmental factors to explain cultural variation. The author argues that anthropologists are not denying the possibility of biological explanations, but is adamant that explanations of this type cannot be made without more complete scientific evidence. He supports his argument by drawing attention to the nature of cultural change, which can often happen without any subsequent biological alterations. He says "when we study the known history of culture, we find great changes without any corresponding changes in racial constitution" (296). To further support his argument, psychological studies of biological differences are discussed, which are seen to have yielded unscientific results. It is mentioned that there is more variation found within cultures then between them, and that judging mental capacity based on culturally specific I Q testing and educational standards are obviously going to be biased in their findings. I would suggest that primarily the author is defending anthropologists who were educated as ‘historical particularist,’ studying under Franz Boas. It is mentioned in the article that Boas has been misinterpreted as writing off biological influences in his explanations of cultural variation; the author argues that it is a lack of scientific data, not the conviction of a purely environmental influence, which has stopped Boas from taking a definitive stance for or against genetic influence on culture. He concludes the article by suggesting that conducting scientific research to find more empirical evidence is in fact possible to do, but only under specific and unique circumstances. That is, the area being studied must be well known anthropologically, and include two or more different cultures who have been relatively isolated and segregated from each other. Until unbiased researchers can carry out this kind of study, the author posits that it is the duty of anthropologists "to repudiate not biology but the sham biology that invents facts and even biological ‘laws’ to support personal views" (303). The author makes it clear that although he himself is not in favor of taking a stance for racial inequality, he feels that there is insufficient evidence for professionals of any field to make definitive scientific conclusions. I found the subject of argument in this article to be, of course, an outdated and ethnocentric concern. Perhaps it is however a good depiction the differing stances taken for or against racism during the early 1900s, and the push to find definitive ‘evidence’ that would end the various disputes. CLARITY RATING: 4 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
MacCurdy, George Grant. Certain Specimens from the Riviere Collection. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol. 25 (1): 72-89. This article commences with a short introduction of Emile Riviere, who
was the last member in the elite group of French prehistorians. He and
his relatives donated many of his findings to museums. His exploration
lasted between the years of 1870 and 1910. He died in Riviere’s greatest findings were at the caves of Rey, Liveyre, Lanugerie-Haute, La Mouthe and La Micoque. MacCurdy explains the important discoveries of Riviere in each one of the caves. Below is a brief summary of the discoveries in each cave. Cave of Laugerie-Haute: Findings of javelin points and spatulae of reindeer horn, bone needles, a javelin point of ivory, harpoons and a baton of reindeer horn, stone pendants, perforated teeth of Bos, the engraving of a head of a horse and two mammoths carved on reindeer horn. CLARITY RANKING: 2
MacCurdy, George Grant. Certain Specimens From the Riviere Collection. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol.25 (1):72-89. In this article the author describes various palaeolithic specimens
acquired by the For each site he provides the cultural sequence and a detailed inventory
of the palaeolithic tools and art objects found there. He pays particular
attention to items with special significance. For instance, at Rey, two
of the most notable finds are sculptures of fish carved from the ribs
of a ruminant. Fish are one of the more unusual animal representations
found in cave art. He provides a detailed account of the various reproductions
of fish found in sites throughout This is an informative article that emphasizes the description of material objects. Overall this article is representative of archeological writing in the 1920s. CLARITY RANKING: 5
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25(4):495-524 William Christie MacLeod looks to discuss the significance of matrilineal
chiefship. He extensively discusses the rules that surround inheritance
and those conditions that lead someone into power. MacLeod feels that
chiefship is universally the arena of adult men. Only when a male cannot
fulfill this position of power will an intermittent leader take office
until another capable male is ready. Intermittent leaders can include
an immature male, a woman, or the son-in-law of a former office holder.
However, the occurrence of these events is very rare and found in the
southern Kwakiutl. The Kwakitul have a bilateral kinship pattern but
they lean towards patrilineal chiefship. Matrilineal chiefship is often
associated culturally with the mother-sib. MacLeod feels that there is
a primal psychic urge towards the evolution of patrilineal chiefship.
MacLeod discusses the findings of Le Petit, Du Pratz, and Dumont with
respect to the matrilineal chiefship of the CLARITY RANKING: 2 MAURA MAE DEEDY
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist Oct.- Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4):495-524 This analytical article traces the evolutionary origins of matrilineal chiefship. The author believes that this form of chiefship is notable, as the institution of chiefship is generally passed down through the father’s line. Using extensive cross-cultural data to support his argument, MacLeod explains that matrilineal chiefship only exists among peoples with a mother-sib (a matrilineal kin group), which molds the chiefship along matrilineal lines. In all other cases, the "primal psychic urge" of the father to promote the welfare of his progeny leads to a patrilineal chiefship. Deviations from this pattern (co-occurrence of patrilineal chiefship and a mother-sib or of matrilineal chiefship and a father-sib) are explained in several ways. MacLeod states that in groups where a patrilineal chiefship coexists with a mother-sib, the sib has insinuated itself in after the chiefship was already established, and does not compete with the chiefship. Co-occurrence of a matrilineal chiefship and a father-sib indicates either that a group with a matrilineal chiefship has superimposed itself upon a group that was originally patrilineal or that the group originally possessed a mother-sib which then decayed or disappeared. As an example of the general ‘primary’ tendency towards patrilineal inheritance of the chief’s office, the author points out that even among the Tsimshian, who have a mother-sib, the families of chiefs often practice cross-cousin marriage, so that the chief’s heirs in the succeeding generation will be his own grandchildren (503). The Lenape are given as an example of a group with a mother-sib, who may be evolving a matrilineal system of chiefship (519-521). Cultural data supporting the theories about deviations from the basic pattern of inheritance of chiefship includes the example of certain Australian tribes with a patrilineal chiefship and a mother-sib and the Baganda of Uganda, where the commoners belong to a father-sib while the chiefly family belongs to a mother-sib. MacLeod speculates that in the case of the Baganda, the chief’s family may be a matrilineal group that conquered an originally patrilineal clan (518). This article must be read carefully to follow MacLeod’s argument, which relies on detailed descriptions of family relationships to make its points. CLARITY RANKING: 2
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4): 495-524. In this article William Christie MacLeod traces the evolutionary origins of matrilineal chiefship and its significance. MacLeod feels that since chiefship is universally the prerogative of an adult male, that matrilineal chiefship is notable. Only when a male cannot exercise his position of office will an intermittent leader take office until another male is ready. This intermittent leader can be an immature male, a woman, or the son-in-law of a former leader. He states that this is found only as an irregular phenomenon, and only among peoples with whom the chiefship is definitely hereditary. An example of this phenomenon is used in the case among the southern Kwakiutl. With the use of extensive data, MacLeod states that matrilineal chiefship
is generally or typically correlated culturally with the mother-sib.
I most cases there is a primal psychic urge tending universally towards
the evolution of patrilineal chiefship. The Baganda are considered (with reference to Natchez and Loango data) and appear to exemplify the superposition alternative, and the indigenous social organization of Uganda and Loango would seem to present an example of incomplete evolution of mother-sibs. This article is wordy, filled with many footnotes, and must be read carefully to follow MacLeod’s arguments, which he backs up with detailed descriptions of different and irregular family relationships to prove his points. This is a good article on matrilineal chiefship and it gives a different perspective on chiefship. CLARITY: 3 KEVIN PURCELL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Means, Philip Ainsworth. Some Comments on the Inedited Manuscript of Poma de Ayala. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 25 (3): 397-405. Educated Spaniards or high figures within the Church
mostly recorded documentation of Peru’s history. Therefore, an accurate picture was not
always presented. This article takes a look at one such figure who recorded
some of Peru’s history, named Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. Although his
work was never published, two people have published accounts of the manuscript.
The manuscript remains at the Royal Library in There are 1179 pages, measuring 10 inches by 7 that make up the manuscript. It is dated (in the expertise of Dr. Pietshmann) to the year 1613 and is bound in ancient parchment. The manuscript is different from most early chronicles in that it is illustrated throughout. Poma de Ayala gives an account of pre-Incaic history in the following chronology: the Variviracocharuna lived for 800 years, followed by the Variruna who flourished for 1300 years, the Purunruna for 1100 years, and the Aucaruna for 2100 years. The author acknowledges a discrepancy; his interpretation dates the pre-Incaic period back to 4200 years B.C., which he notes is "untenable on scientific grounds"(400). The manuscript has various pictures of different people that flourished during these time periods. The manuscript then describes Incaic times; there are illustrations of the first and second Incas, Manco Capac and "Cinchi roca Inga," respectively. There are further pictures of Christ, who was said to have been flourishing at this time. Poma de Ayala goes on to show illustrations of other figures important to Inca history, such as "Maita Capac Inga," "Capac Iupanque," "Pachacuti Inga," "Topa Inga Ivpanquvi," "Guainacapac," to name only a few among the long list of figures mentioned. Means explains that although this manuscript fails as an accurate Chronology of Inca history, it serves as a useful anthropological text by describing customs and trends in the early colonial period. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Means, Philip Ainsworth. Some Comments on the Inedited Manuscript of Poma de Ayala. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25:397-405. “Some Comments on the Inedited Manuscript of Poma de Ayala” by Phillip Ainsworth Means is exactly what it sounds like; a summary of the work found in the manuscript, “El Pipero Nveva Corniica Bve(n) Govierno,” by Poma de Ayala. Much of the text in Poma de Ayala’s manuscript has been discounted over the years because it lacks historical accuracy and is linguistically confusing. Means discusses these problems in his initial presentation of Poma de Ayala’s manuscript as well as contrasting it with other manuscripts written in the same period on the same subject in order to highlight the uniqueness and overall value of the manuscript. As Means points out, according to Poma de Ayala, pre-Incan society would have been flourishing even before humans were created, just one of his obvious misconceptions, lending to the disqualification of much of the information recounted within the text of the manuscript. Scholars are also left wanting, according to Means, as Poma de Ayala switches, with no coherent reason, between several different languages. Although Means notes that Poma de Ayala’s illustrations are far from art, he devotes almost the entire article to describing each picture in the manuscript in detail. This may be because the illustrations throughout Poma de Ayala’s manuscript are much more valuable anthropologically than the actual text of the manuscript. Poma de Ayala’s manuscript is also important because it is one of the few, if not the only manuscripts of the time that has detailed illustrations accompanying the text, providing a non prejudicial account of pre-Incan society that cannot be achieved in a written account. For the most part, Means describes each picture in detail, but rarely goes into the accuracy of the depiction or the historical value of the illustration. Rather than delving into the text of the manuscript, Means focuses on what seems to be the most valuable portion of the manuscript and provides an in depth, but concise explanation of the pictures in Poma de Ayala’s manuscript and their value to the community of anthropology. JENNIFER PEDRAZA University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Mendizabal, Miguel O. The Náhuan Chronology: Astronomical Significance of the Number Thirteen. American Anthropologist 1923 Vol.25: 318-338. Miguel O. Mendizabal’s aim is to discover the astronomical significance of the number 13 in the Náhuan calendar system, or tonalámatl (schedule of days), also called meztlapohualli (lunar computation). The Náhuan have developed two calendar systems, one for ritual purposes and the other for civil purposes. The ritual calendar system is 260 days long; this number coming from 20 symbols repeated 13 times, to produce 260 different ideograms. This system was repeated 73 times without variation. The civil calendar had 365 days and was derived from the ritual calendar. It had 18 months, and 5 useless days, nemonteni. Mendizabal examined the numbers, and was able to determine the origin of some of the numbers, but 20, 4, 13, and 260 remained a mystery and he sought to explain these "mysterious fundamental elements" of the chronology. Mendizabal seeks to understand the origin of these mysterious numbers. He starts with the common idea that there were 20 symbols in the zodiac. However this idea was refuted due to lack of valid evidence. In Mendizabal’s path to understanding the significance of the number 13, he examines the arguments of others, which helps him come to terms with his conclusion. Don Alfredo Chavero suggested that the 20 symbols were reduced originally to four fundamentals. Mendizabal agrees with the hypothesis presented by Chavero, and moves on to examine the numbers 4 and 5. Mendizabal seeks to discover the significance of the number four. He finds that four is the number of primordial gods, celestial bodies that the calculations are derived from, cosmogonic ages into which life of the world was divided, and the universal elements. Next examined is the number five, but to discover the logic of the system, there is a need to move on to explore the numbers 13 and 260. The evidence and arguments that Mendizabal cites are based on the moon and the number 13. Boturin suggests that the Náhuan divided the lunations into two parts, each of which has a period of 13 days; one being that the moon was visible at night, and the other during the day. Gama built upon this theory, arguing that the thirteen units represented and daily (diurnal) movements of the moon. Orozco y Berra continues with this hypothesis, saying that 13 represents half the time that the moon is visible during a lunation, but also that 13 bears a relation to the movements of the moon. Orozco y Berra elaborates on a cycle of 2360 days by 260 (days in the calendar) times 9 (the "Attendants of the Night") obtaining 2340, and then adding 20 for the symbols resulting in 2360, equivalent with slight variation to 80 lunations. However, Chavero rejects this on the grounds that the legend Boturin spoke of is analogous to the legend of the sun. Mendizabal believes that "the number 13 has no relation to the lunations, for it is impossible to admit of a calendarian regimen which proceeds absolutely at variance with the phenomenon in which it had its origin, yet this would happen in our case since the computation of the thirteen units of the tonalámatl was successive and invariable." Mendizabal then states that 260 might hold the secret of the Náhuan chronology citing Father Motolinía and his belief that the tonalámatl is related to Venus, and its movements in relation to the sun. The conclusion is then based on that the idea that tonalámatl is a cyclic calendar of the movements of Venus and the sun. It is here that the number 13 is considered again. He finds that 13 is that of Venus years around the sun appearing in five different movements of apparent position change in the space of eight solar years. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MAURA MAE DEEDY
Mendizabal, Miguel O. The Nahuan Chronology: Astronomical Significance of the Number Thirteen. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25: 318-338. In this article Mendizabal concerned himself with the astrology of the Nahuan peoples. In particular, he wrote this article in reference to the Toltec culture. Of note, Mendizabal used some interesting language in regards to the people he wrote of, using the phrase “active and superior intelligence.” He also saw the change in Nahuan astrology from abstract to calculation as an evolution. These two examples give this article context in regards to the history of anthropology. It was not until around this time period that indigenous peoples were not thought of as “savages.” Also, it appears to me that Mendizabal would not have been American trained as his concept of evolution appears to have been Tylor inspired. Mendizabal noted that the Nahuan calendar revolved around the number thirteen. The Nahuan calendar was created with twenty symbols which repeated thirteen times to make a two hundred and sixty day calendar. He also remarked that the use of these twenty symbols has been associated with twenty constellations used in the Nahuan zodiac. However, he stated that this had not been backed by any real proof. At the time some had also stated that the significance of the number thirteen was a result of observing the moon. This hypothesis was based on the idea that Nahuan peoples perceived the movements of the moon broken down into two thirteen day cycles, Mendizabal rejected this hypothesis. Mendizabal at great length explored various hypotheses pertaining to the significance of thirteen in this calendar. The one that satisfied him was the hypothesis that the number thirteen represented thirteen Venus years. He supported this hypothesis because of the Nahuan observation of the planet Venus. The Toltec’s had a preference for this planet as it represented their “favorite deity.” CLARITY: 2 CHRIS SHEFFIELD University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Moore, Riley D. Social Life of the Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 35 (1): 339-375. In this article, Riley D. Moore provides a concise, thorough, and readable account of the people of St. Lawrence Island. The piece begins with a geographical description of the island, mentioning its area, topography, and its extreme, at times harsh, climate. The mild "woman-winters" and severe "man-winters" play a great role in the cultural factors of food and clothing, among other things. The clothing of the people of St. Lawrence Island consists primarily of coats and pants fashioned from the skins and furs of animals such as seals, walruses, and local birds. Fabrics such as muslin and calico have been increasingly acquired and used as the result of interaction with traders. This relationship has also introduced such foods as fruit, dairy products, grains, and sweets, which now serve as supplements or luxuries to the cultural staples of meat, bird, plants and roots. Snow, ice water, and tea are the beverages consumed, tea being the most popular. The high cultural dependence on animals is further seen in the island
dwellings, which are constructed using the skins, bones, and even skulls
of the creatures of the land. These one-room residences are devoid of
privacy. Even the process of defecation is not a private matter. Garbage
is thrown in the holes where former igloos (residences) stood. In conclusion, CLARITY RANKING: 4
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Notes
on San Felipe and Parsons’ goal in this article is to classify the difference
which distinguish the people of San Felipe and Parsons does not specify when she did her fieldwork in San Felipe or CLARITY RANKING: 2
Parson, Elsie Clews. Notes on San
Felipe and This descriptive article is a catalogue of cultural traits of the The ‘notes’, obtained largely through interviews with informants, are comprised of data on kinship patterns, social status, ceremonial and religious customs, material culture, government, hunting practices, and childbearing, marriage, and burial customs. This data is organized under topic headings such as ‘Clan Elders’, ‘Government’, and ‘Ceremonial Terms’. An example is: Clan Elders "There is a term for clan elder or head, na’waiya (Laguna, nawai’). The Ant clan head would be si hanoch na’waiya or si na’waiya. Clan disputes would be referred to the na’waiya. I was unable to ascertain what ritualistic functions, if any, were performed by the na’waiya." The article must be read carefully because of the large number of vernacular terms used. The meaning of some of the terms must be deduced by the context in which they are used. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Notes on San Felipe and Santo Domingo. American Anthropologist October-December, 1923 Vol. 25(4): 485-494. The article “Notes on San Felipe and Santo Domingo,” addressed
the ways in which these two named societies classified their clans and
explained the workings of their societies. Elsie Parsons discovered,
through chance interviews in San Felipe, that this group had twelve matrilineal
clans. In Parsons’s few interviews in Santo Domingo, it was determined
that this society had only six matrilineal clans. Through both sets of
interviews, Parsons heard about the governments, special dances, and
marriages. In each society, Parsons was provided with each clan’s
name. Also mentioned in the San Felipe interview, Parsons’s heard
of ceremonial terms, while in Santo Domingo the interviewer mentioned
how this group buried their loved ones. Parsons’s article lacked detail about the clans of San Felipe and Santo Domingo. One reason is that her observations and interviews in Santo Domingo lasted only hours and the stay in San Felipe was short. The brief visit in each place was not the only reason for the lack of detail. Another reason was the limited number of informants that Parsons could get to comment on each society and their reluctance to speak with the interviewer. CLARITY: 3 HILARY POLSON University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Parsons, Elsie Clews. The Hopi Wöwöchim Ceremony in 1920. American Anthropologists 1923 Vol. 25:156-187. Elsie Clews Parsons writes a descriptive piece on a 1920 ceremony performedby the Hopi. Her account of the 8-day ceremony is very detailed in itsdesccription of dress, body adornment, movement, and the behavior of theparticipants. She also discusses the direction of movement. She carefullyrecords the details as to length of time the ceremony took to perform, andthe purpose and reason for the ceremony, according to her informants. Hergender limited her involvement and participation in some events. However,she mentions that her account of the ritual should also be examined alongwith those of Mr. A. M. Stephen and Dr. Feweks who have also written onvarious aspects of the ceremony. She often cites them throughout heraccount. The wöwöchim ceremony initiates boys into one of four societies.This marks their entry into adulthood. Parson's suggests that there is afemale equivalent to the ceremony, but does not go into detail about it.Parson's relies heavily on her informants, who instructed her on the properand taboo behaviors surrounding the ceremony, and depends on their adviceto guide her. Parsons compares the ceremony she witnessed with past ones in 1892 and1898. Using information from Stephen and Feweks she makes note of theevolution of the ritual over time, how some aspects are modified, cease toappear, or even skip a few of the ceremonies witnessed. She emphasizes thatshe is not drawing conclusions because she feels that she lacks theevidence to support them. In her concluding discussion, Parsons drawsparallels to the Zuni and their traditions surrounding coming of age rites.She suggests that a more extensive study needs to be done on the lines ofwar organization. She points out that many of the symbols used in thewöwöchim ritual are also used as auspicious artifacts in wartime. She usesher own study, along with others to draw parallels about the two and thensuggests room for further research. CLARITY RATING: 3 MAURA MAE DEEDY
Parsons, Elsie Clews. The Hopi Wowochim Ceremony in 1920. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol.25 (2):156-187. The Wowochim ceremony initiates young Hopi boys into ceremonial life of the community. This article describes the ceremony as the author observed it in 1920. She begins with a description of the ceremonies at Walpi from November 18th to 28th, followed by a shorter account of a performance at Mishongnovi on November 25th. She then makes comparisons between her observations and those of Dr. Fewkes and Mr. A.M. Stephen who witnessed the ceremony in 1892, 1893 and 1898. She concludes with a discussion of the similarities and dissimilarities between the Hopi ceremony and the ceremonies practiced by other First Nations groups in the southwest, particularly the Zuni. Parsons is particularly interested in the way the ceremony has changed over the last 30 years, and unlike Fewkes and Stephen, her article provides analysis and interpretation of the ceremony. Parsons could not gain entry into the kiva rituals that comprise a good portion of the ceremony. She attributes this to the fact that she is a woman and that the Hopi are "much more exclusive" than they were in the past. Parsons notes at the beginning of her discussion that the value of her article "lies in the fact that the observations, limited as they are, are made over two decades later [than the more complete accounts of Fewkes and Stephens] and contribute therefore to the historical record" (158). She begins her description with the "narrative of the smoke talk" and the "calling out", two rituals that precede every ceremony. For the four days after these rituals no ceremonial activity occurred. Then on November 23rd a ceremony to "bring out the fire" was performed. Dances took place before sunrise on the 24th and 25th during which the women throw water on the male dancers, the dancers representing crops and the women, clouds. On the 26th prayer-sticks were made by the Singers, Horn and Agave societies and dancing occurred throughout the day. In the evening there was feasting in the kivas. On the 27th there was an all night ceremonial and visits to Sun spring, the Earth Woman shrine and the Masowo shrine. On the final day of the ceremony, the 28th, there was a rabbit hunt. Parsons is careful to record any superstitions associated with the ceremonies. For instance, she was told not to walk in front of the dancers or her mouth would go crooked. Parsons is very frank about her observations and, although she includes a phenomenal amount of detail in her article, it reads more like a diary than a standard scientific account. In comparison to other anthropologists at this time, Parsons is extremely self-reflexive about the fieldwork process. She is careful to note when her observations may be deficient due to the fact that she was not permitted to participate fully in the ceremony. Her observations are rich in detail and interesting to read. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Roys, Ralph L. The Ritual
of the Chiefs of In this article Ralph L. Roys presents a literal translation
of an excerpt from a collection of ancient Mayan texts called, "Chilam Balam of
Chumayel." The Chumayel is a Native American book originally written
in the Mayan language. The book was written during the time period when
the people of the The authors of this book were able to read the old hieroglyphic manuscripts
and conclude that the Chumayel was actually made up of much older writings. At the time of the Spanish conquest, the This article would interest individuals who are fascinated by Mayan
rituals, prophecies and ideas about lineage. At the end of his article, CLARITY RANKING: 1
Roys, Ralph L. The Ritual
of the Chiefs of The author’s objective is to provide an English translation
to Mayanists, of the ritual of the chiefs of The English transcription of the Chiefs’ Ritual, which
takes up much of the article, is prefaced by a description of the probable
geographical
origin of the chiefs of "This is the second ritual which will be sought of them. Then let them go and get the brains (moisture) of the sky, that the head-chief may see how much there is. "It is my will to see it. Let me see it." This is what shall be said to them. This is what the brains (moisture) of the sky are. It is copal gum (Roys 1923:476)." This article draws on many historical textual sources besides the Chumayel for its information, which is communicated in a clear, engaging manner. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Roys, Ralph L. The Ritual of the Chiefs of Yucatan. American Anthropologist October-December, 1923 Vol. 25(4): 472-484. The author of this article understands the importance of interpretation of ancient records so that we can become better informed about the cultural practices of past societies. As Mr. Roys mentions, there is very little known about the political institutions of the natives of Yucatan. The “Chilam Balam of Chumayel”, an 18th century native American book, contains important information regarding the history and ethnology of the Mayan culture around the time of the Spanish conquest. By utilizing the information in this Mayan text, which was translated from hieroglyphic writings, the author is able to reconstruct the social state which existed during this early time in the Yucatan. Interpretation of the Mayan text provides information regarding the religion, tradition, and hierarchy of social standing among the various tribes that occupied the land. Mr. Roys provides an excerpt from the Mayan text as an example, which specifically deals with the rituals performed by chiefs to maintain their position in the political system. As determined by the translation, these rituals were performed in an effort to verify the “lineage of rulers”. This is one indication that there was an obvious distinction between social classes among the members of the tribes and their rulers. The article points out that during the time of the Spanish conquest, the laboring class of people within the tribe did not generally participate in government affairs. These affairs, described also as the religion and tradition of the tribe, remained the task of the rulers, or chiefs. The chiefs that were currently holding political positions were subjected to an extensive examination for the purpose of eliminating the less-knowledgeable among them. The rituals, or examinations, were held at the beginning of each katun, in the city of Mayapan. According to the text, a katun is a period of twenty years, with an indication of thirteen total katuns. During this time, thirteen rituals were performed, each one differing from the previous ritual. The chiefs who successfully performed the rituals retained their lordship, securing their social standing within the tribe. Although the excerpt provides an insight into the cultural rituals of the Mayan society, it is necessary to read the published text of the “Chilam Balam of Chumayel” in order to have a deeper understanding of these traditions, their origin, and their impact on the society. CLARITY: 2 JENNIFER PIPPIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Sapir, Edward. A Note on Sacree Pottery. American Anthropologist October-December, 1923 Vol. 25 (4): 247-253. In this brief article Edward Sapir comments on the possibility of pottery
existing in the Sacree tribe of Sapir compares the material used in Sacree pottery to the material used in Alaskan forms of pottery from examples made by one of the informant’s wives. He finds the use of additional materials added to the clay in order to reinforce the pots, common to both cultures. From this he questions whether the Sacree form of pottery may in fact be the survival of a northern type, of which present Athabaskan tribes in area know nothing. Finally, he offers a linguistic analysis of the many words for various vessels and containers that are not material specific. Sapir is suggesting that the modern meanings might actually have been derived from the original specific term for ‘clay pot,’ although he admits this is a potentially weak argument. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Sapir, Edward. "A Note on Sarcee Pottery." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol. 25:247-254 This article presents a brief but relatively detailed discussion of
the pottery made by aboriginal people throughout North America, where
it was found to exist in the Western Great Lakes area and the Although the article is not long or detailed, it provides a valuable record of the historical practices of pottery construction, its use within different cultures, and the subsequent diffusion of this that may have occurred between indigenous societies. It is somewhat unclear as to why this article is entitled "A Note on Sarcee Pottery," as the author seems to make comparisons between pottery found in a variety of culture areas. Interesting in and of itself is the fact that this article was written by Edward Sapir (1848-1939) who was a well known student of Franz Boas. Sapir was a gifted linguist who primarily focused on studying language and cognition. But it accords well with the influence of Boasian methodology that he was also gathering and speculating on other types of data, and using what appears to be emic, culturally specific accounts of pottery use given by First Nations people themselves. CLARITY RATING: 3 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Speck, F.G. Algonquian Influence Upon Iroquois Social Organization. American Anthropologist April-June, 1923 Vol. 25 (2): 219-227. In this article, Speck shows that the Iroquois people are characterized by a matrilineal grouping, whereas Algonquin people are grouped in a patrilineal system. The matrilineal society is associated with agricultural purposes whereas the patrilineal society is associated with hunting and gathering practices. Speck notes that there have been crossovers within an Iroquoian group.
This group, residing at Upon further investigation it is found that the Iroquois "shared
the hunting grounds of the Algonquin with whom they were domiciled under
the authorities of the mission" (221). This region in The Oka Iroquois "are the only Iroquois so far reported who show the Algonquin economic structure" (224). This is shown in the Iroquois tribes through practices of hunting and patrilineal inheritance of land. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Speck, F.G. "Algonkian Influence Upon Iroquois Social Organization." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S.,Vol. 25:219-227 This article argues that many of the Algonkian methods of kin organization,
land ownership, and hunting/gathering practices were adopted by their
Northern neighbors, the Oka Iroquois. The Iroquois originally were a
people engaged in horticultural subsistence, with a kinship system of
inheritance and social organization that was passed through the matrilineal
line. In this particular area however, (present day The author supports this thesis using facts that are grounded with persuasive examples, defending his view in light of various other speculations regarding this phenomenon. One other theory, for example, suggests that these traits simply reflected a Northern Algonkian migration. This would attribute their appearance to "an older hunting period before the rise of agriculture" (227). The author discredits this assumption by explaining that the Oka Iroquois were already residing in the most Northern regions, yet still displaying cultural traits more commonly found among hunting/gathering societies. The author thus concludes that the establishment of typically Algonkian cultural practices can best be explained by assuming that they were the effects of cultural diffusion. CLARITY RATING: 4 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Speck, Frank G. In this article, Frank G. Speck outlines the territories of the Mistassini
Tribe of the Labrador Peninsula on Speck discusses the number of people living in the Mistassini tribe with whom he comes into contact. He makes it very clear that it would take centuries of studying many generations to grasp a complete knowledge of these people’s migration habits. This would give a more accurate estimation of the size of the population. He says it is very difficult to fully understand the Mistassini from his short encounter with them because the mortality rate is very high, thus, the size of the tribe is constantly changing. The author discusses the appearance and the lifestyle of the Mistassini as being very healthy. He describes the items which they make with great skill such as toboggans, snowshoes, canoes, beadwork and ribbon appliqué embroidery, birch bark baskets, and leatherwork. He compares these items with neighboring tribes such as the Montagnais. The religious practices of the Mistassini are considered a private matter, however, the author does note that their religion is directly related to animals. Different animals are sacred to various clans that are distinguishable in part by the area in which their family name originates. Mistassini territories have never been mapped and Speck lacks the cartographical skills to do so. As the article makes clear, the territories are difficult to map because the boundaries can change with each ensuing generation. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Speck, Frank G. This descriptive article is an ethnographic overview of the territorial
divisions of a band of northern Algonkian natives, living in the area
of Lake Mistassini, on the The documentation of Mistassini hunting territories in this article includes their geographical boundaries, their names in Algonkian and English translation, and their owners’ names in both Algonkian and English. Other details are also given, such as family ties between owners of different territories and clues to the geographical origin of certain families based on an English translation of their names. The above information is documented on a map, a chart, and an extensive list. An example of this documentation as it appears on the chart for a territory marked number 3 on the map is: Native name: At’tce’m; Translation: Little Dog; English Name: John Stout; Name of District: kaketce’ pectsiwa’n; Meaning: rush lake. The remainder of the article is devoted to a brief description of Mistassini material culture, migration patterns, territorial marking, customs of inheritance and trespass, and connections between hunting practices and spiritual beliefs. The author communicates the information clearly. In order to understand the information that is given about Mistassini territorial divisions, it is necessary to correlate the numbered territories depicted on the map with the corresponding information on the chart and list. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Speck, Frank G. Mistassini Hunting Territories in the Labrador Peninsula. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25: 452-471. In the article Mistassini Hunting Territories in the Labrador Peninsula,
by Frank G. Speck, he describes the division of land among the Mistassini
for hunting purposes and gives a perspective on their cultural individualism,
as well as delving into their patrilineal land inheritance practices.
Speck performed his social-economic survey over an eight-year period,
1915 to 1923; it is apparent from his detailed analysis that he held
a keen interest for the Mistassini people and their simple yet efficient
way of life. CLARITY: 5 KIMBERLEY A. PIERRE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
M.W. Stirling’s article questions the methodology and results of a previous
article written by Fritz Rock entitled "Kalendar, Sternglaube und
Weltbilder der Tolteken als Zeugen verschollener Kultur-veziehungen zur
Alten Welt." The article concerns the cultural traits of the Toltecs
of Middle America. Rock hypothesized that various forms of the
Middle American calendar were transmitted to the Toltecs from Stirling attacks Rock’s belief that the Middle American
calendar is a descendent of an earlier one developed in The method CLARITY RANKING: 3
This article finds fault with a theory that was presented by Fritz Rock, wherein Rock derives cultural connections between historical Asian and American societies by comparing the functions of their calendar systems. Rock has focused in particular on the similar use of the Venus Calendar, which he describes as "a threefold calendar system comprising time cycles based upon observations of the sun, the moon, and the planet Venus" (230). The author argues that Rock’s analysis is flawed because it has oversimplified the vast and complex cultures being compared. Although the author agrees that similar systems were used cross-culturally, he denotes the widespread simplification of attributing all the differing calendar systems to one basic origin. He also finds fault with Rock’s analysis of how the calendar systems were traditionally charted. He supports this accusation with his own specified calculations of the various systems, (also focusing on the Venus system). The author is trying to prove why Rock should not assume that commonalities between the systems necessarily imply that evolutional diffusion occurred from one specific area. The author backs up his argument with substantial scientific data; indeed, without prior knowledge of various time recording systems, I found it difficult to closely follow the author’s argument in this section of the article. The vernacular becomes very data specific. For example, when making calculations based on the Venus system, he compares "the length of the tonalamatle, (260 [days]), with the length of the sidereal revolution of Venus (225) [sic] with half the synodical revolution (292 [days])" (239). However, I would suggest that this close examination of such systems would be very interesting to those studying the more empirical methods of researching calendar calculations in historical societies. The article provides an interesting example of the theoretical issues that were contemporary at that time, when many diffusionists speculated that all human evolution could trace its origin to one or to a specified few culture areas. The author discusses this briefly, relating it to the article be reiterating that such explanations are oversimplified generalizations that cannot be applied to all global areas, particularly those areas with many differing cultures. CLARITY RATING: 3 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Von Merhart, Gero. The Paleolithic
Period in Siberia: Contributions to the Prehistory of the Von Merhart’s article discusses prehistoric artifacts
found on eleven field sites in This article describes the geology and stratigraphic sequence of each
site with great detail. Hand-sketched maps of several of the regions
are provided. The fauna of the area are described complete with a list
of the animals most likely to have lived during the palaeolithic period
in the Previous studies of artifacts found in this region have dated them to
the late Paleolithic time. However, Von Merhart concludes that
all of the artifacts in question are from the same cultural level and
belong to the early Paleolithic time frame. Von Merhart’s research
of Paleolithic objects enhances our knowledge of the Paleolithic period
in the CLARITY RANKING: 2
Von Merhart, Gero. The Palaeolithic
Period in Siberia: Contributions to the Prehistory of the In this article Von Merhart’s attempts to determine whether
palaeolothic remains from different sites around the Yenisei region
of The author uses data from these older excavations as well as from his own excavations, done in the summer of 1920, to discuss several interrelated problems associated with the palaeolithic period in the region. These problems are 1) pinpointing the location of the cultural materials in the geologic deposits; 2) determining the stratigraphic sequences of the sites and figuring out geological succession processes that may have altered these sequences; and 3) figuring out what to do with cultural materials that do not fit into the proposed palaeolithic period. He discusses these problems in relation to each site while detailing the types of cultural materials located at the sites (mostly stone or bone tools, hearths, animal remains and occasionally the remains of a shelter). Von Merhart found that the majority of the Palaeolithic implements from
Yenisei were representative of the Mousterian period of Although Von Merhart’s arguments are reasonable, they can be confusing and require the focused attention of the reader. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Waterman, T.T. Some Conundrums
in In this article, Waterman discusses four points of interest regarding
the art and house building practices of the In his discussion of the representation of the shark, Waterman draws on Boasian theory regarding the stylistic symbolism of native artists. Boas suggested that a systematic set of conventions is often used to convey each particular animal. The shark provides a distinct example of this practice because the general outline exhibited follows an anatomically correct form of the fin and tail placement. However the presence of eyes on the ventral surface is contrary to what we might visually understand. Regarding the house-pit, Waterman in concerned with the discrepancy of style between the north and south region compared to the central area. He notes the north/south style exhibits a gabled form with a deep pit with a ladder or steps descending into it. In contrast, the central style is "roughly built" with a shallow pit and a ramp for entry. He suggests that this difference is the result of the diffusion of Salish people into the central region. Furthermore, he includes a discussion of the origins of the pit. He suggests that in light of the fact that no one today knows why it is used, it ostensibly came from an environmental necessity such as a rainy or cold climate. Attempting to clear up the function of totem poles, specifically among the Tinglit people, Waterman suggests that they represent not family history, but tradition. As receptacles of human remains; the carvings relate to the particular events of a person’s life aside from the family crest. Finally, he attempts to understand why the specific shape of objects known as "Coppers" is used. Like the name suggests, these were sheets of copper. They were often figured as deities and were traded in potlatches within the region. From informants, Sapir finds that the form of the coppers were representation of the forehead of a wealth-bestowing mythological figure known as the Gonaqadet. However, he is unsure whether the form of the copper has taken on the shape of the Gonaqadet or the mythical figure taken on the shape of the coppers. This article would be useful for anyone interested in artifacts of the Northwest coastal tribes. It offers a brief and accessible discussion on the aforementioned subjects. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Waterman, T.T. Some Conundrums in Northwest Coast Art. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25: 435-451. In this article, Waterman attempted to explore aspects of art and architecture prevalent in Northwest Coast Native American art. This exploration was in search for an explanation of why the art was done in such a manner, and what the historical reasons for these forms were. The figures examined by Waterman in this article were forms in which he observed in various tribes including the representation of the shark, pits in the center of houses, and totem poles. Waterman’s first assessment, the representation of the shark
in different tribes, began with his premise that Native Americans were “literal-minded.” With
this view in mind, he commented on the various obvious physical features
that distinguished this animal as a shark in various totems and other
forms of art. However, since the shark was always represented from the
ventral side, the placement of the dorsal fin and eyes were modified
in order to help distinguish the animal. Waterman implies that these
modifications make the art more functional to the Native Americans. CLARITY: 4 KELLY GILLIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Notes
on the Indians of This article discusses in detail the interment process of the Indians of Southern Massachusetts. Wilder also mentions the effect various environmental conditions such as insects, gravitation, and frost have on fossils. He defines fossils as being "not only the impressions of living and fresh organic material…but…the impressions of bodies in all the phases of decay, and in all the varied positions assumed by such decaying bodies" (197). He notes the importance of considering this factor when remains are examined. Wilder defines this work within a new field called necrodynamics or necrokinetics and notes that this type of study is not just limited to humans, but includes other organisms as well. The objects of Wilder’s study were gathered in Western
Massachusetts, including such towns as The second section of this article focuses on the skull of a relative
(most likely a daughter) of the Niantic chief Ninigret, who died in 1660
and was buried in CLARITY RANKING: 3
Wilder, H. H. "Notes on the
Indians of This article provides archeological information on excavations undertaken
in the This article provides some interesting information regarding the fieldwork methodology that was utilized around 1923 when these investigations were done. The author does not make an overtly evolutionist argument, but his work seem to have been based in the evolutionist school of thought. One of the prevalent theories at that time was the myth that by studying cultures that were seen as existing in ‘primary’ stages of development, the ‘civilized’ cultures could then learn about their own history that was seen to have ‘progressed’ along similar lines. This article thus exemplifies the rush to collect and preserve disappearing material and cultural data, which was thought to hold key information regarding Universal stages of development. Clarity Rating: 3 .gif){kind=small}
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