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American
Anthropologist
De Hostos, Adolfo. Anthropomorphic
Carvings from the In this essay Adolfo De Hostos tries to decipher certain West Indian artifacts through an explanation of their origins and characteristics. He summarizes that "the anthropomorphic stone carvings from the Greater Antilles should be considered as evidence of local developments of a specialized art evolved from the agricultural complex of eastern South America" (529). For the purposes of De Hostos’ research, he chooses to separate the Antillean carvings into two categories; the first including separate human heads, and the second including semblances of the entire human body. He follows with detailed descriptions of both groups. It is through these descriptions that De Hostos relates the Antillean carvings to animism, and insists that they not be prejudged as involuntary expressions of creativity. Furthermore, he argues that the simplicity of the objects is deceiving and should not discredit or discourage their study. De Hostos pinpoints three forms of Antillean carvings: three pointed idols, elbow-stones, and collar-stones. Through description and sketch, substantial attention is paid to the carvings’ facial features and limbs. The importance of both the placement and size of the forehead, eyes, ears, nose, cheeks, and mouth is elucidated. In addition, the significance of the position of the carving’s limbs and how it is posed (squatting, kneeling, or standing) is interpreted. Anyone with an interest in the precise detail of such artifacts will benefit from this article. CLARITY RANKING: 3
De Hostos, Adolfo. Anthropomorphic
Carvings from the This article presents an argument that the Arawak inhabitants of the
Greater Antilles originally migrated from north-eastern The first assertion, that the Antillean carvings depict religious subjects and were used in animistic ritual is based on the following evidence: 1.) that the abstract nature of the individuals depicted in the carvings (without facial expression, clothes, tribal markings etc) suggests that they do not portray humans, but gods or spirits; 2.) that unusual images portrayed in some of the carvings (ie: death heads, distorted limbs, crawling beings) may have been inspired by visions attained through ritual use of narcotics and; 3.) that many of the objects, such as amulets, pestles, and masks are of a type that would be used in religious rituals. The second argument, that the carvings are primitive and therefore derive from an archaic tradition of carving on the South American mainland, is backed up with a detailed description of incision techniques, which are evaluated as crude, as well as an itemized study of the style and methods used for sculpting the facial features, headbands, and body details of the carvings. These are listed under headings such as Eye, Nose, and Body Details. The author writes engagingly, using illustrations of different features
of the carvings to support his argument. The article concludes with a
number of points to consider in a possible comparitive study of the stone
sculpture of CLARITY RATING: 3 TIFFANY GALLAHER.
De Hostos, Aldolfo. Anthropomorphic Carvings from the Greater Antilles. One culture, three different islands, very similar results. The author
of this article studied the aboriginal culture of the Arawak in terms
of rock carvings and found very surprising results. Eastern Cuba, Haiti,
and Porto Rico are the three islands under the author’s microscope
and he found that even though these cultures are separated they - in
terms of sacred rock carvings - are almost identical. The author of this
article is expressing to the reader what carvings looked like and what
they meant in the area of the world known as the Antilles. These carvings
ranged from massive to miniature and were primarily carvings of human
figures and their weapons or tools of choice. This article also describes
how such carvings where constructed, and the meaning of such carvings.
The data offered by the author was very detailed and well organized.
He broke the carvings down into two major categories: separate human
heads and entire human bodies. These two categories were then broken
down into many different categories which were important to the carvings.
The author goes deeper into these sections and even provides pictures
of the many different styles of carvings. CLARITY: 4 STEVE ROBERTS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
De Hostos, Adolfo. Three-pointed
Stone Zemi or Idols from the Native American artifacts from the Great Antilles, known as the Three-pointed stones, have been viewed as mysterious and puzzling to researchers. Collectors have hypothesized many interpretations of their purpose and use. Some collectors believe that these objects are vessels used for crushing, while others think that they represent the brilliance of the man and animal figures, and others, that they represent volcanic phenomena. These Three-pointed stones have been examined historically and archaeologically.
Ramon Pane, a friar who spent time with the Haiti Indians, thinks that
the Three-pointed stones cause the yuca plant, a root eaten as a staple
food of the Native American tribes in the Great Antilles were known for their remarkable agricultural art. They had sophisticated methods of irrigation, soil preparation and fertilization. It is also believed that the stones were the result of a bountiful harvest. Perhaps using the stones in a ceremonial way would result in good crops. It is viewed by collectors of the stones that there is a symbolical connection between the stones and the phenomenon of vegetable growth. An uprooted adult yuca plant has a noticeably similar shape to the Three-pointed stones. The spirits zemi are seen in all things that the Native American people hold important. These spirits are given human and plant attributes. Regardless of whether the spirit is good or evil, it is believed that the spirits must be pleased in order to have a favorable crop. CLARITY RANKING: 3
De Hostos, Adolfo. Three-Pointed Stone Zemi or Idols from the West-Indies: An Interpretation. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol.25 (1): 56-71. In this article Adolfo de Hostos attempts to shed some light on the
meaning and uses of three-pointed stones from the He begins by examining the testimony of friar Ramon Pane who witnessed many of the native ceremonies when he lived among the Indians of Haiti in the fifteenth century. Pane describes stone zemi with three points which the locals believed caused the yucca plant to grow. The purpose of idol worship, de Hostos argues, is to evoke the assistance of the spirits for some temporal benefit, which in the case of agricultural idols such as this, is to aid in the growth of cultivated plants. De Hostos goes on to describe the morphological details of the stones, organizing them into arbitrary classes based on complexity. The simpler forms always have a prominent conoid projection, which he believes is an objective representation a tuber of the yuita plant and "was made to symbolize the invisible power of germination which they knew to reside in the bud" (64). Different forms of the stone zemi may have been used for different plants. According to de Hostos the use of agricultural idols would have been the combined product of three factors: "1) a wish to promote the well-being of slow growing plants; 2) woodcraft and plantlife knowledge acquired in the course of the native’s routinary activities in the field; 3) his mental subordination to animistic beliefs" (63). He goes on to provide explanations for the anthropomorphic and animalistic representations on some of the more complex zemi, arguing that they are an outward depiction of animistic concepts. The animal groups represented are either beneficial or harmful to plant life and the stones elicit the help or cooperation of these animal spirits to accelerate the growth of the plants. The stones with concave bases may have been attached to stone collars, thought to be "the embodiment of a tree spirit", in ceremonies where the reproductive powers of the three-pointed stone zemi were required. De Hostos makes his arguments clearly and succinctly while still paying considerable attention to the details of his argument. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Research of Makah music has put forth two ideals of the Makah Indians. The first ideal is physical beauty among women, and the second is physical strength among men. The primary source of evidence that supports these ideals were songs by the Makah which had elements of vanity and focused on the appearance of the individual. Upon further investigation of this "child-like vanity," the author discovers a routine that is common among the Makah. It is a process of massaging that begins at the birth of a child and continues "with unremitting diligence during the entire life of the individual". This procedure, as stated above, begins right after birth when the head, face and body are massaged very carefully. At this early stage, the child’s bones are still soft so massaging ensures the correct molding of the child’s facial features, head, and body to the Makah standards. This is repeated for the baby three times during the course of the day. According to the Makah, massage is the underlying framework for reaching physical perfection. A young girl is instructed to use a "powder puff" made of inner bark fiber of young cedar trees to rub her face to "take off the shine." This process becomes the morning ritual of a woman "who [is] careful of her appearance." The men’s routine involves taking baths when the moon is waxing and praying for their strength. In addition, they engage in contests of strength by seizing another man by his long hair and attempting to throw him to the ground. Achieving physical perfection is an integral aspect of Makah culture. The techniques and rituals between men and women may differ, however, it is clear by studying both sexes that an inherent belief in beauty is represented in the rituals of the Makah Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 4
This short article describes methods used by the Makah of Washington State for enhancing beauty, which is considered an important attribute for both sexes, and building strength, seen as an important trait for men. Densmore learned of the significance placed on these qualities through observing indigenous songs and dramas in which they were celebrated. She believes that a description of Makah standards of vitality and beauty and the means of attaining them is a natural topic of interest for anthropology. The article begins with several examples of "admiration" songs celebrating comeliness and strength. It follows with descriptions of beauty treatments for babies, young girls, women, and men. Rituals for babies centre around regular massage, believed to help shape their bodies and features. This massage continues into adulthood for both sexes. It is supplemented in women with bathing, hair and eyebrow care, attention to posture, and a specialized diet. Men bathe frequently during the waxing moon, believing that this builds their strength. An example of Densmore’s description of Makah cosmetic practices is as follows: "…While the child’s bones were soft, the shape of the nose was modelled, the ridge between the eyes receiving special attention. The cheeks were rubbed upward so that they would not sag, the eyes were rubbed outward "to take out puffiness," and the eyebrows were massaged "to get them into the proper place (566)." Densmore concludes the article with an account of methods of wrestling and instruction by which men encourage each other to improve their strength in order to become dependable warriors. The article is written clearly and concisely. CLARITY RATING: 5
Densmore, Frances. Conscious Effort Toward Physical Perfection Among the Makah Indians. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25: 564-567. In this article Densmore focuses upon Makah perceptions of beauty and beliefs on the proper human form. Densmore relates these views by recounting a dancing scenario he observed among the Makah. The dances he observed featured body language and music that focused on the issue of physical appearance. Some of the participants sang about how they were grateful for their good looks; while some mourned the loss of such attractiveness. Dancers would pantomime certain actions pertaining to beauty; such as looking into a mirror. Densmore finds that the theme of beauty is not confined to dance. Rather the dances and songs are a projection of common behavior. The key behavior for attaining beauty among the Makah is by massage. Shortly after birth, the young Makah under goes his or her first massage. These initial massages are directed at preventing sagging in the face, maintaining a slim figure and for good posture. As the child grows older the massage practice abandons the practice of hand massage and proceeds to massage his or her self with foliage. Women are taught to use the fiber of trees to clean and scrub their face. Also, they are instructed to bathe and shampoo regularly. The Makah quest for beauty does not end at the act of massage. For four years after a Makah women reaches maturity she is prohibited from consuming certain foods. The Makah believe that the forbiddance of such foods will help women to retain a proper figure. Makah men took an active and prescribed part in these beauty rituals. However, the focus for masculine beauty was more related to public displays of strength. It was common practice for Makah men to engage in martial contests with other men to show off their strength. The men were rated by their strength, which fell into the categories of “good” “better” “best.” Densmore remarks that this rating was done to better prepare Makah society in the event of warfare. Densmore makes a good case for his remarks by employing both Makah lore and observed ceremony. However, I feel that Densmore should have employed a higher level of analysis in this article. He does not discuss why the Makah are concerned with physical beauty. Perhaps this issue would seem obvious at first glance but Densmore stated that this article involved “conscious effort” and beauty. So, what was the consciousness behind these activities? I do not feel that Densmore satisfied this concern though I do find his observations appropriate and well formed. CLARITY: 4 CHRIS SHEFFIELD University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Densmore, Frances. Conscious Effort Toward Physical Perfection Among the Makah Indians. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25: 564-567. In this article Densmore reveals his ideas on Makah music and how it relates to the tribe’s culture. He feels that the music represents two of the tribe’s main ideals. One is the importance of physical beauty for women and the other is the importance for men to exhibit physical strength. This is of importance because music of admiration, as Densmore points out, “has always been attributed to the influence of the white race” ( Densmore, 564). Densmore offers evidence that the music is native and not influenced by another culture. He finds that a ritual , called a massage, is the basis for the desire for physical beauty and strength. “As soon as a child was born, before it was bathed, its head, face, and body were carefully massaged (566).” During the process the nose was molded, eyebrows places in the proper place, cheeks rubbed up to prevent sagging, and the wrists and ankles massaged to ensure slimness. These techniques to enhance beauty continue in the person’s life. Young girls were to rub their face with cedar bark fibers and to eat a special diet that would prevent corpulence. Beauty regimens continued as girls grew older. Besides face massages, women in the culture were to take proper care of their hair. The tribe had formulas for “hair care products”, usually made with huckleberry (566). Men were to bathe, rub themselves with herbs, and pray during the waxing moon to promote strength. A man’s strength was measured by a process called the “hold”, which was used to classify men according to strength. “Each man seized his opponent by the hair on either side of the head and attempted to hair. throw him to the ground.” This ritual made it important for men to have an abundance of hair. These rituals were performed during potlatch ceremonies (567). CLARITY: 5 ELISE WENDLAND University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Fewkes, Walter. Clay Figurines Made By Navaho Children. American Anthropologist October-December, 1923 Vol. 25(4): 559-563. Walter Fewkes’ article describes a collection of clay figurines presented to the Bureau of American Ethnology by Dr. W.H. Spinks. Researchers agree that the objects were made by young Navaho children. The figurines take the form of animals and human beings. They are also said to represent the concerns most connected with the lives of children. The figurines most likely functioned as toys for the Navaho children. This article includes several pictures of the figurines that are mentioned. The author’s intent in writing this article is two-fold. First, he finds
the children’s artistic ability noteworthy because the toys were created
with such realistic accuracy. A second, more scientific reason is that
some of the objects strikingly resemble a type of figurine discovered
in the ancient ruins called "prehistoric fetishes." These were
figurines used in Fewkes does not answer the above stated question. However, he does state
that even if the figurines were modeled after prehistoric effigies, one
cannot assume the figurines did not also function as toys for the children
of prehistoric times. Fewkes also adds that prehistoric CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. Clay Figurines Made by Navaho Children. American Anthropologist. Oct.- Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4):559-563 This short article describes a collection of toy figurines modelled by a young Navajo child. The author comments that they illustrate the influence environment has on early childhood skill development and on shaping nascent perceptions of the world. He also speculates on their possible use in interpreting the function of similar objects found in archaeological excavations of Navajo pueblos. The first observation is that the dexterity of the pottery work shows the influence of environment on the development of specific skills. Fewkes compares the quality of the Navajo child’s modelling to the more inferior quality that would be expected in the work of a white child of similar age. The implication is that the importance of pottery-making and dearth of commercially manufactured toys in the Navajo child’s environment has resulted in her acquiring skills in modelling figurines from clay which would be considered "precocious" in Western society. The second observation is that the subject matter of the figurines shows the importance of environment in shaping perceptions of the world. The author notes that the images the child is surrounded with, namely domestic animals, babies, and blanket-clad women, are those she depicts in her pottery work. The final, most significant observation, that the toy figurines are similar to archaeological specimens found in Southwestern pueblo sites, is elaborated on by the author as follows. He states that archaeologists working in the Southwest have interpreted prehistoric figurines as religious fetishes, based on the knowledge of their use in contemporary Navajo religious ceremonies. However, this interpretation is not adequate, as the above contemporary example of figurines used as children’s toys indicate that such artifacts may also have been made for use as playthings. This article is clearly and concisely written and includes photographs of the toy collection described. CLARITY RATING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. Clay Figurines Made by Navaho Children. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol. 25: 559-563. This article discusses clay figurines made by Navaho children. The
author states that they are remarkably creative and clever, and that
the quality is rarely seen in objects made by white children. The objects
themselves seem to be playthings, according to Fewkes’ “informant,” and
they are mostly women figures and those of domesticated animals, such
as sheep, goats, horses, dogs, and cats. Fewkes argues that they represent
what surrounds the child. Perhaps the main issue in the article is that of the idea of the fetishes.
Similar objects have been found in the prehistoric mounds of ruins. Previous
excavators have The article’s basic point is that these objects seem to be nothing more than playthings. Fewkes takes this standpoint himself, but provides little evidence. When people are in doubt as to what an object is, they tend to say it is either ritualistic or for fertility. Some people have said that these clay figurines were ritualistic, but Fewkes disputes that. In all fairness to him, there really is not a way to be sure, all we can do is speculate. That is what Fewkes does – he asserts the possibility for all options. CLARITY: 4 ANDREA ROWLAND University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Fewkes, J. Walter. The The There have been several theories suggested by the author to explain the function of the towers in the monuments. One is that they were used for practical purposes such as food storage, observatories, or forts. Another theory suggests that the towers functioned as a place of religious worship in conjunction with the kivas. Perhaps spiritual ceremonies were conducted around the towers. The CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. The This article describes the ruins of the newly created The first portion of the article consists of a short discussion of the significance of the towers to those who built them. The towers have been variously interpreted as forts, observatories, or as storage units for grain. The author speculates that the towers serve a ceremonial function, particularly for the worship of the sun. The basis for his interpretation wrests on the agricultural lifestyle of those who built the towers. Fewkes reasons that a tower would provide a much needed vantage point for observing the rising and setting of the sun and hence would aid in determining times for planting and harvesting. Conversely, the subterranean rooms or kivas located under the majority of the towers would provide a site for the worship of mother earth. Fewkes describes some of the idols and pictographs associated with the sites to support his theory. Images of the sun, coiled serpents, mountain lions and mountain sheep are some of the symbols that adorn many of the buildings. Fewkes’ interpretations rely heavily on speculations that are not adequately supported by textual evidence, giving the reader the impression that his theories are improbable or at least subject to doubts. The second half of the article offers minute descriptions of each site including the location of the site in the monument, the shape and size of the tower, the state of preservation and any other details deemed important, such as unusual types of masonry. There is very little interpretation in this portion of the article. This is a simple, easy to read article, however, it is primarily descriptive and offers very little in terms of engaging analysis. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Flom, George T. Figures of Ships and the Four-Spoked Wheel in Ancient Irish Sculpture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 25 (3): 387-396. Flom’s research in this article is based on rock carvings
of ships and four-spoked wheels found in The Irish figures of ships and four-spoked wheels are rarely found in Many cross-comparisons are also made between the Irish rock carvings found in different sites. Flom provides great detail of each rock, specifically how the lines are drawn and the ratio of the figures to other drawings on the rock. He focuses more on the figures of the ships and devotes only two pages to the wheel carvings. Aside from the descriptions, Flom’s only conclusion is that a connection can be seen in Scandinavian and Irish rock carvings, suggesting Scandinavian influences on the Irish. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Flom, George T. Figures of Ships and the Four-Spoked Wheel in Ancient Irish Sculpture. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25(3): 387-396. Flom references multiple earlier works on the topic by other researchers
in his article. Knowledge of these works along with a previous awareness
of the subject would be helpful in reading and understanding the article.
Flom’s main objective is to show evidence of the figures of ships
and the four-spoked wheel in Irish sculpture. Flom indicates that the ships from New Grange, Dowth and Loughcrew all support his assessment that the ship forms from North Scandinavia resemble those from the South of Europe. He uses the evolutionary type forms of the ships as well as the details of the carvings themselves. Flom also mentions the four-spoked wheel towards the end of the article. The wheel carving was found only once in Scotland but there were multiple found throughout Ireland. The trends between the ship forms in Irish sculpture seem to coincide with those of the four-spoked wheel carvings. He also points out that there is a possible connection with the Celtic West and those of the Scandinavian North.
FAYDRE L. PAULUS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Goldfrank, Esther S. Notes
On Two In approximately 3000 words, Esther S. Goldfrank provides
an observational account of autumn festivals in "Notes on Two Pueblo Feasts." She
comments on a span of several days before and during the events, extremely
careful of detail, social interaction, and the sequence of events. The
first description is of St. Joseph’s day in In describing the feast at Laguna, Goldfrank notes a voluntary change
in the event date to autumn so the feast will be more plentiful. The
emphasis on feast preparation and event procession occupies the bulk
of her essay. Various groups from the regions arrive amongst the backdrop
of food, dress, and material preparation in a complete picture of the
mounting event. Goldfrank continues her chronological account by describing
the different American Indian groups and Mexicans who gather together
dressed in their best garb for Catholic mass. After all partake in a
procession through the village; she describes the different ritual dances
that are the main event of the feast. Duly noting the dress, actions,
and configurations of the participants, Goldfrank concludes her documentation
of the For the St. Elizabeth feast in Pohuati, Goldfrank finds few variations between the two festivals. Her main observation is that only one dance from the gathering in Laguna was repeated at Pohuati, and the performer’s costumes were less extravagant. Esther Goldfrank’s account captures the gathering of different peoples to celebrate a single religious event. Written in a detailed fashion, she is careful to note specific social interactions between the participants. As an example, she observes that although Navajo blankets adorn the ceremonies, the Navajo are disliked and do not enter the church alone. There is no analysis in her essay. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Goldfrank, Ester S. Notes
on Two This short article describes two Pueblo Feasts, one at Laguna and the
other at Pohuati. The feast at Laguna took place on September 19th,
1921 and combines a celebration of the harvest with a tribute to The feast at Pohuti took place on September 25th in celebration of Saint Elizabeth. The description of this feast is quite brief and focuses on the ways in which it differed from the feast at Laguna. The focus is on the somewhat dissimilar dancing formations, which the author describes in detail. The dancers at Pohuti were also dressed more casually than those at Laguna. This article is representative of the purely descriptive monographs of the time and does not offer very much in terms of analysis. In addition, the reader does not get a very good sense of the motivations and meanings behind the activities described. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gustaver, Bror. On a Peculiar
Type of Whistle Found In Ancient American Indian In Bror Gustaver’s article he proposes to investigate
whether or not a series of peculiar objects found in ancient American
Indian graves
are in fact early types of whistles. These objects have been found in
certain Aboriginal sites on Green River, the Lower Ohio River, and the Through the investigation of acoustic laws and measurements of the size of the bore, one is able to realize that these specimens are capable of making a favorable pitch normal for a whistle. When examining the bore more closely, it seems oddly large for its basic function, which suggests that it may serve another purpose. The decorative shape alludes to the possibility of having been worn around the neck by a string. If this is true, then the string was passed through the bore, which would provide conclusive evidence that they are whistles. The designer who made the object would have also had to take into account the diameter of the bore in order to filter a string through it. One may assume that the designer would not have gone to the trouble of making the hole 12 to 18 mm in diameter, if one was not meant to wear it on a string. Therefore, the bore is the essential feature of all the specimens. This article would interest individuals who are intrigued by Native American artifacts. Assuming the artifact in question is a whistle, there is hope in discovering its prevalence among the Native American Indians. From these artifacts, it may be possible to draw remarkable conclusions about other aspects of their culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Gustaver, Bror. On A Peculiar Type Of Whistle Found In Ancient American Indian Graves. American Anthropologist July-Sept., 1923 Vol. 25(3): 307-317. In this article, Bror Gustaver attempts to deal with the question of whether or not certain objects found in some Native American graves in the eastern part of the United States would be adequate for use as whistles. These objects are described as made of stone and antler and drilled through so that there was a hole from 12 to 18 mm in diameter in the middle. His work stems from an article published in the Journal of the Academy
of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (Vol. XVI) by Clarence B. Moore in
which the author proposed these objects were used as sizers to make nets
for fishing. In a later paper by Count Eric Von Rosen, published in the
journal Ymer, the author hypothesizes that these objects were actually
whistles. Mr. Gustaver examines further whether or not these objects
could be used as whistles. CLARITY: 3 BROOKE MILEY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Herskovits, Melville J. Some Property Concepts and Marriage Customs of the Vandau. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25 (3): 376-386. In approximately 5000 words, Melville J. Herskovits describes two social
institutions of a cattle-keeping in an East African tribe. A Herskovits describes property relations by first tracing the origins of how a man acquires land either by joining a kraal (social hierarchical group), or receiving land rights from the sub-chief of the district. With this new land, he is to establish his own kraal (although women can technically own property they rarely do). Land rights are handed over from the sub-chief, and the new owner may do as he pleases. Herskovits then describes the basic differences between private and public land in Vandau terms. Land claimed by an owner is considered private and cannot be intruded upon. All land and its bounty not claimed or previously owned is considered public, although Herskovits also notes that it can be unclear for the Vandau to determine public land. He also describes sanctions and counter-sanctions that are involved with trespassing. Disputes in local courts are a common sanction for trespassing and stealing, but the main deterrent for theft is fear of the spirits that guard the property in question. In this herding society, owning cows denotes wealth to the Vandau, and young men often receive gifts of cattle from their families. Although women can technically own the same property as men, their chances are often overpowered by revolving constraints: the rules of Vandau inheritance essentially restrict a young woman from receiving anything from her father. Herskovits account of marriage rituals begins with the man’s request, which is either accepted or challenged by his parents. A system of dowry is given by the prospective husband to the wife’s family, and is usually paid in cattle as a display of good will. A woman commonly has the option to select her own husband, and her parents rarely challenge her intent. Herskovits also notes that dowry can be reclaimed if divorce ensues, unless the wife can prove that her husband mistreated her. He also remarks that if the husband does not pay the entire dowry, his wife may leave him as she pleases and upon his death, the children belong to the mother’s family. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Herskovits, Melville J. Some Property Concepts and Marriage Customs of the Vandau. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol.25 (3): 376-386. In this article, Herskovits addresses various aspects concerning land and marriage practices among the Vandau, whom he considers to be a tribe of eastern Africa. His motivation appears to be the documentation of the similarities between the Vandau and other tribes that occupy East Africa. Not surprisingly then, comparisons about the Vandau’s attitude toward court systems, cattle, dowries, and inheritance customs are made. Herskovits’ information comes from a native of the Vandau and student at Columbia University, A. K’amba Simango. The Vandau live in communities called kraals, which each have a head-man. Higher in the government are the positions of sub-chief and chief, which, unlike the head-man positions, are hereditary. Both men and women of each kraal receive their own plot of land for gardening. The land may be near the kraal of residence, but if one kraal is very near to another, the plots of land may be farther away. As with other East African tribes, the Vandau own cattle, obtaining them through working and/or gifts. Also similar to other tribes, cattle are a sign of wealth as well as the typical dowry payment for a bride. Everything is owned individually among the Vandau and women have the same ownership rights as men, though property is inherited through the male line. Wealth is not the only factor of prestige for a person however, as strength is also highly regarded. The Vandau have a court system (again, Herskovits points out that this is like other African tribes) whereby disputes are settled by a principal chief or one of his subordinates. There are no lawyers; each person represents him- or herself, and there are only two fees paid: one by the plaintiff to the chief or subordinate, and another by the defendant to the messenger who comes to inform him of the case against him. Herskovits notes that according to the information given by Simango, it appears that the punishment one would receive from the ruling spirits does as much – if not more – to deter law-breaking than punishment given by the courts. Marriages are very important in the culture. Having a large number of wives has traditionally been considered as a sign of wealth among the Vandau, as it provides the husband with a more comfortable lifestyle, more land in the family, and – it is hoped – many children which help to make the family more prestigious and prosperous. Herskovits does not neglect the white European influence on the Vandau culture. He relates that near the coast the necessary dowry for a bride is increasingly being paid in European money rather than cattle. Furthermore, it is now much harder financially for a man to have many wives. Before the Europeans arrived, men had two or three wives on average, but in Herskovits’ time, it was only a small number of wealthy people who could afford that many wives. CLARITY: 4 AMANDA PARR University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Hough, Walter. Alice Cunningham Fletcher. American Anthropologist April-June, 1923 Vol. 25 (2): 254-258. Walter Hough uses this article to give a brief glimpse at the career of Alice Cunningham Fletcher. At the pinnacle of her career, Fletcher obtained several prestigious honors for her lifetime research and support of the American Indian. Each of these honors was deemed well deserved by her peers, as "her methods were the outgrowth of her character" (256). Fletcher, who was born March 15, 1838, began her effort to help the
American Indian sometime before the year 1880. One of her first accomplishments
was the innovation of a system in which small monetary loans were given
to Indians to assist them in purchasing land and building houses. During
1881 and 1882, she spent time examining the Sioux, In 1891, Fletcher’s work, in conjunction with that of Professor F.W. Putnam, attracted the attention of Mrs. Mary C. Thaw. In response, the Mary Copley Thaw Fellowship was founded in association with the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology. This fellowship allowed Fletcher to dedicate the rest of her life’s work to her studies of the American Indians. During one particular stay, Fletcher developed an interest and appreciation for Indian music after a tragic attack of inflammatory rheumatism, which left her crippled. While bedridden, the Indians sang to her in an attempt to raise her spirits. As Fletcher regained her health and her strength, she recorded their songs for future use. This research is significant today as there is now evidence that Indian songs have inspired some American compositions. At approximately the same time, Fletcher made yet another noteworthy achievement. She was able to record, for the first time in history, a complete documentation of the Hako ceremony of the Pawnee Indians. The importance of this, along with all of Fletcher’s work, resides in her ability to convey the "inner spirit and beauty of the Indian’s concepts" (256). While other observers of her time discredited the study of Indian tribes, Fletcher forged ahead to eagerly interpret their culture. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hugh, Walter. "Alice Cunningham Fletcher." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol.25:254-258 This article is a short, three-page dedication to the life achievements of Alice Cunningham Fletcher. The article begins with her birth in 1838, and briefly touches on her many accomplishments and endeavors as one of the first recognized female anthropologists. The author David Hough describes the nature of Fletcher’s work among a number of Native American tribes, such as the Sioux, Omaha, Winnebago, Pawnee and the Nez Perce, to name a few. Tirelessly dedicated to recording Native American culture, Fletcher contributed a great deal not just to the broader anthropological community, but also to the people whose cultures she studied. Among the skills that she took with her to the field was a lifelong interest in Native American music, much of which she carefully documented, making the significance of Native American music better known and understood by her colleagues. She also recorded numerous ceremonies and other aspects of indigenous culture that were under the threat of extinction, from encroaching settlement and inhibitory government policies. Regarded as a friend within the indigenous communities where she worked, she was granted access to aspects of their culture as an ‘insider,’ while continuing to maintain an influential connection to scientific anthropological institutions. In this later arena, Fletcher lectured on archeology, and conducted a number of studies from the Cambridge Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. She was also the president of both the American Folklore Society and the Anthropological Society of Washington, and Vice President of the Anthropological Association for the Advancement of Science. Her significant position in the scientific community made her work available to a broad audience and heightened public awareness and understanding of First Nations cultures. Hough writes of Fletcher, "she made unusually important contributions to our knowledge of the inner spirit and beauty of the Indian’s concepts" (256). This article gives a brief and uncomplicated profile of Fletcher. It is smoothly written, full of praise, and includes most of the chief events and contributions of her life long work as an anthropologist. CLARITY RATING: 5 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Kroeber, A.L. American
Culture and the A.L Kroeber’s article is concerned with the origin of cultural elements in the tribes of the Northwest Coast of America. Some of these
elements have traits which are found in other cultures, and some are
commonly found,
generic traits that are seemingly absent in this particular area. The
article is concerned with establishing cultural connections between the Kroeber asserts that there are four groups of ingredients
that make up Pre-Colombian American culture. The first are the original common
American cultural traits. Though not necessarily universal, these
traits must be shown throughout much of the Kroeber provides a thorough investigation of cultural elements such as boat making, basket weaving, house building and political organization to explain the development of the culture of Northwest Tribes. In addition, a historical map of migration is provided to trace different tribes and various distinctions that may have become absorbed by the people of the Northwest coast. By incorporating these two methods, Kroeber has provided the reader with a clear idea of the possibilities of cultural development of certain people. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Kroeber, A.L. American Culture
and the In this article Kroeber attempts to sort out the relationship between
the In this article Kroeber goes through a list of culture traits that are
considered common to most Native American cultures and indicates their
presence or absence in the This article contributes to an overall understanding of the diffusion
of culture traits throughout CLARITY RANKING: 5
Lothrop, S. K. American Feather-Decorated Mats. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923 Vol. 25: (3) 304-306. Lothrop’s article "American Feather-Decorated Mats" examines
preserved mats stored in Lothrop goes into considerable detail describing the physical construction
of the mats. Specifically, he reconstructs the placement of wooden slats
and cotton thread, showing the method in which the makers ensured that
the materials would not slip. Feather placement is also of interest to
Lothrop because it supports the argument that the mats are not from Using the specific placement of the feathers on these mats and comparing
them to other mats collected at the time, Lothrop states that their origins
can be determined using the patterns which they employ. They do not resemble
mats from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lothrop, S.K. "American Feather-Decorated Mats." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol. 25:304-307 This article gives a descriptive analysis of feather-decorated mats
that were brought back from South America by Sixteenth Century Spanish
conquerors, and from underground excavations undertaken in To explain this hypothesis, the author discusses in detail the artistic
patterns found on these mats, carefully explaining the symbols and designs
that he links to various distinctive cultures in The information presented in this article is more descriptive then it
is conclusive; it is not a theoretical examination of the symbolism of
these unique designs. The only conclusive aspect is the assertion made
as to the origin of these artifacts, and their connection the historical
cultures of CLARITY RATING: 3 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
Lowie, Robert H. Psychology, Anthropology, and Race. American Anthropologist July-September, 1923. Vol. 25(3): 291-303. This article discusses the differences in the ways in which psychology and anthropology approach the issue of race. Lowie accuses the field of psychology of fabricating biological facts in order to prove a theory. He supports the anthropological approach, which takes environmental factors into consideration when dealing with race issues. This article addresses common misconceptions associated with anthropology and concludes that racial studies must be conducted under careful consideration of all the factors that influence racial issues. Lowie addresses many misconceptions about anthropology. A common misconception is the idea that anthropologists favor excessive influence of environment over hereditary factors in the explanation of cultural patterns. Another misconception is that anthropologists teach absolute equality of all races. Lowie cites Professor Franz Boas as a common target of these callous accusations, and argues that Boas is not a guardian of these doctrines. He quotes professor boas at length to refute the misguided interpretations of Boas’s work. Lowie also states that Boas teaches his students that the innate equality of all races is unproven yet, just as all claims of inequality of all races has not yet been scientifically proven. Lowie goes on to refute the claim that anthropologists are obsessed with environmental factors affecting the abilities of the races. He also states that those who most enthusiastically accuse anthropologists of miscalculating heredity as compared with environment are hypocritical. Lowie examines the debate of innate ability and culture are not necessarily rooted in any innate differences, thus he argues this popular stance is wholly inconclusive. Lowie also holds that environmental factors must be taken into consideration when thinking about racial stratification. He feels it is necessary because no effective quantitative determination of innate differences among races has been developed. Lowie also deters anybody from attempting to group races and nationalities, stating that they rarely coincide. He again attacks prominent psychologists from the time for trying to do just this. Lowie believes the variability of ‘pure’ nationalities is really not known. Lowie concludes anthropological ventures in racial studies must be done
with a survey of these difficulties. One must pick a region well known
in the field and that contains more than one segregated racial strain.
He fingers CLARITY RATING: 3
Lowie, H.R. "Psychology, Anthropology, and Race." American Anthropologist 1923 N.S., Vol. 25 July-September No.3:291-303 This article by Robert H. Lowie takes a defensive stance against what he calls "the strange notion that certain anthropologists favor an extravagant influence of environmental as contrasted with hereditary factors"(291). When addressing the question of hereditary explanations for cultural variations, the author begins by arguing against the assumption that anthropologists put sole emphasis on environmental factors to explain cultural variation. The author argues that anthropologists are not denying the possibility of biological explanations, but is adamant that explanations of this type cannot be made without more complete scientific evidence. He supports his argument by drawing attention to the nature of cultural change, which can often happen without any subsequent biological alterations. He says "when we study the known history of culture, we find great changes without any corresponding changes in racial constitution" (296). To further support his argument, psychological studies of biological differences are discussed, which are seen to have yielded unscientific results. It is mentioned that there is more variation found within cultures then between them, and that judging mental capacity based on culturally specific I Q testing and educational standards are obviously going to be biased in their findings. I would suggest that primarily the author is defending anthropologists who were educated as ‘historical particularist,’ studying under Franz Boas. It is mentioned in the article that Boas has been misinterpreted as writing off biological influences in his explanations of cultural variation; the author argues that it is a lack of scientific data, not the conviction of a purely environmental influence, which has stopped Boas from taking a definitive stance for or against genetic influence on culture. He concludes the article by suggesting that conducting scientific research to find more empirical evidence is in fact possible to do, but only under specific and unique circumstances. That is, the area being studied must be well known anthropologically, and include two or more different cultures who have been relatively isolated and segregated from each other. Until unbiased researchers can carry out this kind of study, the author posits that it is the duty of anthropologists "to repudiate not biology but the sham biology that invents facts and even biological ‘laws’ to support personal views" (303). The author makes it clear that although he himself is not in favor of taking a stance for racial inequality, he feels that there is insufficient evidence for professionals of any field to make definitive scientific conclusions. I found the subject of argument in this article to be, of course, an outdated and ethnocentric concern. Perhaps it is however a good depiction the differing stances taken for or against racism during the early 1900s, and the push to find definitive ‘evidence’ that would end the various disputes. CLARITY RATING: 4 BRONWEN SWEENEY:
MacCurdy, George Grant. Certain Specimens from the Riviere Collection. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol. 25 (1): 72-89. This article commences with a short introduction of Emile Riviere, who
was the last member in the elite group of French prehistorians. He and
his relatives donated many of his findings to museums. His exploration
lasted between the years of 1870 and 1910. He died in Riviere’s greatest findings were at the caves of Rey, Liveyre, Lanugerie-Haute, La Mouthe and La Micoque. MacCurdy explains the important discoveries of Riviere in each one of the caves. Below is a brief summary of the discoveries in each cave. Cave of Laugerie-Haute: Findings of javelin points and spatulae of reindeer horn, bone needles, a javelin point of ivory, harpoons and a baton of reindeer horn, stone pendants, perforated teeth of Bos, the engraving of a head of a horse and two mammoths carved on reindeer horn. CLARITY RANKING: 2
MacCurdy, George Grant. Certain Specimens From the Riviere Collection. American Anthropologist January-March, 1923 Vol.25 (1):72-89. In this article the author describes various palaeolithic specimens
acquired by the For each site he provides the cultural sequence and a detailed inventory
of the palaeolithic tools and art objects found there. He pays particular
attention to items with special significance. For instance, at Rey, two
of the most notable finds are sculptures of fish carved from the ribs
of a ruminant. Fish are one of the more unusual animal representations
found in cave art. He provides a detailed account of the various reproductions
of fish found in sites throughout This is an informative article that emphasizes the description of material objects. Overall this article is representative of archeological writing in the 1920s. CLARITY RANKING: 5
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist, 1923 Vol.25(4):495-524 William Christie MacLeod looks to discuss the significance of matrilineal
chiefship. He extensively discusses the rules that surround inheritance
and those conditions that lead someone into power. MacLeod feels that
chiefship is universally the arena of adult men. Only when a male cannot
fulfill this position of power will an intermittent leader take office
until another capable male is ready. Intermittent leaders can include
an immature male, a woman, or the son-in-law of a former office holder.
However, the occurrence of these events is very rare and found in the
southern Kwakiutl. The Kwakitul have a bilateral kinship pattern but
they lean towards patrilineal chiefship. Matrilineal chiefship is often
associated culturally with the mother-sib. MacLeod feels that there is
a primal psychic urge towards the evolution of patrilineal chiefship.
MacLeod discusses the findings of Le Petit, Du Pratz, and Dumont with
respect to the matrilineal chiefship of the CLARITY RANKING: 2 MAURA MAE DEEDY
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist Oct.- Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4):495-524 This analytical article traces the evolutionary origins of matrilineal chiefship. The author believes that this form of chiefship is notable, as the institution of chiefship is generally passed down through the father’s line. Using extensive cross-cultural data to support his argument, MacLeod explains that matrilineal chiefship only exists among peoples with a mother-sib (a matrilineal kin group), which molds the chiefship along matrilineal lines. In all other cases, the "primal psychic urge" of the father to promote the welfare of his progeny leads to a patrilineal chiefship. Deviations from this pattern (co-occurrence of patrilineal chiefship and a mother-sib or of matrilineal chiefship and a father-sib) are explained in several ways. MacLeod states that in groups where a patrilineal chiefship coexists with a mother-sib, the sib has insinuated itself in after the chiefship was already established, and does not compete with the chiefship. Co-occurrence of a matrilineal chiefship and a father-sib indicates either that a group with a matrilineal chiefship has superimposed itself upon a group that was originally patrilineal or that the group originally possessed a mother-sib which then decayed or disappeared. As an example of the general ‘primary’ tendency towards patrilineal inheritance of the chief’s office, the author points out that even among the Tsimshian, who have a mother-sib, the families of chiefs often practice cross-cousin marriage, so that the chief’s heirs in the succeeding generation will be his own grandchildren (503). The Lenape are given as an example of a group with a mother-sib, who may be evolving a matrilineal system of chiefship (519-521). Cultural data supporting the theories about deviations from the basic pattern of inheritance of chiefship includes the example of certain Australian tribes with a patrilineal chiefship and a mother-sib and the Baganda of Uganda, where the commoners belong to a father-sib while the chiefly family belongs to a mother-sib. MacLeod speculates that in the case of the Baganda, the chief’s family may be a matrilineal group that conquered an originally patrilineal clan (518). This article must be read carefully to follow MacLeod’s argument, which relies on detailed descriptions of family relationships to make its points. CLARITY RANKING: 2
MacLeod, William Christie. On the Significance of Matrilineal Chiefship. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec., 1923 Vol.25(4): 495-524. |
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