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American
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Anonymous. James Mooney. American Anthropologist April, 1922 Vol. 24(2): 209-214 James Mooney, the son of Irish immigrants, was born in 1861 and grew up in Richmond, Indiana. He went to public schools and also taught school for two terms. Mooney became fascinated with Native Americans through his job at The Richmond Paladium. His dream was to go to Brazil and study cultures there. Instead he met the founder of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Major J.W. Powell, who offered him a position. He worked at the Bureau of American Ethnology from 1885 until his death in 1921. Mooney researched the Native American tribes of the Southeast and Great Plains, his main focus being the Cherokee and the Kiowa. He contributed to the completion of the “Handbook of American Indians” through the list of Indian tribal names that he compiled before working for the Bureau of American Ethnology. He also prepared exhibits for expositions in Spain and in the United States. Mooney was a member of several anthropological and historical societies and was one of the founders of the American Anthropological Association. His Irish heritage was also of interest to him. He wrote articles on the subject and also played a big part in the formation of the Gaelic Society of Washington in 1907. Mooney was commended for the personal interest he took in his subjects of study. He was highly respected as an ethnologist and considered an expert on the Cherokee and Kiowa and other tribes in the Plains area. The day after his death the ethnologists and anthropologists of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the United States National Museum and the officers of the Smithsonian Institution adopted some resolutions. J.N. B. Hewitt, the chairman of the committee on resolutions, signed them. These resolutions reflect the sorrow at the loss of James Mooney as a friend, colleague and fellow citizen. He published extensively; fifty-seven of his works were listed. CLARITY: 5 AOIFE KEENAN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Baer, John Leonard A Prochlorite Bannerstone Workshop American Anthropologist October-December, 1922 Vol. 24(4): 438-440. This is a description of an aboriginal bannerstone workshop located
on the bank sof Susquehanna River in The author concludes that the island bannerstone workshop "worked slate into convenient forms" with most being "carried to smaller workshops and finished" and that the lower bannerstone workshop had received numerous unfinished prochlorite specimens from larger workshops near the site of the material. The site of the workshop and location to prochlorite quarries are described, along with production methods and photographs of the specimens. The nearest known site for prochlorite is five miles down the river from the lower site and there are "no positively aboriginal prochlorite quarries identified." The prochlorite "were chipped roughly into shape," the softness of the material making this easier than what was needed to produce slate bannerstones. The process of manufacturing at the lower site appears to have been the same as the island site. From the briefness of the article it is hard to determine if the author’s conclusions are valid or if he has obtained enough information or uncovered enough sites to draw such conclusions. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Baer, John Leonard. A Prochlorite Bannerstone Workshop. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol. 24: (438-441). The author’s objective is to discuss the significance
of the aboriginal prochlorite bannerstone workshop that is located
at the east bank of
the Susquehanna River, Before drawing any conclusions based on this contrast, the author describes some of the qualities of each material. Prochlorite, he suggests, is an appealing choice for toolmakers because it is soft and therefore easy to work. Also, he suggests that the shiny black crystals give the final product a particular aesthetic appeal. Slate, on the other hand, is a much more solid material to work with and thus requires one to tediously chip away at the rock in order to shape tools. Based on these material differences, the author argues that prochlorite is likely a more appealing choice for the toolmakers. In another comparison, the author draws attention to the island workshop where most of the unfinished specimens had well-defined centrums, and were made of slate. In the lower workshop the majority of specimens were made of prochlorite and had an abridged top with no prominent centrum. To help illustrate this, the author includes a black and white photograph of twelve prochlorite bannerstones and shaping tools. Given the comparative nature of his article, it would have been useful had he included visual examples of slate tools. By briefly comparing the two sites, the author concludes that the unfinished slate specimens found at the island workshop were worked into convenient portable shapes and then brought to smaller workshops to be refined. By contrast, at the Susquehanna workshop the unfinished prochlorite specimens had been transported from a larger workshop that was located closer to the source of material. Supposing that these conclusions are true, the author does not attempt to describe why this is so and therefore his final declarations might be viewed as the starting point for further research. CLARITY: 3
Battle, Herbert B. The Domestic Use of Oil Among the Southern Aborigines. American Anthropologist April-June 1922 Vol.24(2):171-182. In this article the author discusses how the Southern Aborigines used oil and fat. He tells where they obtained all their oil and fat and how they get it. The author believes that the uses of oil applied by the Southern Aborigines could not have been other than primitive, because "their mode of living would not admit of any advanced uses of these substances, or even full knowledge of the simplest properties which they possessed."(173) He believes that what they learned was due to self-evident facts which came to light in their daily lives. There were oils and fats of animal origin, and oils and fats of vegetable origin. The oils and fats of animal origin mostly came from the black bear. This animal stored a lot of fat in the summer so if they hunted in the right season these bears produced a large amount of oil and fat, as well as meat for food. The oils and fats of vegetable origin almost exclusively came from native trees such as the black walnut and hickory nut. The black walnut tree was the most desirable of all oils because of its good quality. The author also describes how the Indians obtained these oils and fats from the nuts and animals. There were three ways that the oils and fats were obtained: rendering, extraction, and pressing. Rendering is separation by boiling or steaming. Extraction is when liquid solvents are used to dissolve the oily or fatty materials. Pressing, the standard way in the present time, is taking the meats or kernels and either being pressed whole, rolled, or ground. The author then goes on to tell how the oils and fats were used by the natives. The author believed that there were several uses and lists them in order of importance. The most important was use as food. Secondly was use as paint. They used paints to satisfy their desire for display and oils were used as a base for the paint. Third, they used it in the making of leather or the treatment of skins. The Natives preserved the skins of wild game for their own uses. Fourth, they used it for bodily health. They rubbed the oil on the body in order to make the skin supple and healthy. Fifth, in order of importance, was its use in hair dressing. Lastly, although the author states that there is no direct authority for this statement, he believes that it was used for the rubbing and polishing of ornaments and implements. This article contains a lot of information and is very clear. CLARITY RANKING:5
Battle, Herbert B. The Domestic Use of Oil Among the Southern Aborigines. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):171-182. The author describes how oil was obtained, processed and used by Native
Americans historically in the southern The chemical composition and physical properties of oil and fats are defined (Oils and fats are not treated separately due to their inherent similarities). Some oils absorb oxygen from the air and harden to produce drying, non-drying and semi-drying oils. These are used in different applications; drying oils are used in paint, for example. It is possible to use caustic of soda or potash to obtain glycerin and soap. Native Americans, however, did not process oil in this way and were only aware of its obvious uses. They obtained oil and fats from animals, primarily the black bear. They also acquired it from vegetable origins, namely from the black walnut, hickory nut and live oak acorns. To separate the oil from organic materials there are three possible methods: rendering, extraction and pressing. Native Americans used the first method, whereby the nuts are boiled and the melted oil is scooped off the water’s surface. A wooden mortar was used to crush corn and a "hammer-stone" used to crack nuts. This labour was performed by women and children. Oils and fats were used, in order of importance, as follows: Firstly, as food. Oil was also sold as a commodity to European traders. Secondly, in paints. Oil served as a binder to make paint permanent. Paint was used in ceremonies, for personal adornment and on various artifacts, like pottery. Thirdly, in leather making and the treatment of skins. Oil preserved skins, making them soft and pliable. Its fourth use was for bodily health, as it made skin supple and healthy. Another related use was in hair dressing to grease hair back when going to war. Finally, oil may have been used to rub and polish tools and ornaments. Wooden bows were kept flexible with bear fat, for example. This article is well structured and uncomplicated. The author’s objective is merely to describe the material aspects of oil in a ‘native’ context and thus is solely concerned with oil’s technological significance. He draws on a number of secondary sources to supplement and illustrate his discussion. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Beckwith, Martha W. Hawaiian Riddling. American Anthropologist July-September,1922 Vol.24(3):311-331 This article discusses a form of an ancient Hawaiian contest of skill called riddling. Riddling is both a test of mental skill and training. It is a difficult game of riddles though rhyming is not always necessary and sometimes all it takes to win is to use a play on a particular word in the riddle. Beckwith makes the point that though it seems like a simple word game, in the past it was played by chiefs and people who were seen as heroes. The other interesting piece of information she presents is that the stakes were usually as important as the people who played the game; sometimes losers paid with their lives. Hawaiian riddling is a complex game although at first glance it may not seem that way. The article gives numerous examples of the riddles that are used. The object of the game is to counter the riddle with another riddle or verse. The answer must parallel the first as closely as possible in order to present an analogy. Beckwith presents an example that helps to explain one of the ways in which a player uses a play on phrases to win. The story is of a man who was dared to shoot ten rats with one arrow. He shoots nine rats and a bat. When he is accused of losing the challenge he quotes the verse: "The bat in time of calm Is your younger brother, O rat!" Therefore he wins the contest. These types of examples are given throughout the article. Beckwith also writes about how these riddling games are viewed by the
people of This article was basically an easy read though, the explanation of the
actual game itself was difficult to understand at first. Once I got the
basic gist it became interesting. The article has many examples of fables
that are told in CLARITY RANKING: 5
Beckwith, Martha W. Hawaiian Riddling. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24(3): 311-331 This article by Beckwith explains a ancient past time activity called
riddling which was once practiced by prehistoric civilizations in the
Hawaiian islands. The structure of riddling closely resembles heroic
fables already recognized throughout the world, and throughout time.
My first impression of riddling was that it was a test of wit in the
form of question and answer, but as I read further, riddling was a wit
contest also known as betting called hoopaapaa (this translates into “the
art of disputation”). The riddling is a form of metaphorical play
on words that is designed to stump the contestants. The object is that
the chief is to seek out anyone to challenge his wit, that will eventually
displace him in his court. The contestants who were unable to answer
the riddle correctly knew they must suffer it’s high stakes. The
article lists a series of stories and situations concerning riddling
where the contenders only chance at victory is to have a good knowledge
of words, and a very active wit. The point of Hawaiian riddling is, not
only must the contender realize that the game is not merely to answer
the riddle, but instead, add a metaphor or introduce a pun. In other
words, the object is that the opponent come back with a parallel riddle
with acute similarity as the first, as well as an analogy. In this article,
Beckwith is able to give specific evidence to support her point. A specific
example listed was the challenge of Kaipalaoa pg 325. Here Beckwith shows
evidence that riddling is “tests, not riddles at all but merely
a lists of things to which the test is to add another.” Beckwith
supports this research with informant knowledge that had been collected
from Hawaii on her behalf. She also had the aid of an authority in Hawaiian
vernacular, and was able to translate these particular riddles used in
the article. CLARITY: 4 LENA MALAVENDA University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Benedict, Ruth Fulton. The Vision in Plains Culture. American Anthropologist. 1922 Vol. 24: 1-23 In this article, the vision quests of the Plains Indians are discussed. This includes the styles and rituals that are standardized elements of the vision quest, as well as those that are unique to a tribe or geographic region. Unlike the ritual tradition seen to the East and West of the Plains, these tribes will use vision throughout maturity in addition to its role in the rites of passage for adolescents (for others it has only the latter function with the aim of obtaining a guardian spirit). There are three widely distributed patterns which can be looked at when characterizing the vision quest in the Plains: (1) the infliction of self-torture; (2) the lack of laity-shamanistic distinction; and (3) the attaining of a guardian spirit. The importance and severity of self-torture during a vision quest varies throughout the Plains. In the Western region there is little connection between the two; although there is the presence of each in the society. In the Southern Plain the presence of self-torture hardly exists at all, it serves no ritual function. However, in the case of the Northern and Eastern Plains there is a strong connection between the quest for visions and the use of self-torture. Furthermore, in all cases of self-torture, the sun, for no apparent reason, is involved. The second generalization involves the lack of a laity-shamanistic distinction in the pursuit of a vision. This can be seen in cases (like in the Western Plains) where all men are expected to go out at least once in their life to obtain power from the spirits. However, this does not hold true in all cases. In the Pawnee of the Eastern Plain there was a distinction between the laity and non-laity as well as subdivisions within the non-laity regarding the visions they could receive. The final generalization concerns the acquisition of a guardian spirit. On the Plains there is no tribe where this is the only purpose of the vision. Although all men were expected to fast at least once in order to obtain an individual guardian, the vision was continuously sought throughout maturity in relation to various situations. Taking into account the variations of ritual tradition found in the Plains, it becomes evident that there is a great diversity present in the Plains in the vision quests of the many tribes. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Benedict, Ruth Fulton. The Vision In Plains Culture. American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1): 1-23. Benedict’s article compares the pursuit of visions among the
Plain cultures to the generalizations about them. She identifies three
characteristics which have come to define the vision quests of the Plains
culture. They are self-mutilation; the lack of a shaman class and the
attainment of a guardian spirit. Benedict states that these generalizations,
while applicable to other cultures, does not fit in describing the pursuit
of visions of the Plains cultures. The second generalization or lack of a shaman class is the result of adult members of the community being embedded with spiritual power attained by visions, thus rendering a shaman unnecessary. Benedict shows how cultures still retained the class and the most defined shaman class structures are that of the Dakota and the Pawnee, both of which have in-class hierarchies. The last generalization is that of the vision being used to attain a guardian spirit. Benedict states that every tribe on the Plains felt the attaining a guardian spirit to be more important than the pursuit of visions. This is because people would pursue visions on many occasions during their life, such as mourning, war and social initiations. During these occasions a guardian spirit was not acquired. In other cultures the vision is secondary or not needed at all in the obtainment of a guardian spirit. Further complexities in the roles of the vision in culture is shown by Benedict. She tells us that the Blackfoot buy and sell visions and the Hidsata use it to gain their inheritance. Benedict concludes that generalizations created by “topical studies imply a false sense of simplicity on a on the rich variety of actuality.” (20) I liked the article despite the further complexities which seem to be a tangent. Where it not there the clarity would be 5. CLARITY: 4 PRESTON HILL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Cushing, Frank Hamilton, J. Walter Fewkes, and Elsie Clews Parsons. Contributions to Hopi History. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24(3):253-298. Four different articles are presented, giving accounts of the same Hopi village at different points in time, beginning in 1883 and ending in 1920. The goal of combining these narratives was to give “successive views of one of the most conservative Hopi Pueblos,” Oraibi, through the different experiences of three ethnologists. Frank Hamilton Cushing first went to Oraibi in 1883 in an attempt to trade with the people. He first describes the town and the dwellings, which are small and vary depending on the season. He also spends time describing the furnishings and social structure of the Oraibi Hopis. Cushing notes that out of all the Pueblo Indians, the villagers of Oraibi have preserved the traditions of their ancestors the longest. Cushing then moves on to describe his attempt at trading at Oraibi. They demonstrated a very hostile attitude towards him, showing a blatant distrust of white men. After a considerable amount of arguing back and forth, Cushing was allowed to stay the night at the pueblo, and succeeded eventually in trading a few items with women and children. In 1890, J. Walter Fewkes visited Oraibi pueblo, which is the largest pueblo of the Hopi. Fewkes describes the ceremonial traditions of Oraibi, including the Snake Dance and the sacredness of eagles. White people were not allowed to attend religious ceremonies, and were ordered to stay away from the pueblo. For this reason, Fewkes was not able to directly observe a religious ceremony. He also describes the aboriginal method of opening hostilities, using representations of the Hopi war gods. Fewkes describes the split of Oraibi into two distinctive groups, which he names the “friendlies” and the “hostiles.” They split from Oraibi and created two new towns, named Hotavila and Pakabi. This split resulted in the desertion and eventual ruin of Oraibi; something, which Fewkes predicts, was a common occurrence with the history of pueblo migration. Elsie Clews Parsons visited Oraibi in 1920, and agreed with Fewkes that the division of towns had most likely been occurring for centuries among Indian pueblos. Parsons believed the Oraibi split to be a consequence of contact with white culture. Throughout her article, Parsons describes the complex clanship system of the Hopi, which consists in simple form of maternal families loosely connected as clans. Using charts and examples, Parsons explains how the clans acquired their animal-derived names, and their significance. In the final article, Parsons gives a brief description of the clans, kivas, and offices and ceremonies of the Shömo’pavi, who inhabit a town to the southwest of the Oraibi area. Together, these four articles give a fairly complete description of the lives of the people of Oraibi, and the changes they underwent from 1883 to 1920. CLARITY RANKING: 3 STEPHANIE WEST
Flom, George T. A Recently Discovered
Stone Sculpture in The author’s main objective is to determine the meaning of the decorative
cups on a Bronze Age grave monument, found during T.J. Arne’s 1917 expedition
to Flom constructs his first argument- that the cups represent sun symbols- through a detailed description of the ornate burial stone found at the grave site. For instance, he describes the granite monument, which dates back to the 16th and 15th-century BC, as being incised with a large sun-symbol as well as plastered with 150 tightly placed round cup-depressions, as can be seen in the photographs included. These cups, as Flom points out, cover only the south side of the stone, which prematurely leads him to define them as sun symbols and therefore ceremonially significant. In his words, "they may, to be sure, be connected with some magic rite in which the cups were rubbed with fat or blood…" (444). Whether or not this is true, Flom fails to provide any supporting evidence for this hypothesis. In support of his last main argument, Flom compares, although not in detail, the Oland site to places such as India, Britain, Switzerland, Ireland, France and so on, to support his idea that sun-worship, in some form or another, has been a universal practice among the ancient Indo-European people. Furthermore, he argues that different sun depictions reflect different stages in cultural evolution. For example, the cup is the earliest representation of the sun and therefore indicates a primitive stage of culture, whereas a four-spoked wheel indicates a more advanced and civilised culture. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Flom, George T. A Recently Discovered Stone Sculpture In Oland, Sweden. American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1): 441-447 George T. Flom’s journal discusses a carved stone monument, located
on a grave in Oland, Sweden, that was excavated by T.J. Arne in 1917.
What’s interesting about this trapezoidal-triangular shaped stone
is that it is carved, covered with small, round cup-depressions on the
narrow side and it also contains figures including horses and a ship
on the broad side. According to Arne, the grave and the incised stone
date back to the 16th-15th centuries BC, which makes them belong to the
second period of the Bronze Age. CLARITY: 4 SAOUD MARDINI University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Grinnel, George Bird. The Medicine Wheel. American Anthropologist. July 1922 Vol.24:299-310 The author’s objective is to examine the Medicine Wheel
and it functions. Grinnel begins by explaining that the medicine wheel
is located on top
of The Indians used this area during ancient times. Running up the mountain is a clearly old and worn trail, which is visible for two or three miles. Even though there are no signs of recent use, the wheel was attended heavily in the past. Although many of the Indians (in 1922) have not seen the wheel they know a great deal about it. However, none could tell anything about the wheel’s construction. Some say that the Medicine Wheel resembles the "ground plan of the Cheyenne Medicine Lodge" (309). The Medicine Wheel has even had a book written about it entitled The Sheep Eaters which is a book that describes information about the wheel. The author accomplished his objective in this over-explained piece. This easy to read article would have been nearly perfect, however the author goes into too much detail. There are some excellent photographs and drawings of the wheel and its formation. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Grinnell, George Bird. The Medicine Wheel. American Anthropologist July, 1922 Vol.24: 229-310. In this article the author discusses the Medicine Wheel. The Medicine Wheel is a stone monument in Wyoming, in which the stones are arranged in a way that resembles a wheel. There is an inner circle of stones as well as an outer circle, or rim of stones and rows of stone similar to spokes on a wheel. The monument is located on the shoulder of a mountain on the northern side of Medicine Mountain, in the northwestern corner of the Big Horn National Forest. The author describes at great length the appearance of these stones, and even includes some exact dimensions of the monument. To more clearly explain the pattern of the wheel, an illustaration is included in the artcile as well as some interesting photographs of the site. The author provides not only information about the measurements and
dimensions of the monument, but information regarding the history of
the wheel as well. At the time that the article was written, there was
relatively no evidence of recent use by the modern populations. However,
the worn trail suggests that in ancient times many people visited the
area. The area was a place of religious ceremonies and many of the Cheyennes
believed that it was an old Cheyenne Medicine Lodge. The author includes
testimony and opinions of various Indian tribes on the function of the
wheel. Similarities in the belief that the construction was an old Medicine
Lodge existed in tribes that had close relations with the Cheyenne. CLARITY: 4 TRACIE KILNER University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Hewitt, J.N.B. James Mooney. American Anthropologist April, 1922 Vol.24(2):209-212. James Mooney was born in Early on in his life, Mooney became interested in the lives of Native American people. He was so interested in these people that he "walked many miles" to obtain books and other reading materials pertaining to Native Americans. It was his passion, and he spent his whole life on studying native people. In the course of his life, Mooney moved to Mooney did extensive studies on the Native people of the Mooney was also a founding member of the American Anthropological Society
of Washington. He was vice president of this group from1909-1910, and
he was President in 1914 and 1915. He was also a member of various historical
societies. Mooney also researched the country of his ancestry, The author of this obituary was obviously fond of James Mooney. There are nothing but favorable words about him. Hewitt (the author) saw Mooney as a caring and compassionate man, who would try to help any person or group whom he felt was being exploited or not being given their "just due". This is well-written. It is clear and enjoyable to read for its positive aura. The author gives a thorough background on the subject, and also puts some emotion into it. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Houghton, The author of this article attempts to explain the origin, as well as the naming of the Seneca Nation. He also gives some background on Europeans’ and traders’ encounters with the Seneca and other Iroquoian tribes. He first gives a brief origin story told by Mary Jamison, who had been
kidnapped by two There are several versions of the Seneca origin story. The author makes note of a few of them; however, the one told by Mary Jamison is the one widely accepted. It is noted by the author that the story itself can be divided in two, giving both the origin of the people as well as the origin of their name. The hill the Seneca claim to have come from is known today as Bare Hill; within the Seneca story, they tell of their surroundings being bare of an timber. According to Houghton, there was no historical nor archaeological evidence indicating Bare Hill was the Seneca’s place of origin, or any Iroquoian for that matter. Houghton explains that several sites bearing resemblance to the Seneca origin story have been explored, but no evidence has been found. The origin of the Seneca Nation is also covered in the article, though it is known that Seneca villages existed in pre-European times. This topic is a brief one but leads into talk of Europeans first encounter with Seneca and other Iroquoian tribes. As the paper comes to a close, Houghton ends with what he feels is the English origin of the word "Seneca", a crude combination of the Dutch names "Sinnodowane" and "Sonnotowans". The author writes an interesting paper that is easily understood. It gives a fascinating look into the origins of the Seneca and first European contact with them. The author understands his subject and uses good examples. This article is good for anyone looking into Seneca origins. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Houghton, The aim of this article is to examine the traditional origin of the
Seneca Nation and provide some of the names by which they have been known.
In relation to the tradition there are two points which must be addressed,
first is the origin of the nation (the origin of the Iroquois) and secondly
the separation of the nations of the Confederacy. The traditional origin
of the nation tells of an event where the Seneca broke out of the earth
at a great, treeless mountain located at the head of CLARITY RANKING: 3
MacCurdy, George Grant. The First Season’s
Work of the This article follows the first term of the CLARITY RANKING: 5
MacCurdy, George. The First Season’s Work of the American School in France for Prehistoric Studies. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol.24: 61-129 The article itself was a detailed description and summary of the first term of the first year of the American field school in France. The base for the field school was La Quina in Charente. However, the students traveled and explored many other sites. The article listed the areas in which the students studied and how much time they spent at each site. There was a discussion of the different activities the students were involved in such as digs and cleaning materials. There were many important visitors that visited with the students during the school and the article names them and their involvement with the students. It also described interesting artifacts they saw or discovered such as cave paintings, animal bones and other artifacts. At the end of the article MacCurdy briefly touches on the room for improvement of the field school. The article is a great overview of the field school and its major activities. It goes into detail about many fascinating sites and contains a great deal of interesting information about Prehistoric humans. After the article there are several book reviews and a series of subsequent articles about an array of subjects. They appear to have no relevance to the article or to be a part of the article. However, one of these subsequent articles was written by MacCurdy. MacCurdy’s subsequent article is about a skull found at Broken Hill in Rhodesia. He discusses the appearance of the skull, where it was found and its possibility of being a variant of the Neanderthal. After these articles there was information about the twentieth annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association. At the annual meeting the field school was discussed. Following the information about the meeting there were notes on major events that happened in 1922 such as deaths of esteemed anthropologists, research information, awards, etc. Then there was a listing of the American Anthropological Association members. Though the information discussed above was not part of the article, it tied into the article in some way. CLARITY: 3 NICHOLE JACKSON University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
MacLeod,William Christie. The The author’s main objective is to discuss the social
order of the Algonkian and The argument is constructed through a detailed investigation of letter-type
documents that were sent between European governors during times that
land was being negotiated. For example, in 1651 Stuyvesant, a Dutch leader,
located a fort at the mouth of the As a result, MacLeod effectively discovers that the features of the hunting territory were such that ownership was a family matter. In this social order, the family head was in charge of all land transactions, a widow and his children had rights to family inheritance, and the family had autonomy over land and therefor could do with it as they pleased. CLARITY RATING: 3
Macleod, William Christie. The Family Hunting Territory and Lanápe political organization. American Anthropologist, 1922 Vol.24: 448-463. Macleod is presenting an explanation that the basis of social organization of the tribes of the Delaware River is hereditary family hunting territory. The author combines research done by Speck and Sir. Wm. Johnson, along with other evidence from land transactions and myths. The tribes used as evidence include the Algonkian of eastern Canada, the Wampanoag, the Massachusetts, and the tribes of the Delaware River Valley the Unami and the Unalachitgo Lanápe. The article gives evidence through examples of land sales made by the head of the family who had inherited the hunting land. Many of the transactions between the Swedes and the tribes appear to be forged from lack of markings made by the head family member of the land in question. The transactions with the English appear much more complete and even have markings from the children of the family who owns the land as insurance that there were witnesses that might still be alive if the deed was disputed. There is also a creation story about the Sky Holder dividing up the forest for each clan. Macleod goes into a long explanation of a transaction for the sale of land that occurs early in 1651 to Stuyvesant. This explanation includes many names of sachems and witnesses and attempts to show the politics within each tribe. The conclusion from this was sachem Peminacka could not sell a piece of land because it belonged to the family of adeceased sachem, so as the surviving heirs they owned the land. This article was very long for what it was trying to accomplish. There were many Indian names that had little significance to the whole thesis. This article appeared to be a combination of other people’s research and conclusions. CLARITY: 2 STEPHEN MARTIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Mills, William C. Exploration
of the Mound City Group, Following the initial and historically important studies of Squier and
Davis of the Mound City Group in In short summary of the arguments here, it is first important to list
the assumptions of Squier and Davis and then a response from the author.
Regarding the idea that the people who built the mounds engaged in human
sacrificial practices and that they are likened because of this to contemporary
inhabitants of The argument between information gathered by previous excavators and the author is presented clearly and is interesting as well as informative. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Mills, William C. Exploration
of the Mound City Group, The author’s main objective is to challenge the previously accepted supposition concerning the significance of the Mound City Group, which was proposed by Squier and Davis after their "partial" excavation of the site in 1846. They maintained, with little supporting data, that the mounds were strictly for human sacrificial purposes and therefore the prehistoric builders must have been related to Mexican and Central American peoples. Mills, however, contests these claims on several accounts based on his more thorough collection of data. Mills constructs the majority of his arguments firstly by quoting long and descriptive passages from Squier and Davis. For example, when discussing Mound 8, Mills quotes extensively from his predecessors in order to point out the shortcomings of their work. In one lengthy quote Squier and Davis assert that the basin-like receptacles were altars upon which human sacrifices were performed. Mills points out, however, that these locales were most likely burial sites because, although the bones were charred, there was little evidence to suggest that anything else in the area had been exposed to fire. Mound 9, on the other hand, was extensively charred. This leads to a concluding point- that the prehistoric peoples of this area were cremated at Mound 9 and the remains were then transported to Mound 8 to be buried. The remainder of the article continues in this systematic fashion. In addition, the author includes a map of the surveyed area as well as several black and white photographs of artifacts that were found. CLARITY RATING: 4
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Contributions to Hopi History. American Anthropologist July-September, 1922 Vol.24: 283-298. As a result of contact with white settlers, the Hopi town of Oraibi was split between those that followed the traditional ways of the culture and those that wished to integrate the white culture into their lives. The Hopi social system consisted of maternal families which were connected with others through a larger common group or clan. Parsons explained that loyalties were stronger within maternal families than between them, so when the split occurred and families moved away from Oraibi, they left with their maternal families regardless of clans. Therefore the maternal families had the ability to regroup into different clans without conflict. On September 28, 1906 the more traditional, anti-American group left
Oraibi to establish Hotavila, about six miles to the northwest. These
people wanted to return to their simpler way of life and therefore discarded
any trace of the white culture. However, four years after the founding
of Hotavila, a progressive group had formed. Banished by the conservatives,
this pro-American group tried to return to Oraibi, but was not welcome
there either. These People then founded their own town two miles from
Hotavila called Pakabi (place of reeds). Parsons presented a table that
listed the clans of each town as given by her informant. This table was
used to show that migrations were in fact by maternal families and not
by clans. CLARITY: 3 DAVID KENNY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Phillips, George Brinton The Composition of Some Ancient Bronze in the Dawn of the Art of Metallurgy American Anthropologist April-June, 1922 Vol.24(2):129-143 In this article, the author is interested in various
ancient cultures’ artifacts
which display their knowledge and mastery of the process of bronzing.
This process involves the mixing of copper and tin into an alloy metal,
used for various objects. His specific interest (or argument) lies in
determining the quality of each culture’s workmanship, to deduce which
groups had the greatest knowledge of the process. Phillips has gathered
a collection of twenty-four artifacts, from various specialists, museums,
and curio dealers/shops. The cultures from which he gathers artifacts
include: Ancient Egyptian, Greek, Phoenician, In conclusion, the author presents a well organized, and very clear article. His inclusion of the makeup of each artifact, as well as some brief blurbs about the culture in general are helpful in understanding his argument. CLARITY: 5
Phillips, George Brinton. The Composition of Some Ancient Bronze in the Dawn of the Art of Metallurgy. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):129-143. In this article, Phillips describes several bronze artifacts from various locations and presents an analysis of their metallic composition. He begins by sketching a brief chronology of the earliest evidence of bronze manufacture in the old world. He then makes some basic inferences concerning the base metals (primarily copper, tin, lead and iron as well as arsenic and antimony) found in the material evidence. These inferences include brief speculation on the origin and availability of some metals as well as the possible use of a certain metal in a bronze alloy. The remainder, and by far the majority, of the article
presents the data. The bronze artifacts examined were obtained from
the private collections
of archaeologists, museums and in some cases "reputable" curio
dealers. A diverse collection of artifacts, ranging from bronze nails
to ornamental mirrors from There is no discernible thesis in this article, and Phillips is content with merely presenting an exposition of his data. His miscellaneous comments and inferences are concerned only with each artifact and there is no analytical thread linking the data together (besides from the obvious fact that they are all bronze). To be fair, as the artifacts are examined with no regard for their archaeological context, any analysis will be limited by default. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Regan, Albert B. Medicine Songs of George Farmer. American Anthropologist July- September, 1922 Vol. 24(3):332-369 Regan’s purpose in writing this article was to share
the translation of the songs of a medicine man that he became acquainted
with while doing
research among the Bois Fort Indians of There are a total of twenty-four songs translated by George Farmer included in this article. Each song has a word for word translation, and many of the songs also have an explanation for clarification. In many of the songs there are frequent references to the use of the konapamik shell, which is "shot" by the medicine man to the heart of the person seeking treatment. The konapamik shell is later described as a cowry shell. The author reports that the cowry shell is sacred to the Bois Fort Indians. There are also recurrent references to wildlife in the songs, especially the bear, such as "looking for bear tracks" (333), "the black bear with the crooked tongue is going to shoot me" (341), and "the principal bear god is walking down this way" (344). The author describes that, along with the songs, many of the dances used in healing ceremonies also incorporate wildlife, and the healers wore animal skin medicine bags. In certain songs, the dancers wore a " black bear skin with a long tongue extending out of the mouth which was pointed toward the non-dancers" (341). In the article, the author frequently mentions the presents brought to the medicine lodge by person seeking treatment. These presents appear to have been gifts to the gods, and were displayed throughout the center of the lodge. The author does not know how many presents the person brought when seeking treatment, but felt that they are a significant part of the healing ceremony as they are positioned in the "medicine line" (350). Finally, the author describes in more detail the actual Grand Medicine Lodge, the ceremony and protocol of the healing, and the cultural meanings behind these ceremonies. The reader acquires an excellent understanding of the healing practices of the Bois Fort Indians. The explanations facilitate a mental picture of the events that took place in these ceremonies. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Regan, Albert B. Medicine Songs of George Farmer. American Anthropologist July- September, 1922 Vol. 24(3): 332-369. Regan’s article is a group of translated songs from a medicine
man named George Farmer. Aside from being a medicine man, he was also
an Indian Policeman of the Bois Fort Indians. Farmer kept records of
all his songs and during a visit to his house, the author here found
them and got permission to copy Farmer’s notes. Each song is recorded
in full, broken down and translated word by word, then there is a free
translation of what the phrase means. The free translations helped a
great deal when trying to understand this article. CLARITY: 5 CHRIS MARCINOWSKI University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Reichard, Gladys A. The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):183-208. Reichard argues that "primitive" people have a structured plan or design in mind when creating art, and that the patterns inherent in their work is not a result of chance. She supports her hypothesis by elucidating the patterning in various examples of decorative art. She also suggests a tentative reason for the existence of these complex patterns. The author’s investigation into art is prompted by Charles Mead’s observations of designs in Peruvian textiles that follow "definite mathematical laws" (183). She asserts that we cannot judge "primitive" art by our own western standards. The aesthetic effect is defined as what is pleasing or satisfactory in terms of the artist’s sensibility. Furthermore, when considering symmetry in art, we must take the artist’s creative idiosyncrasies into account. For example, if a piece of work is asymmetrical or irregular, it may be a case of misjudgement or error on the artist’s part. In her analysis of specific pieces of art, Reichard looks
for "rhythmic
units" (an intentionally repeated pattern of colour or design).
She describes and illustrates each example. Firstly, she examines some The reason for the existence of complex patterns in the art discussed is not clear. With few exceptions, the artist works within established stylistic conventions. Stylistic elements are "played with" and adapted from previous works. The aesthetic effect, expressed through symmetry (or the deliberate deviation from it), is the underlying principle. In concluding, Reichard calls for more cross-cultural comparisons as well as interviews with the artists themselves to determine their motives and establish a chronology of their work. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Reichard, Gladys A. The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art. Reichard presents evidence to show that the handiworks of “primitive” people show definite planning before their creation in order to achieve a desired aesthetic effect. She states that she is looking for “order in supposed chaos” and chooses to study articles in which it is difficult to recognize a pattern of rhythmic repetition. For her intents Reichard examines 105 designs of beadwork and embroidery on clothing and jewelry from the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia and compares these with designs on coat bands produced by natives of Siberia. Reichard makes clear that the aesthetic effect that she is looking for is one that is satisfying to the person making the article and his or her own social group, even though it may not be pleasing to the outside observer. She also establishes that symmetry in art is dependent on point of view when looking at an object thus revealing that different people have different definitions of symmetry. By these two acts Reichard is trying to convey that one must be careful not to judge one culture’s artwork by his or her own standards and instead try to understand it from the artist’s point of view. Understanding this it then becomes possible to see complex patterns or “rhythm” in the artwork of “primitive” people that otherwise would have gone unnoticed. The evidence presented from the Thompson River Indians consists of beadwork
on necklaces and bracelets; beadwork and fringe on dresses, belts, and
leggings; and embroidered stripes on dresses. In her analysis of the
beadwork on necklaces and bracelets, Reichard finds definite rhythm in
effect that reveals a plan in the beadwork design. Reichard found a great
deal of “play” in the production of the fringes on apparel.
She also noted that when viewed from the perspective of how they would
be worn they were appeared to have no design but when viewed as they
were when constructed a definite design could then be detected. Thus
the artist’s perspective is once again emphasized as being important
when analyzing artwork. In her examination of the embroidered stripes
on dresses she found that there was again a high degree of “play” in
their construction, probably owing to the artist’s virtuosity and
desire for effect. CLARITY: 3 SARAH JUNKE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Roberts, Helen H. New Phases in the Study of Primitive Music American Anthropologist April-June, 1922 Vol.24(2):144-160 The author wants the reader of this article to understand the importance
of studying music, when trying to understand a culture. Roberts believes
that music holds the key to revealing religious beliefs, and the history
of how these beliefs might have developed. She particularly focuses on
the primitive music in Roberts then presents examples of different Indian songs, showing their notation, and discusses the significance of when they are sung. She then compares songs from different tribes; she comes to the conclusion that distinct connections in musical structure could very well represent and come from a sharing of ideas between different cultures. She then reasserts her opinion on concentrating on the structure, and dismisses focusing on other qualities of music such as off-pitch singing. She states that most of the material they have to study is taken from the elderly, who know the songs best, yet have very poor pitch control. She also disagrees with the idea that: "Indian music as yet is unformed and if left to itself would eventually have worked its way into the condition of European music, with its even, two-and-two balancing of phrases, its stilted forms, and its harmony." (158). She believes that this is an unjustifiable assumption, and is comparable to stating that all languages will someday conform. She concludes his article by again emphasizing the importance of scientifically studying music to understand Indian culture. This article is well organized, and it is easy to grasp Roberts’ theories and main points. Her arguments are presented in an organized fashion and he provides enough evidence to support them. Nevertheless, someone without a musical background may find some of the passages hard to understand, and Roberts could have done a better job defining some of these musical terms. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Roberts, Helen H. New Phases in the Study of Primitive Music. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24(2):144-160. In this article, Roberts argues that Native American vocal music has an idiosyncratic, yet discernible pattern which can be recorded and used in comparative studies. In any artistic endeavour the artist’s creation is far more significant than the materials used to achieve it. Music can be included in this rubric. Roberts advocates a movement away from a technical, classical (European) type of music analysis to a more elementary exposition of structure. Native American vocal music has a unique design and structure and cannot be judged solely by western standards. Roberts stresses the importance of the study of Native American vocal music. Songs used in religious rituals or to accompany other significant events remain little changed over the generations. History is revealed through the oral traditions of music. In order to perceive the similarities and differences between the structure of songs, however, it is necessary to reduce the music to its bare outline. This aim is achieved by plotting the songs onto quadrille paper (a technique pioneered by Frances Densmore). These simple plots are devoid of confusing detail and are instantly comprehensible to musicians and non-musicians alike. Roberts provides several examples of Pawnee ceremonial songs plotted in this way. It is found that by studying a song’s general structural plan, well defined patterns emerge. Roberts asserts that these structural patterns may eventually provide a basis for identifying different groups within the culture. Thus far no generalizations or comparisons of music in an entire culture area has been attempted and no systematic study undertaken. The author does not concur with the view that Native American music would have evolved into a European music style. She then points out some characteristic elements of the music, such as its freedom of expression and absence of fastidious rules. She notes that in the Native American tribe there are no specialized musicians per se, music composition is a general practice. Roberts’ appeal for a more methodical and scientific approach to the study of "primitive" music is emphasized throughout this article. She argues well for the merits of the uncomplicated song plotting method and its use in a possible stylistic categorization as persuasive as similar categorizations of material culture (such as pottery and textiles). CLARITY RATING: 3
Roys, Ralph L. A New Maya Historical Narrative American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1):44-60 The work done by Ralph Roys on "A New Maya Historical Narrative" was
to illuminate an important episode in Maya history that had previously
gone unnoticed. The five sources that describe these events were important to This was an extremely difficult article to understand. The use of nearly direct translation from the ancient text, even with footnotes, made it difficult to follow. Though the point was clear enough, the terminology went for the most part undefined, and the sequence and meaning of events was difficult to ascertain. It is for this reason that I must give this text a low clarity rating. However, even as this is so, it is important to state that had it been written in a different format, perhaps without the use of direct translation of the language, the flavor of the original work would have been lost, and the article would have been ineffective. CLARITY RATING: 3
Roys, Ralph L. A New Maya Historical Narrative. American Anthropologist. 1922 Vol.24 44-60 The goal of this article is to cast new light on the overthrow of Chac
Xib Chac and the conquest of CLARITY RANKING: 4
Shuller, Rudolph. The Ethnological
and Linguistic Position of the Tacanan Indians of The article is highly descriptive, covering many aspects of the Tacana speaking tribes’ lives. The first aspect the author addresses is that of habitations. The author describes the Tacana tribes as living in large houses often occupied by twenty or more families. He also describes other aspects of the tribe’s lives including their weapons, industries, marriage, social status and disposal of the dead. According to the author the Tacana use weapons such as the bow and arrow, slings, knives and daggers. He attributes the Tacana speaking tribe’s people participating in many industries of material culture. Of marriage the author explains that women are purchased from their fathers for the price of "an ax or two". However, if the terms of purchase are not satisfactory to the suitor, the woman can be captured for marriage. The author describes the Tacana tribe’s people as being polygamous, with a hierarchy centering on the chieftain, who inherits his position. He describes the cacique as having all the power, able to treat the rest of the tribe as he pleases. The dead the author describes as being buried in their huts. The author also gives a description of the Tacana tribes’ god, Baba-Bu-Ada, as being the creator of "heaven, the sun, the moon and the stars". He also alludes to other gods such as the god of the fire, and the god of health. The idols of these gods they keep in a house of worship, where they perform their religious ceremonies. The women, however, are not allowed to enter the temples because they are considered impure. The author’s general ethnological description of the Tacana speaking tribes is clear, however, he frequently uses terms and ideas that he assumes the reader is already acquainted with. In that sense, the article can be hard to understand at times, such as the end where he uses the terms exogamic-maternal organization, or exogamic paternal organization. He fails to inform the reader the meaning of these terms; therefore the significance of them in relation to the Tacana tribes is hard to understand. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Schuller, Rudolph. The Ethnological
and Linguistic Position of the Tacana Indians of In this article, Schuller describes the technology, social organization
and ideology of the aboriginal tribes living in North-western Schuller lumps fifteen distinct tribes in the study area into the "Tacana linguistic group"; he provides its location and territorial boundaries. Information from missionary reports is provided. Father Cardús describes the Tacana in terms of complexion and height as well as facial and body features. Father Nicolás Armentia elaborates on their temperament: "jolly, but extremely lazy" (pg.163). He makes some superficial observations on their diet, raft transportation, house types, weapons and agricultural work. Pertinent ethnographic facts gleaned from the Father’s account include a sexual division of labour, polygamy, hereditary chieftaincy and the practice of burying a dead person in his own hut. Schuller appreciates the difficulty of obtaining unbiased information on religious beliefs from missionaries. He does, however, identify the primary deity, Baba-Bu-Ada, who rules the universe with several other lesser gods. Further details are provided by explorers’ accounts, including a description of three different types of idols worshipped in "temples". It is also noted that women are excluded from religious practices and that feasts and planting seasons are celebrated with dancing. Schuller then summarizes his somewhat sparse and disparate data under several classificatory headings, namely: habitations, navigation, fishing, weapons, dress and personal adornments, industries, musical instruments, fire-making, marriage, social status, religion and ceremonies, and disposal of the dead. He also attempts to summarize the relationship between material culture and ideology. For example, under the heading "Exogamic-maternal organization", he explains how necklaces of perforated boar teeth are supposedly related to moon mythology. The moon is worshipped as the "ancestress" of the tribe and is indicative of a matrilineal social organization. In his concluding comments, he points out some Andean influences on the material culture of the Tacana. His main conclusion is that several "totemic and exogamic tribes with maternal descent" amalgamated to form the Tacana. In this brief paper, the author selects and edits the information he needs from the scant literature available in order to support his classification of the Tacana. Interpretation is kept to a minimum, and Schuller focuses on presenting the ‘facts’ recovered from secondary sources. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Wallis, Wilson D. Medicines Used by the Micmac Indians American Anthropologist January-March, 1922 Vol.24(1):24-30. Wallis spent the summers of 1911 and 1912 speaking with members of the
Micmac tribe settled in The information gathered by Wallis was reviewed by Dr. Wilson Wood,
a faculty member of the Wallis also fails to provide insight into the origin of the medicinal remedies used by the Micmac and how they are administered to the people. It is clear that some of the remedies for disease are used in conjunction with ritual to heal. The cure for tuberculosis of the lungs is a prime example of this. The remedy listed begins with, "When getting tuberculosis move around the outside and do not spit on the floor" (26). Why they must walk around outside without spitting on the floor goes unaddressed, simply treated as part of the remedy to be followed. Wallis is clearly focusing all of his attention on the ingredients and nothing else. The article is clearly constructed and easily read. If the reader is looking for a recipe book of Micmac remedies to treat disease, this article is perfect for them. CLARITY: 4
Wallis, Wilson D. Medicines Used by the Micmac Indians. American Anthropologist 1922 Vol.24: 24-30 This article by Wilson D. Wallis is comprised of a list of diseases
and their treatment by the Micmac Indians. Wallis gathered the information
included on the list during the summers of 1911 and 1912 through the
use of native informants from the Micmac tribe at The descriptions of the remedies include not only the ingredients, but some basic instruction for preparation as well. Diseases covered range from slight maladies such as earache or weak/sore eyes, to severe illnesses such as tuberculosis and smallpox. Dr. Wood’s comments discuss the validity and the probable cause of success in some of the methods used by the Micmac (such as the presence of beneficial chemicals). There is also some reference to similarities in treatment with other cultures found throughout the world. In the conclusion, it is stated that not enough information was provided by Wallis to allow Dr. Wood to make a complete assessment or fully understand all of the treatments used (due to indefinite information being provided by the informants). Also, most of the practices are based on superstition and that by following some, there would be more harm done than good. There are some similarities found in the methods employed by the Micmac and "more civilized peoples", but it is evident to Dr. Wood that although similar, those of the Micmac are crude in comparison. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Willoughby, Charles C. Feather
Mantles of Charles Willoughby credits the narratives of earlier
explorers for our knowledge of the "elaborate mantles or blankets of feathers" (432)
that Indians all across this country made in the past. In this article,
he describes in great detail one such blanket. Lucy H. Eaton of There is one other example of this kind of blanket-making technique
in the This article is very descriptive and easy to follow. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Willoughby, Charles C. Feather
Mantles of The author’s main objective is to describe the construction
of a few Native American feather mantles that were collected by early
explorers
of the To compliment the author’s descriptions, he includes two black and white
photographs of feather mantles, which he states were "probably made
by Maidu Indians of Sacramento Valley" (432). These two mantles
are housed at the Although Willoughby’s article is clearly written, the
content is at times vague and his assumptions tend to be loosely substantiated.
Furthermore,
he fails to describe the context in which the objects were made, as well
as their function and significance to the First Nations people. This
article is useful, however, for gaining a sense of how the mantles discussed
were assembled in areas of the CLARITY RANKING: 3
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