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American
Anthropologist Baer, John Leonard A Preliminary Report On The So-Called "Bannerstones" American Anthropologisst October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):445-459. The author’s objective is to describe in detail the "bannerstones" left
by primitive men in and around their camps and buried with their dead
in eastern The author was very clear in his various descriptions and drawings of bannerstones. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Baer, John Leonard. A Preliminary Report on the so-called "Bannerstones." American Anthropologist 1921 Vol. 23: 445-459. The nexus of this article is the function of the pierced and polished
stone blocks resembling Old World paleolithic stone axes which were found
in eastern Shale, shell, quartz, flint and slate seem to have been the most common types of rock from which the bannerstones were carved. The specific appearance and fissuring characteristics of these materials suggests that their manufacturers were quite scrupulous in their selection of material, and therefore that the finished objects were of significant value, according to Baer. Secondly, the physical dimensions of these stones, including the presence of holes presumably designed for mounting them onto staffs, and their fine finish, also lends credence to the contention that they held symbolic value because the labor required to shape the final product would have required skill, patience and concentration, according to the author. Moreover, such discrimination would not have been necessary in the crafting of tools for more common, frequent and labor-intensive activities such as hunting, butchering and woodworking, for instance. And finally, the lack of abundance of bannerstones in the known archeological
record at the time, in relative proportion to arrowheads, knives, axes,
celts and pipes, found in eastern The reader will
note that Baer’s main argument is not based on empirical
evidence; it is entirely speculative. No reference is made to the archeological
context in which the bannerstones were found, a specific group with which
they may have been associated, or any sort of social model. The author
simply presumes they were manufactured by the "primitive men" of
eastern CLARITY RATING: 4
Chapman, John W. Tinneh Animism American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):298-310 The purpose of this article is to prove the important principle by Dr. J. Warneck regarding the religion of the Battacks of the Indian Archipelago and to show the importance of his proposition that "Animism is the key to an understanding of…all that is commonly called heathen superstition" (298). Chapman makes comparisons to show that the Tinneh and the Battack may have the same rituals or observances, but the reasons behind them are different. For example, both cut the hair and place food on the grave when a relative dies, but the Battak does this for fear of the dead while the Tinneh is grieving. Dr. Warneck’s deduction that the soul is "an elixir of life, a life-stuff, which is found everywhere in nature," (301) will be used because it has contradicted nothing about animism among the Tinneh or the Battak. Animism can be defined as the widespread belief in spirits and souls. The Tinneh and the Battak have many similar beliefs concerning the nature of the soul. Both believe that souls are ascribed to animals and inanimate objects and that souls may have influence upon one another. This can be seen in that certain things are forbidden to certain people. An example would be foods. Hunters shall eat a bear’s heart to obtain courage and children must not eat rabbit’s heart for it will make them timid. The Tinneh and the Battak share the belief that the soul may leave the body for a time. This occurs when the soul is frightened, cranky, in dream, or death. Therefore it is easy to see mortuary customs exist to protect the souls of the living. One clear difference between the Tinneh and the Battak is the idea of a Creator, or God. The Tinneh refers to the Creator as Grandfather or as the Raven. It is customary to tell the story of the Creator to the little ones as a means of comfort. The Battak, however, have little knowledge of the Creator. The Creator is not worshipped or feared. The Creator is in contradiction with the Battaks’ own beliefs. This article was easy to read and to follow. The author’s purpose was fulfilled, although he did not include much about the religion of the Battaks. This article also had interesting examples of practices and rituals of animism. CLARITY: 5
Chapman, John W. Tinneh Animism. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):298-310. Chapman proposes to evaluate statements previously made by Dr. J Warneck
on the topic of the religion of the Battacks of Indian Archipelago, with
regards to the religion of the Tinneh of the The author also notes the cultural similarities in the laws of taboo. Conceptualized taboos and laws concerning cultural activities, such as death and child-rearing, also contain similar connotations within the two cultures. The author provides a well written, informative article. The article should be read carefully for a complete understanding of the complexities existing within the cultural parallels. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Collocot, E.E.V. The
Supernatural in The author’s purpose is to present the spiritual customs of the Tongan
people, who reside on islands that the author calls the "Tongan
Group". (p.415) The main island of this group of islands is Tabus regarding the structure of Tongan society have to do with their chiefs and kings. These rules forbid "an inferior to touch his superior." (p.420) They consist of not eating the leftover food of a chief or touching his head. These rules show the hierarchical structure of the society, with the consequences of breaking tabus being things such as a sore throat. The roles of tabus also extend to death and preparation of bodies. Only Togans with superior rank than that of the deceased may prepare the body for burial. In the case of a chief, with no superior, the hands of the individuals who prepare the body are viewed as "tabu", and they are not allowed to feed themselves for several days. There are also tabus surrounding fishing. An example is the tabu against anyone "to step over a fishing net whilst it was being made." (p.429) Another example is the belief that houses must be shut up and the hearts of the friends and relatives of the fisherman harmonious or he will have bad luck in catching fish. Another conception of religion of the Tongans is "mana". The author gives several examples of mana interpreted to mean the inevitable death of a king or chief. Among these manas are branches breaking off trees, prolonged rainy weather, and fog. These are all interpreted to mean a chief is going to die soon. The author also shows the diffusion of European, Christian culture with that of the Tongans. An example of this is when the Tongans practice the European custom of wearing black to funerals, along with the old custom of wearing a "ragged mat". (p.424) He gives many examples to show the influence the European cultures had on the Tongans. The article was mostly clear, with the author sometimes losing track of the subject from the beginning of a paragraph to the end. The spiritual beliefs of the Tongans were easy to understand; however, the location and background information on the people was not provided. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Collocot, E.E.V. The Supernatural in Tonga. American Anthropologist October-December, 1921 Vol.23(4):415-444. This article provides a snapshot view of the ritual and spiritual beliefs of the people the author refers to as "The Tongan Group" of islands. (p. 415) He spends most of his time discussing "tabu" and "mana", with smaller sections about "witchcraft" and "possession". The author defines "tabu" by comparing it to "the holiness by which our English Bibles render the Hebrew qadosh, the mysterious perilousness and unapproachableness which surrounds mystic power." (p. 415) He also mentions that the "Christianization" of the Tongan people has led to new sets of tabus such as keeping Sunday as a "tabu day." (p. 417) The author breaks down tabus into several categories. These include, among others, birth and puberty, social tabus, and fishing. For example, in the birth and puberty section he states "the pregnant woman must allow no temptation to steal, as the child is sure to bear the mark of the theft … in 1920 a woman bore a child whose hands were deformed as though the fingers were cut off. She was questioned, and confessed that during her pregnancy she had stolen and cut up a fowl." (p. 418) In the second major section of the article, the author defines mana as "the mysterious forces in operation." (p. 433) He once again calls upon a biblical reference to expand on this definition, comparing mana to "a wonder or miracle.” (p. 433) The mana section is divided into smaller categories such as omens and apparitions. An example of a Tongan omen is "the crowing of a cock in the afternoon (perhaps early evening) is a harbinger of evil unless he is answered by another cock.” (p. 435) The two other main
sections, witchcraft and possession, are considerably shorter than
the first two and are not divided into
any sub-categories.
Witchcraft is described as "man's effort to gain magical control
over his fellows" (p. 441) and possession as something "associated
with a demonic visit." (p. 443) CLARITY: 4 JAMES HAGY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Dixon, Roland B. Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages. American Anthropologist January-March 1921 Vol.23(1):19-49. In this article
the author is disagreeing with Professor Wiener, who challenges the
original idea of the use of tobacco and "seeks to
show, primarily on linguistic grounds, that not only are the words for
tobacco over a large portion of the New World of West African Negro origin
and ultimately derived from Arabic, but that the tobacco plant itself
and the custom of smoking were unknown here until they were introduced
by the Negro slaves brought over by the Portuguese and Spaniards."(19)
The author believes that any question of the use of tobacco in The author describes many of the examples that Professor Wiener presents in his volume. He states "not only is there little or no foundation for the belief that American Indian words for tobacco are derived from Negro or European sources, but that the author of the theory could hardly have arrived at his conclusions, if his investigation of the whole question had been less superficial and more sound in method."(20) The author believes that "similarities between words in unrelated languages naturally suggest borrowing, but this can not be regarded as proven, until analysis of the words has shown that they are not.derived from quite different stems, and the resemblance is thus only fortuitous." (20) One example given is the Southeastern group including the Uchean and Timuquanan stocks, the word for tobacco in the former being i, in the later hini. (21) The author says "there is no certainty of any resemblance between the two forms and the only suggestion of similarity with the neighboring stocks is the case of the Creek, hitci." He goes on to give many more arguments against them. The author argues his point well in this article, but it is very confusing with all the different words discussed. CLARITY RANKING:3 This article concerns
the problem Roland B. Dixon has with Dr. Wiener’s
study attempting to support through linguistic analysis that words for
tobacco in the new world were really of West African origin, brought
over by explorers and slaves. The thesis of this article is to prove
that Wiener’s analysis is not properly founded and to look more closely
at word stems in Native American languages to prove that tobacco already
existed and became its own phenomenon in the The author argues
that Wiener’s investigation not only went against
the current archeological evidence, but it overlooked many important
and well-known facts regarding Native American languages. Additionally,
he claims Wiener wasn’t well informed about the topic of Native languages
in general. However, it is geographically unclear which place CLARITY RATING: 2 SUZANNE
Frachtenberg, Leo J. The Ceremonial Societies of the Quileute Indians. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3): 320-352. In this article Frachtenberg provides a rich description of the central features of the Quileute ceremonial societies and rituals associated with the winter ceremonial complex. She further elaborates on those elements that are distinct and unique to the Quileute and those that have been inherited from other tribes. It is obvious that the author subscribes to a diffusionist explanation of cultural trait acquisition. He states, "while most of the tribes of the North Pacific coast may have had secret societies and attending rituals of their own, they borrowed the main features of winter ceremonials either directly or indirectly from the Kwakiutl" (321). He believes that this process of acculturation is best shown among the ceremonial societies of the Quileute Indians. Before he describes the rituals connected with each of the five ceremonial societies he outlines those elements such as membership, duration and paraphernalia that appear to be common features of each society and ritual. He then goes on to detail what occurs during each of the societies’ rituals, starting with the initiation of the novitiate followed by a detailed timeline of each days ceremonial events, at which point significant differences between the rituals are highlighted. Each society is treated separately, in the following order (in relation to its importance in Quileute society): the Tlokwali or Wolf Ritual, the Tsayeq or Fish Ritual, the Hunting Ritual of the Hunter Society, the Ritual of the Whale-Hunters’ Society and the Ritual of the Weather Society. In the conclusion the author discusses the origins of the ceremonial societies in greater detail pointing out that of the five Quileute societies, four have been adopted from adjacent tribes (three from the Makah, one from the Quinault). Of the three inherited from the Makah tribe, two of these had their actual origins in Kwakiutl culture. The author believes that the vast divergences in the practice of rituals are the result of more pronounced diffusion. Essentially, as traits pass through different tribes from the original source they morph and alter to a greater degree based on the fact that acquisition comes from a secondary source as opposed to the original. The author concludes that the majority of the ritual features of the Quileute are derived from external sources, but certain features such as the "professional element"(whereby each society is regarded as professional organization with only persons in the same occupation belonging to it), are believed to be so unique as to justify the assumption that they represent native, not borrowed, ritual elements. Other ritual features related to myth and geography, both understood to be "native" to the Quileute, are also discussed in the conclusion. This article would be useful to those interested in diffusionist theory and its application to ethnographic study. It also contains a great amount of rich, detailed ethnographic data in the sections outlining the ritual events of each society. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Frachtenberg, Leo J. The Ceremonial Societies of the Quileute Indians. This article began by indicating the importance of winter ceremonies in the tribes of the North Pacific Coast. The author mentions that they are almost as important as the potlatch to the Kwakiutl. Frachtenberg’s article focuses specifically on the Quileute Indians
and their ceremonials. Frachtenberg’s research mentions that Boas
noted in his work with the Kwakiutl that the Quileute Indian ceremonies
main components come from the Kwakiutl tribe. The Quileute Indian tribe
shows this “process of acculturation” (321) most clearly. The conclusion of this article points out that the details of the rituals are to give a “bird’s eye view” (347) of these societies’ social and cultural compositions. Frachtenberg’s article was not only extremely detailed about Quileute Indian tribe’s Ceremonial Societies, the complexities of meaning in their rituals; it was also very illustrative of the affect of acculturation. CLARITY: 3 GRETCHEN GOODRICH University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Houghton, The author’s objective
in this article is to trace the western migration paths of the Iroquoian
nations beyond the points
that have been studied.
There have been two results from the archaeologic fieldwork in Western, The author makes a point that there is evidence of migration paths eastward,
which have been manifested by archaeological remains of Iroquoian origin.
Evidence that this exists was found by an author named Mr.Langford. He
found sites on the This short article was easy to read and very concise. It was quick and to the point. The author did a good job relaying evidence and information to support his point. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Houghton, The objective of the article is to examine the Native migration patterns
within the Great Lake, Michigan, and The author stresses the need for further anthropological work within
the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Jenness, Diamond. The "Blond" Eskimos. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol.23(3):257-267 The main concern
of the author is Mr. Stefansson’s conclusion
about the Copper Eskimos inter-mixing with the Europeans based on their
light
skin complexions, hair texture and eye color. Jenness attempts to show
comparisons between the Copper Eskimos and Hansen Eskimos from Mr. Stefansson supported
his theory by researching the Eskimos’ external
features, trying to prove they had European blood in them, because of
the slight blondness in some of their facial features. Eskimos similarities
were noticed from Greenland to The types of evidence used to support Mr. Stefansson’s claim were based on Eskimos inter-marrying creating a half a dozen tribes within themselves. Stefansson denies the possibility of a pure race, because some Eskimos had skin lighter than his and eyes that were slightly blue and gray. Jenness believes, however, they are a pure race. The author researched facial physical characteristics of the Copper Eskimos and compared them to the Greenland Eskimos. There were measurements taken from the nose, to the length of the head, and even the size of the eyes. He even measured 82 males and 70 had eye color from light brown to dark brown. Jenness states the greenish of Eskimos’ eyes was right of the iris of the eye and often only in the elder’s eyes. The author use evidence of blue green eye color, arguing eye color is not substantial enough to support the idea of race mixing. Some had lighter hair color than the others did, including their moustaches and beards. There were a few with red and light colored hair, according to the author. Some were even as fair as Scandinavians, but there was no proof of race mixing. Although Stefansson supports his argument with the specifics like measurements of the Eskimos’ eyes, the color ranges of their eyes, and the shape of their heads, Jenness believes the Coppers Eskimos were pureblooded therefore contradicting Stefansson theory. In support of his claim Jenness noticed that different Eskimos groups had some of the same features. They were built differently depending where they were from but characteristics were similar. The article was easy to read, but at times I would get confused about whose point of view I was reading, the author’s or Mr.Stefansson’s. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Jenness, Diamond. The "Blond" Eskimos. American Anthropologist July-September, 1921 Vol. 23 (3): 257-267. In this article
Diamond Jenness refutes Mr. Stefansson’s claim that
the "blond" Eskimos of Victoria Island display physical characteristics
consistent with the belief that traces of the old Norse settlers who
disappeared from Jenness combines and compares the results of his own observations with
those of external sources to strengthen his hypothesis. First, Jenness
states that the unusual, small portion of light-eyed individuals found
among his sample population could be accounted for when eye disease,
age and repeated attacks of snow blindness were considered. These medical
explanations for light-eye coloring were suggested by Dr. Neuman, the
health officer of the Bureau of Education in northern According to Jenness’ data one can’t differentiate the Victoria Island Eskimos in any way from other branches of their race or lend support to the theory of Scandinavian or even European admixture among the group. It should be noted that Jenness doesn’t adhere to the scientific rigor expected of present-day experimental study. For example, minimal information is dispensed regarding the demographics of his sample population and some observations appear to lack experimental objectivity, such as the use of his skin tone as a reference point to measure the skin tone of other Natives. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MICHELLE ROGERS
Kroeber, A. L. Observations
on the Anthropology of Following the First Scientific Conference of the Pan-Pacific Union held
in August of 1920, Kroeber offers his personal observations on the ethnographical
data accumulated thus far in He first reiterates the consensus among Anthropologists that ethnology
and archeology need to be studied in parallel as all but one culture
of the Hawaiian Islands had material remains corresponding to it, a fortunate
circumstance unique only to Also, given the virtually century-long presence of missionaries in the area, Kroeber contends that accumulating new ethnological data in the area would be a difficult task, as indigenous music at the time, was the only cultural facet which had not been "self-disemboweled" by the natives and studied in great detail by the missionaries. He thus admonishes that extensive data needed to be recorded before this last relic disappeared from the face of human history. But the nexus of Kroeber’s discussion is racial and psychological anthropology. Race, according to Kroeber, is defined as inherited biological characteristics that are modulated over time by physical and social environment. Behavior therefore manifests itself, in theory, as a function of a combination of the three. However, in light of insane asylum studies, Kroeber remains ambivalent as to the validity of this theory, and suggests that further scientific research is needed to prove which of the three is the primary agent affecting behavior. Subsequently, manifest behavior could serve to rank racial groups into an evolutionary hierarchy. By emulating the "civilized" behavior of Europeans, social ills such as insanity would occur with decreasing frequency among the inferior races with prolonged exposure to higher culture. The reader will note that the term "race" was used synonymously with "culture" and "people," all of which should be studied nomothetically. This article is thus essentially a recapitulation of the state at which anthropology has arrived in solving "race problems". CLARITY RATING: 4
Kroeber, A.L. Observations on the Anthropology of Hawaii. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol. 23(2): 129-137. In 1920, Kroeber visited Hawaii for the first time to attend the First Scientific Conference. While in Hawaii, Kroeber made observations about the diverse people who lived there and noted them in this article. Kroeber focuses on four areas: “Ethnology and Archaeology,” “Racial and Psychological Anthropology,” “Insanity,” and “Language.” Under each category, Kroeber illustrates areas of research that would be unfruitful and areas he feels should be explored. Under ethnology and archaeology, Kroeber emphasizes that archaeology on the islands would be “mechanical and barren.” Kroeber goes on the state that without archaeological data ethnology would be “unnecessarily intangible.” Kroeber states that this is the case because of the large amount of ethnological data available. Kroeber does feel, however, a study of the art of Hawaiian music would be worthwhile and that the “songs and chants” should and can be collected from the elders. In the next section, racial and psychological anthropology, Kroeber suggests two areas of research. First, Kroeber states that Hawaiians are a “highly special race” and Hawaiian evolution should researched. Second, he urges “psychologist of race” to pursue research of the island’s inhabitants because of the nonracial tendencies. On the topic of insanity, Kroeber investigates and suggests further investigation on the unbalanced population of the insane on the islands. Kroeber notes there is a higher percentage of insane in nationalities where there are less women of that nationality in Hawaii. Kroeber questions if this is due to intermarriage and the offspring’s “hereditary disposition,” or is it in the “cultural ideals.” Kroeber also points out high rate of syphilis and suggests the hospital to look into its effect on the insane. Unlike the preceding sections, in the section on language Kroeber does not bluntly suggest any future research. Kroeber does note that no Polynesian language has been recorded phonetically. Kroeber also mentions the “vitality” of the language as almost all Hawaiians speak it and many words and phrases “have entered the vernacular English.” CLARITY: 4 NICOLE L. FALK University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Lothrop, S.K. The
Stone Statues of The description of the stone statues is clear and definitive of a specific
style. These statues are always comprised of both human and animal features.
Usually, a human figure is posed with an animal perched on the shoulders,
an animal head resting on top of a human head, or a human figure that
is in conjunction with an animal. The statues commonly are decorated
with gorgets and stand with arms folded across the chest. This style
indicates a style affiliation that appears regionally from In the question of idol similarities, Lothrop presents a list of possible creators of what are collectively called Nicaraguan stone statues. The possible cultures responsible for first constructing the statues are the Maya, the Nahua, and the Chorotega. Lothrop goes on to eliminate two of the three possibilities. In consideration of time frame and land travel, the Maya and the Nahua are canceled out, which leaves the Chorotega culture accountable for these stone statues. This is a concise article that is both informative and interesting. The author states several purposes early in the reading, and adheres to them throughout the article. The argument, the evidence for support, and the conclusion are all clearly stated. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Lothrop, S.K. The Stone Statues of Nicaragua. American Anthropologist
July, The article uses the stylistic comparison of statues that are located
in AMBER SHANE University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Lowie, Robert H. A Note on Aesthetics American Anthropologist January-March, 1921 Vol.23(1):170-174 The author’s objective is to find out if the aesthetic tastes of the Crow and Shoshoni Indians can be typed by tribe. Lowie acknowledges that if he were to figure out why Crow use isosceles triangles rather than right triangles, it would prove difficult. It may point more to personal preference. A triangle with all equal sides may be placed with different angles. It is the placement that constitutes the aesthetic value. Because of this, Lowie compares the parfleches of the Shoshoni and Crow. The central rectangle is characteristic of the Shoshoni parfleches, but not solely. Some Crow have a central rectangle and some Shoshoni do not. This similarity is due to the proximity of the tribes and their shared use of parfleches compared to most tribes’ non-use. Lowie then raises the question, "whether the borrowing tribe has transmuted the borrowed feature in consonance with its own aesthetic predilections and wherein such modifications consist" (171). Lowie measured all the sides and averaged the ratios of length and width. Some measurements are not one hundred percent accurate due to fading and shrinking of rawhide. These inaccurate measurements are minute. There was one case where measurement was not possible. Lowie aims not to draw any earth shattering conclusions from such a small test group. He wants the subject to be broached, though. He thinks similarities between the tribes will imply kinship. The Shoshoni have a preference for wider rectangles in the central position and alternatively, Crow prefer narrower rectangles. Lowie describes his findings as tentative and suggestive. He urges that other shapes be examined, also. A complete study of aesthetic reactions will be as important as determining tribal differences. This article is a little unclear. He does not mention the purpose of studying aesthetic preferences until the third page. I question that purpose. He admits that no conclusions can be made from his small, informal experiment. I wonder what the point is, then. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Lowie, Robert H. A Note on Aesthetics. American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol.23 (2): 170-174. In this brief five-page article Robert Lowie proposes that differences in the aesthetic geometrical preferences on material items may prove to be an additional set of features for differentiating cultures. While attempting to determine the artistic style of Crow parfleches as compared with that of other Plains tribes he applies the principles of aesthetics; the branch of exact psychology endeavored to determine what forms of a particular geometrical category are most pleasing. Problems arose in his comparison of Crow and Shoshoni parfleches in that preferences for general shapes (triangles, squares, circles and rectangles) were not clear-cut and absolute within a number of specimens from a single group. For example, it would not be possible to state that Crow design uses isosceles triangles; great variation in type and presentation of triangles would occur on a given artifact. To remedy this situation Lowie compared a single figure in the same position, the rectangle in the center of the decorative area of a parfleche; thought to be trait characteristic of the Shoshoni, but also shared to some extent by the Crow. The ratio generated by comparing the length of the triangle with the width become the number used for cross-cultural comparison (two tables are included detailing both the raw and refined data). His anthropological question is whether the borrowing tribe has transmitted the borrowed feature in "consonance with its own aesthetic predilections and wherein such modifications consist." It is suggested that relative similarities and differences in aesthetic form can be used as a measure to determine closeness of kinship. The data implies that there is a preference of the Shoshoni for relatively wider rectangles in the central position compared to that of the Crow. Lowie believes that it would be vain to draw any far-reaching conclusions from the data due to the small number of cases he was able to procure. He is confident that had he secured more data on Crow parfleches that he, "would have definitely decided the closeness of their kinship with those of the Shoshoni." This article outlines a new area of study, which Lowie believes would be of particular interest to field-workers (or those with direct access to material items), that would generate information ascertaining the connection between the aesthetic reaction to geometrical forms and the determination of tribal differences. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Matsumoto, H. Notes
On the Stone Age People of This author’s objective
in this article is to describe the findings of archaeological studies
in The author names the regions in which he and others discover human remains
in The author uses the styling techniques discovered on unearthed pottery to decide what stage of the Stone Age the pottery was made. For example, he says that the earlier Stone Age is the "period of bas-relief pattern of curve and spiral design." He says the pottery was "very common, coarse, and rough." This differs from his interpretation of upper mediaeval Stone Age pottery, as this era produced "thin, fine and very nice" pieces, which were well developed. Matsumoto also uses burial techniques in different regions in The author points out that many of the skeletal characteristics of the
Stone Age people in Matsumoto uses the
differences between the skeletons found to classify racial types. Matsumoto
says that because of his
and others’ studies,
four racial types have been recognized in modern This article was fairly difficult to understand because of the technical
medical terminology. It was also hard to understand what areas the author
was speaking of, which was fairly important to understand the article,
without seeing a map of CLARITY RANKING:3
Matsumoto, H. Notes
on the Stone Age People of Within the context of human history, the author seeks to prove from which racial group the modern Japanese evolved. To substantiate his argument, he draws upon archeological evidence from the decorative patterns of "stone age" pottery, burial rituals, teeth modification rituals, and the morphological characteristics of human skeletal remains, all of which were found at seven sites within the Japanese archipelago. The combined evidence is then fitted into an evolutionary schema which places the "genuine ancestors" of the modern Japanese, both distinct from the modern Ainu and the Neolithic Europeans, as slightly more advanced than the former and slightly more primitive than the latter. Implicit in this evolutionary cognitive schema, comparable to the European evolutionism of the time, however, is the assumption that these races can be classified primarily according to physical characteristics. Thus, the concept of "race" as Matsumoto understands it is based on biological criteria and any other evidence used to rank cultural groups serves only as additional support. Hence, to begin with, Matsumoto argues that the evolution of decorative pottery design was "degenerative" in that it followed "the law of economy of labor and time," also known as "Dollo’s Law," in which these designs followed a gradual and consistent linear progression of refinement. The author uses this archeological evidence to classify the different periods of Japanese prehistory into four periods: the earlier stone age, the mediaeval stone age, the later stone age and the Hanibe-Iwaibe period, or earlier metal age. Furthermore, the distinctiveness of the patterns, he argues, suggests that most of the pottery types found to date were made by the true ancestors of the modern Japanese and that racial (physical anthropological) evidence would further confirm this. Beforehand however, data from burial rituals is examined, although the analysis remains strictly descriptive. A similarly brief analysis of teeth modification rituals then follows, where the author stipulates that only "races with primitive culture" of which the modern Ainu are excluded, performed these rituals. Thus, the principal evidence for his main argument comes from physical characteristics; in this case, the morphology of cranial and post-cranial human skeletons found at the seven sites. Based on specific physical differences in relation to modern day Ainu and neolithic European skeletons, Matsumoto classifies the ancestral Japanese specimens as a distinct category. He then subdivides it into the Aoshima, Miyato dwarf, and Tsukumo tall types. The latter two are associated with two modern day "racial" types: the Ishikawa and Chizuken types, respectively. The Miyato dwarf, and Tsukumo tall types, he argues, constitute the two missing links in a "great racial chain," namely the "Aino-Caucasian," forming the ancestral line of the modern Ainu, which, according to Matsumoto’s theory, would be the last surviving racial group that was not assimilated by a third racial type, the Okayama. This type is thought to be the last racial line to "arrive" onto the Japanese archipelago, and most importantly, the group to found the modern Japanese Empire. Thus, the Aino-Caucasians, comprising the Aoshima, Miyato dwarf, Tsukumo tall and modern Ainu types, would be slightly inferior to the modern Japanese (who arose from the Okayama type and overtook the Aino-Caucasian), who in turn would be slightly inferior to the Europeans, on a sort of evolutionary hierarchy of mankind. CLARITY RATING: 2 ARTHUR AYERS
Moore, B. Clarence. Notes
on Shell Implements From In this article The article focuses on different conch shells and the implements made from these shells. The shell implements range from small to large with small to large holes found on the shells. The holes are found at different sections or parts of the shell. These holes are there for the handle to enter the shell. This whole process of putting a handle on the shell is known as hafting. These shells become tools once they are hafted. Some of the shells
found were sent to a Mr. Charles C. Willoughby, who knows about hafting.
The article includes Willoughby’s
observations of the shells sent to him. Overall, I found the article to be fairly easy to understand. The reading went rather smoothly. The use of diagrams of the shell implements was very helpful in understanding the article. CLARITY: 4
Moore, Clarence
B. Notes on
Shell Impediments from The objective of the article is to deliver archaeological information
on the regional characteristics of The author examines the cultural relevance of shell implements. The
use of shell tools for subsistence use allowed for the American Natives
to adapt to their local environment. Variations of the impediments provide
the data for an examination of cultural regionalism. Tools developed
for the extraction of shell fish contain visible regional differences.
The author also briefly examines a cross-cultural analysis of the aboriginal
people of the The article describes the variations of shell implements through a basic
analysis. The article, though short in length, provides the reader with
a descriptive analysis of the shell implements within the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Moorehead, Warren,
K. Recent
Explorations In The purpose of this article is to describe the excavation process, the
artifacts that were found, and introduce a hypothesis concerning who
left their homes behind. Moorehead spends a large portion of this article
describing the land, which he and his team spent many years of surveying
and excavating. The expeditions of 1920 provided Overall this article is written clearly. It is a major description of
the archaeological findings of several teams in a very vast land. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Moorehead, Warren
K. Recent Explorations
in The author’s objective
is to examine the archaeological evidence in support of pre-European
migration patterns in The author achieves his objective through the use of cross-cultural analysis. The evidence presented in support of Moorehead’s argument is well developed and strategically organized. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Murray, Louise
Welles. Aboriginal Sites In and
Near "Teaoga," Now Teaoag, now The author presents to the reader the discussions and deductions to
be drawn from the discoveries dug up at Teaoga. In addition to Murray's goal which is to give the reader information
of the material remains found at Teaoga, he also strives to emphasize
the process and care of discovering artifacts. The vocabulary used is simple, but because the author is presenting a large amount of artifacts that come from various times, serve various purposes and belong to various cultures, this essay is somewhat overwhelming and a little bit hard to follow along. CLARITY RANKING:3
Murray, Louise
Welles. Aboriginal Sites in and
Near "Teaoga," Now This article details the archaeological history and material culture
items found in Teaoga and the surrounding areas (now The author admits to having no special training in the area of archaeology and in giving the results of the explorations of various material collections she relies upon photos (12 included in article) to "assist in the progress of knowledge along archaeological lines." Much of the article is a description of the excavation history in the area, with a particular focus of 1916 Susquehanna Archaeological Expedition which happened to take place on part of the writer’s land. She went over the ground with the men and was present during much of the excavation work. This article will be of primary use to those individuals interested in an archaeological understanding of the area. The burials, pottery, animal remains, fire locations, tools and ceremonial and decorative items are all detailed in terms of location and historical significance. CLARITY RANKING: 3 MICHELLE ROGERS
The author’s objective
is to catalogue the various artifacts that have been found or excavated
in and around what is now Most of the discoveries are of Algonkian, Iroquois, and Andaste, origin and range from pottery to stone tools to decorative implements taken from graves, erosions, and ancient fortifications. Throughout the article extensive photographs are presented to help the reader better understand and picture just what implements were found and the author continuously refers to them as their descriptions are given. Though the author does a commendable job detailing the extensive findings of this area, she ends by cautioning, "it is increasingly evident that we have only lightly touched the borderland of scientific investigation and visualized for the reader but a small part of the available artifacts" (296). This relatively lengthy article is easy to read and gives extensive
examples of the artifacts found in and around CLARITY: 5
Murray, Louise
Welles. Aboriginal Sites in and
Near "Teagoa" Now The author’s objective is to describe the aboriginal sites of Teagoa
within an archaeological context. This article is the author’s second
essay in a two-part series on the occupational sites near The article focuses on the regional dispersal of archaeological remains. The article includes a pictorial representation of the surveyed area which assists the reader in establishing the location and proximity of the sites. The map is an important element for understanding the sequence of the article. The article is average in length and contains several pictorial representations. This article must be read carefully for a complete understanding of the archaeological survey. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Parsons, Elsie Clews Further Notes on Isleta American Anthropologist April-June, 1921 Vol. 23(2):149-169 |
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