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© Center for a Public Anthropology,
Robert Borofsky (2001)
All Rights Reserved

American Anthropologist
1919

Boas, Franz.    In Memoriam: Herman Karl Haeberlin. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol 21:71-74.

This article is about the life of a valued member of the American Anthropologist Association, Herman Karl Haeberlin, who died on February 12, 1918 after a long illness which had sapped his strength for over a year. He developed symptoms of diabetes while he was working with the tribes of Puget in the summer of 1916. He was able to continue his work in 1917, but during the following winter the disease increased, and while on a visit in Cambridge he succumbed to acidosis.

The article begins by discussing Haeberlin’s birth in Akron, Ohio, and his subsequent move to Germany where he studied at the universities of Leipsic and Berlin. Boas then writes about how they became acquainted when Haeberlin was a student in Berlin and how he was impressed with him and his fellow students. Boas feels that the character of Haeberlin’s work was determined by a keen psychological interest founded on a broad philosophical and historical training.

Boas then goes on to talk about the numerous phases of anthropological inquiry that Haeberlin was involved with. His first investigation dealt with the decorative art among the Pueblo Indians and his studies were based on the collections of the Berlin Museum and on published illustrations. Also, the wider concept of culture as dominating all the phases of tribal life caught his attention. During his last few years, Haeberlin undertook fieldwork that gave many important results to his work. He devoted some time to studies of Mexico and prepared for publication translations of modern Mexican text. In his relatively short years as an anthropologist he was able to produce a very large amount of valuable material.

Boas states that we have lost in him one of the most promising anthropologists; but we have lost more. All those who knew him remember the charm of his personality and the rare excellence of his character. To us his departure is a personal loss, and he will not easily be forgotten.

This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the life and work of Herman Karl Haeberlin. It is an excellent summary of his contributions to the field of Anthropology and a great testiment to his character.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

SHANE MATTE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Boas, Franz. In Memoriam: Herman Karl Haeberlin. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 71-74.

The end of the Nineteenth Century and the birth of the Twentieth Century saw an emerging field of anthropology from outside disciplines and their leading theorists. Herman K. Haeberlin was associated with one of these earlier generations that brought about the continuing innovative applications from other fields to augment and build the foundation for anthropology as we know it today.

Franz Boas wrote this article after Haeberlin’s death on February 12, 1918 to give an appreciative nod to his work. Boas structured the article in a chronological order from Haeberlin’s birth, through his academic studies, to his final fieldwork in Puget Sound preceding his death. Haeberlin was also a valued member of the American Anthropological Association and a friend to Franz Boas.

Boas’ overview of Haeberlin’s career seems to punctuate the purpose of the ‘American Anthropologist’ and further the validation of Boas’ philosophies. Haeberlin’s academic beginnings were from the same roots as Malinowski, Durkheim, and Boas. This base of similar studies under Lamprecht and Wundt reflect a possible explanation for Boas’ motivations. Boaz briefly highlights each aspect of Haeberlin’s career with comments on his work ethics and contributions. Boas leaves out many significant points to Haeberlin’s work from the psychological and philosophical applications he used in his studies during his brief career. The article notes his work on development of decorative art among the Pueblo Indians, his reviews and articles, and the studies in the North Pacific. Unfortunately, Boas does not expand on his observations concerning these pieces leaving the reader unsure of what Haeberlin thought and how this impacted the field. He stated how Haeberlin’s work on the Pueblo Indians differed in viewpoint than that of the Salishan study but failed to elaborate.

This article summarizes Herman K. Haeberlin’s life and work with the intent to advocate the times current trends in the establishment of anthropology as a scientific field of study. It falls short for the reader who may not be familiar Haeberlin’s work leaving many questions unanswered.

CLARITY: 2

JAMES S. AUSTIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Boas, Franz.     Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1919. Vol.21: 41-48.

Franz Boas’ article develops from the issues discussed at a conference on the subject of the concern of the methods of instruction of anthropology in many universities and colleges. The issues discussed in the article were determined by the participants of these specific conferences that were held during the years of 1916 and 1918. These points resulted from the studies of the anthropologists (surveys and other documentation), and argued that the need for the representation of anthropology in post-secondary schools was essential. The dominant point in Boas’ article is the significance of anthropology in everyday life - whether it is an extensive component of any or all non/professional training at a university or as part of cultural understanding in the day-to-day performances of individuals. The anthropological field at any and all universities or colleges needs to expand the amount and depth of its instruction to facilitate the growing demand of this discipline.

At the time this article was published, the representation of anthropology was very limited. The methods proposed in the article call for the reconstruction of the history of mankind; to look at the scope of introductory work; to set anthropology apart from the other sciences in its unique study of human life; and to approach the professional training of anthropologists - which is imperative to the understanding and completion of other degrees of equal capacity. Anthropology plays an integral part in our social environment and should be incorporated through other lessons of thought. As Boas states, "it broadens the outlook upon the phenomena of civilization, and increases the power of objective interpretation of our own cultural attitudes." (pg.42)

The evidence presented to support and facilitate the need for an increased level of studies is the requirements that developed from the studies and current knowledge of anthropologists of that time. They are used as a tentative guideline for the prospective methods of instruction in anthropology – which many of the modern post-secondary institutions of today represent in their descriptions of courses. This discussion integrates the purpose of the growing necessity and, ultimately, the important advantages that will result from this anticipated awareness in the discourse of anthropology for that time.

The article is relatively simple to follow and for individuals interested in how the department of anthropology came to be represented today, this article is a beginning focal point of the issues that set it in motion.

CLARITY: 4

SAMANTHA KELCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Boas, Franz     Report on the Teaching of Anthropology American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 41-48

The study and instruction of anthropology became a subject of discussion in the early twentieth century. A few years of discussion, beginning in 1916, involved the participation of the prominent anthropologists of the time, such as Franz Boas, A.L. Kroeber, and Clark Wissler. At a conference at Columbia University in 1916, participants broached the subject and subsequently reported on respective topics, which were circulated at a meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in New York later the same year. Discussions were continued in New York and a committee was formed, with Franz Boas as chairman, which would report annually. The remainder of the article takes the form of a report drawn up by this committee and consists of information on the science of anthropology, the aims of instruction and study of the science of anthropology, as well as the committee’s conclusions on what are requirements for a department of anthropology.

The report states that the science of anthropology aims to holistically reconstruct the history of mankind as a whole. Through objective and consistent consideration, anthropology studies civilized and primitive man, trains the mind, broadens outlooks, and enables objective interpretation. Anthropology contributes to the study of the humanities and is tasked with widening the view of many human sciences through its broader perspective of human history and the forces that have shaped it. The pertinence of anthropological training for professionals such as teachers, social workers, and colonial officers, not to mention others, was yet to be established at this time.

The study of anthropology encompasses a scope of biological, psychological, environmental, and social forces that should be reviewed by those who are continuing in studies of other areas of human science. Emphasis should be on biological and social development, and the forces behind such development. Undergraduate study will be limited to the most salient points while more advanced study will be more critical and systematic in nature. The study of anthropology for the professional will be left to trained anthropologists, whose concentrations are more focused on anthropological problems ranging from biology to language, history, or geology. Training in methods is necessary and specialization in a certain area is an advantage at this level.

Requirements advised by a department of anthropology are outlined as introductory and advanced courses, with the use of museum material. Advanced teaching requires practical training, and more extensive museum work, as well as observation of groups in the local and ‘primitive’ societies.

CLARITY: 5

KARRIE SANDFORD York University (Adelson)

Frassetto, Fabio.   A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting.  A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods.   American Anthropologist   April-June, 1919   Vol. 21 (2):175-181.

In this article Frassetto, an Italian anthropologist, is calling for a standardized system of measurement for all anthropometric measurements.  The underlying problem that Frassetto is dealing with is the use of both the English and Metric systems of measurement in anthropology.   He begins by pointing out that anthropometric measuring as a science is more precise than the measuring done by other skilled persons.   It is the goal of anthropometry as a science to measure and then categorize people based on average deviations of their external morphology.  Many of these measurements can be very small and the apparatus for measuring very awkward to use. Coupled with having to convert between English and metric units, the margin of error for these measurements can be relatively large, and the resulting data relatively weak.  Therefore, at the present without a uniform blank, a lot of time and money is wasted on inconclusive data.  To overlook these inconsistencies, Frassetto says, is to create “false concepts, and to “damage science and society.   In support of his argument Frassetto points out the United States Army’s decision to switch all measurements on their personnel and equipment in Europe to metric units.  Frassetto also mentions that this topic has arisen in the Anthropological Atlas of Italy in 1909 and 1910 as well as the International Anthropological Congress in Geneva 1912, and acted upon that same year at the 18th International Congress of Americanists at London with the formation of the International Committee of Anthropologists whose work was soon “interrupted by war”.

In answer to this problem Frassetto closes by offering a 10 point “decalogue” to “serve as guides for the unification of anthropological methods”.  These points are very wordy and somewhat redundant.  The redundant points are that all measurements should be metric and that all tools and techniques should be prescribed.   The “blank” (or procedural template) that he talks about, which is to include common methods, prescribed measurements and points of reference should be developed by a group of accredited anthropologists and should thus be logical. Furthermore, all naming should be in Latin with an alternate name to be used colloquially in hopes that the methods decided on may be applicable to practical purposes.

CLARITY RANKING:  3

DANIEL H. VANZANT     Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Frassetto, Fabio. A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting. A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 175-181.

This article is about the need for action about the problems of a lack of standardization of anthropological methodology. Frassetto is clearly of the position that anthropology is a science and seeks to make it more scientific. He persuades the reader/listener that there is a problem and a serious one then provides an important solution, though large in scale. First, Frassetto makes the case for uniform measuring standards in terms of the points of measurement on the body. Frassetto mentions the different points of measurement in anthropometry and how they are measured so differently among authors as to make the data incomparable across different authors. To further discuss the problems, he talks about the more “serious” uncertainties created by non-anthropologists collecting anthropometric data, mentioning clinical doctors and military surgeons among others. Frassetto discusses the fact that the many studies done on soldiers during the war may not prove useful due to these problems. The solution he suggests is a uniform blank of measurements to be used in recruiting. Here he moves onto his second point, the international use of two different measurement systems, saying that uniformity cannot be achieved without the resolution of the problem of measurement systems. Frassetto says that there has been “very great progress” made in the United States and England toward the adoption of the metric system and includes the text of a letter from the US Secretary of War saying that all artillery and machine gun material intended for service abroad will be made metric and that instruction in the metric system will be provided by the War Department. Frassetto cites these as reasons for encouragement and hope that all recruitment anthropometry will be done using the metric system before long. He then makes his final point, having proven that standardization is needed; he suggests that a committee be formed to standardize anthropological methods. This committee, he proposes, would gather and coordinate all the research and ideas into standardized methods for anthropological study. He notes that this would be a huge and difficult task but that it could be achieved somewhat more simply by dividing the tasks at hand among committee members to investigate based on their expertise. He concludes providing a list of ten points which he sees as the fundamental criteria which should guide the unification of anthropological methods, among which are the idea that all measurement should be in centimeters, that it should be inductive study that includes internal and sense organs, that it should use Latin nomenclature for anthropological terms, and that it should use a ”properly selected set of instruments” to make measurements with a minimal amount of admissible error. It is a very important article to understanding the development of anthropology but uses many technical terms and can be hard to follow.

CLARITY: 2

MWENZA BLELL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Grinnell, George Bird.     A Buffalo Sweatlodge. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 361-375.

George Bird Grinnell records in great detail the ‘ceremonial’ construction of a sweathouse. It is a step by step account of procedure, told chronologically, which favors detail over cultural significance. Grinnell alows the dizzying profusion of detail stand as obvious proof of cultural meaning. He proficiency of detail is summed up in the ‘order of operations’ which breaks up the process into twenty-one steps.

Although cultural significance of the sweatlodge is implied through words like "sacred", "religious" and "ceremonial" these are used more as replaceable adjectives, not as concepts to be investigated. There is clearly a lack of engagement with the Cheyenne people in which the author assumes the sweatlodge’s meaning "has probably been forgotten". The deeper meaning of the sweatlodge to Cheyenne people it its construction and use is an assumption placed as an aspect of the exotic non-western ‘other’.

The writer’s Western perspective is certainly implicated yet his lack of engagement with the Cheyenne excludes an open dialogue of his positionality in favor of simulated objectivity. Grinnell as the ‘objective recorder of "operations" precludes meaningful engagement with the Cheyenne people-the author and the reader remain outsiders. The indigenous role of the Cheyenne figure head is substituted by Grinnell’s title of "priest" without qualifying any distinction of the two. The "significance of the sweatlodge (that) is hidden from most of us"-‘us’ being the Western audience. Detail of observation is contrasted with vagities such as "problably", "I believe" and "general thoughts" when it comes to cultural significance.

The cultural context for the Cheyenne is clouded in mystery and begs the question of what it meant to them. The article’s incredible detail of sweatlodge construction and ceremony stands as a valuable empirical document.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

SUSIE MORGADO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Haberlin, Herman K.     Types Of Ceramic Art In The Valley Of Mexico. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol. 21(5): 61-70.

Herman Haberlin’s article examines the typology of pottery found in the Valley of Mexico and more specifically, certain typological problems that arise concerning the Culhuacan pottery. Haberlin also conveys in this article the need for change in some of the methodology and research techniques in the anthropological community. Haberlin’s article is based on the archaeological work of Franz Boas. Boas was working at the site of San Miguel Amantla in Mexico City, where he uncovered various layers of strata belonging to different civilizations of Mexico. It is clear from reading this article that Haberlin is strongly influenced by Boas because throughout this piece he mentioned him several times.

Herman Haberlin begins his article by introducing the reader to the Culhuacan pottery and the three main civilizations, which also produced different types of pottery. These three groups were the Aztecs, the Toltecs and the archaic group. Haberlin gives many illustrations of each civilization's pottery and makes comparisons and contrasts between them, thus implying their cultural relevance and context.

Haberlin then goes on to explain specific problems he found in studying the pottery. The problems that Haberlin mentioned with the Culhuacan pottery is that it was created far too hastily and it never presented the regularity of their ideal forms. Haberlin goes into some detail about how the designs on the pottery are from one proto-type yet they have an individual element. Therefore diminishing their importance.

Towards the end of the article, Herman Haberlin tries to convey to the reader that there are no limitations on research, and that the artifacts found cannot be classified into only one category of thought but include a wide range of perspectives and disciplines, such as psychology. He insists that there are many different ways of looking at the Culhuacan pottery and it is wrong to make one single broad generalization about their meanings and content. By giving the reader many different examples and illustrations of pottery, we see the significance of intensive studying and that the field of anthropology should have no bounds or limits.

CLARITY: 4

EMILY KOLMOTYCKI University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Haeberlin, Herman K.   Types of Ceramic Art in the Valley of Mexico.   American Anthropologist   1919   Vol. 21:61-71.

In his article, Herman K. Haeberlin examines the various styles of “Culhuacan” pottery found in the Valley of Mexico at San Miguel Amantla.  This article has been based from a previous study conducted in 1911-1912 by Professor Franz Boas of the International School of American Archeology located in Mexico City. 

The importance of this particular site is that, unlike many New World archaeological sites, distinct cultural strata where found in which relative data could be confidently assessed.  This ultimately provided archaeologists of this time with a sequence of three well-defined culture periods.  The three strata represent the Aztec Period, Toltec Period, and an archaic type of pottery from a pre-Toltec Period, which gradually merges into the Toltec Period.  That of the Aztec Period is the most recent of all the layers.  Unlike the transition zone of the archaic type of pottery to the Toltec Period, there is a clear break evident between the Aztec and Toltec Periods.  In brief, there must have been clear distinction between the Aztec and Toltec Periods. 

Furthermore, Haeberlin discusses the more prominent features of each culture’s pottery.  First, the features of the archaic culture include a type of brown pottery decorated with both thin and broad red lines, a heavy pottery decorated by indentations, pottery covered with a white slip then ornamented with scored designs, and a type of fretted pottery close to that of prehistoric Pueblo pottery.  Secondly, the Toltec culture-period includes a type of yellow pottery with a red painted rim which contains a band of spirals, pottery with long vertical grooves along the side of the vessel, pottery with crude impressions, pottery with negative designs, and pottery with straight sides, three feet and a series of clay pellets connected to the lower rim of the sides of the vessel.  Finally, the Aztec culture-period include pottery with a yellowish-red ware with black designs, which can ultimately further be divided into two categories of light with thin lines and dark with heavier lines, and pottery with molded external ornaments. 

Additionally, Haeberlin explains the manufacturing process of pots from the Aztec culture-period.  Haeberlin explains that each directly reflects the characteristics of the pot maker.  Each pot is similar to a person’s own unique handwriting.   Therefore, one can then ultimately recognize the work of a single pot maker.  In this sense, Haeberlin has created a psychological view of anthropology/archaeology and has also anticipated much later archaeological work on ceramics.

Furthermore, an article remembering Herman Karl Haeberlin by Franz Boas is placed at the end of this article.  Boas’ article commemorates Herman K. Haeberlin for his outstanding work prior to his death on February 12, 1918.  Haeberlin fought symptoms of diabetes and finally acidosis for over a year before his death.  He had studied at the universities of Leipsic and Berlin and received his Doctor of Philosophy at Columbia University in 1914.   

CLARITY: 4

RAQUEL A. OZANICH     Southern Illinois University, Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Hardy, Osgood.     The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist January-March 1919 Vol.21 (1): 1-27.

Osgood Hardy chronicles a year and a half spent as Chief Assistant and Interpreter of the 1914-1915 Peruvian Expedition. He argues that Peru’s varying elevations have a greater effect on the characteristics of the inhabitants than does any other region in the world.

Hardy sets forth to prove his point by focusing on the three natural zones which have been distinctly formed by the differing altitudes. He states that the altitude affects the fertility of the soil, causing Peruvians to adapt their lifestyles to these variations. Hardy describes in detail, the different cultures within the zones, highlighting the differences between language, diet, traditions, celebrations, clothing, and household responsibilities.

Hardy makes general statements regarding Peruvian aboriginal peoples, describing them as extremely simple people that lead a dreary life (Pg.5, 25). Moreover, Hardy concentrated largely on the fact that they were lacking in ‘modern’ skills. He even goes as far as to rate how attractive the women were in the different regions.

Although the article was thorough, it focuses primarily on Hardy’s own opinions of the Peruvian aboriginal peoples. There was little factual evidence to support Hardy’s points. In the end, the article left me confused between fact and personal opinion.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

KRISTEN IBLE University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).

Hardy, Osgood.     The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:1-27.

The writer Osgood Hardy spent a year and half as chief assistant and interpreter for the Peruvian Expedition of 1914-1915. He was sent out from Yale University in conjunction with the National Geographic Society. The entire article discusses the character of Quichua Indian life according to the 3 Cuzco localities of Peru: the highlands, cereal belt, and lowlands (or tropical belt). He describes in detail the physical characteristics, variations in clothing, housing, and subsistence patterns, language, religion, celebratory practices, and economics of the three regions.

For instance, all natives were described as having dark, short hair and dark eyes. The men in the Sierras were much more attractive than those in the lower areas, who were "smaller, less healthy, and show[ed] more marks of dissipation" (2). Women were described as rotund or emaciated in appearance. Small pox had disfigured many, and all natives had poor health. Variations in terms of dress for both men and women were noted based on where they lived in the region. The author described the homes of the highland Indian as crudely made of stone and mud. This building trend continued until the tropical belt where the walls were made of small poles and bamboo canes.

The food varied throughout the regions, but maize was the staple diet. Meat was consumed, but beef was rare in the highlands. The cereal belt was completely vegetarian, and the tropical belt consumed very little meat. Occupations consisted of stock herding, and agriculture. Crops included potatoes in the highlands; wheat, barley and corn in the cereal belt; and sugar and coca plantations in the tropical belt.

The author’s study of the language also described differences between the Quichua language of the Cuzco and surrounding areas. The religion was called Roman Catholic but was actually a mixture of superstitions and customs. Hardy detailed several feasts including New Year’s, the most important one.

Economically, the Indians were notes as being very poor, and that many had very little or no personal property. The life of the Indian was described as being "very dreary" (25), their low conditions exasperated by the presence of cocaine, alcohol and a lack of education. Despite these adversities, the Cuzco Indians were described as capable, and skilled at adapting to different situations. They were kind and generous to each other, but their struggle for existence had taken its toll.

CLARITY: 5

MARY CHUNG York University (Naomi Adelson)

Hostos, de Adolfo.     Prehistoric Porto Rican Ceramics. American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1919 Vol. 21(4): 376-399.

Hostos examines and details aspects of aboriginal art and the history of art making by drawing on archaeological evidence of potsherds, clay dishes, and pottery vessels as well as historical knowledge about the beliefs, values and actions of the people.

His overall ambition is try to pinpoint the origin of the aborigines in Porto Rico by trying to correlate the ceramics found there and in South and Central America.

Hostos provides a descriptive overview of some of the aboriginal ceramics found in Porto Rico by drawing on other archaeologists works and excavations done on the island.

In addition, Hostos hints that by studying the aboriginal ceramic industry it could provide informative clues to how they aboriginal lived, what they believed in, what they ate, what certain actions they performed, and the what technological advances might have occurred.

Hostos acknowledges that since there remains a lack of consistent evidence of archaeological material there are no definite answers to the question on when and where the aboriginals came from. Given that there remains a noticeable gap between Neolithic and Paleolithic findings in Porto Rico it is very difficult to make definite conclusions to their origins.

Finally Hostos outlines a tentative plan in which he hopes will be followed in the near feature; one that requires continued excavation, comparative study within Porto Rico and the surrounding continents, and a continued study on ceramic remains.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson)

De Hostos, Adolfo.  Prehistoric Porto Rican Ceramics.   American Anthropologist (376-399)

The author focuses his research in this article on the Boinquen (Indian name) of Proto Rico.  The people of this culture were not hunters and warriors, rather they were fishermen and agriculturalists.  They used baked clay vessels to cook their food, carry water, and for other purposes they found necessary in their society.  These other purposes for the ceramics were related to ceremonial and sacrificial uses of their  religion.  The author infers these uses from the potters’ use of art.  These designs usually came from religious beliefs held in their society.  Historians and archaeological excavations have found that “the deeper the layer, the lower the quality.”  He states that on or near the surface there were beautiful, painted, polished and sometimes lustrous ware.  However, he also states that most primitive specimens are found eight to ten feet below the surface.  This evidence shows that the making of ceramics was a gradual and long lasting process and not a fast paced change with interruptions.  

Many of these excavations that take place in the West Indies to find ceramics of the aboriginal people are important to find the “migratory currents on the American continent.”  With further excavations of Porto Rico it is thought that the origin of the aborigines will be known.  More observations of ceramic remains and excavations of new sites will bring answers to the questions asked of the art, history, and civilizations of Porto Rico.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

HILARY WHEELER     Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Kroeber A.L.     On The Principle Of Order in Civilization as Exemplified By Changes Of Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:235-263.

Changes in fashion can be compared to changes in civilization argues the author in this article. The author begins by saying that fluctuations of literature are analogous to civilization’s fluctuations. Kroeber then starts to examine what other ideas or material objects could also show similarities to the rise and fall of civilization. Comparing religion and manufactured items to civilization was rejected. Kroeber decides that changes in fashion , more specifically a "Women’s full evening toilette" (pp.239), could be compared to the rise and fall of civilizations. The author took eight different measurements of women’s dresses from fashion magazines between 1844 and 1919. Length of skirt, diameter of waist, length of waist, décolletage, width of décolletage etc. is all analyzed in great detail about how width and length are related. The measurements were used in the author’s position that similarities could be found between how civilization and fashion alter through time.

Though it may be arbitrary, the author writes, a girl may be assured that she will wear a longer skirt then her mother and the width of the skirt will continue to increase until she is old. Kroeber writes that this is very much how law works. The rise and fall of civilization and fashion both follow asymmetrical curves ( which is shown best in the diameter of the waist and depth of décolletage). The idea that fashion is a product of a few very intelligent people is refuted and one must account for many different factors when looking at change. The essay concludes with two points. The first point being that people must be able to relate to history. Thus, because people must relate to history, history is not written as it really happened; people reconstruct the truth. Second, a pattern can be seen in how civilizations rise and fall, and this pattern can be seen in fashion.

The author goes into great detail (20 pages) on how they did the measurements of the dresses. It is only in the last few pages that the author compares fashion and civilization. The author’s argument is not clear and neither is the point of the paper.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

RHIANNE MCKAY University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Kroeber, A.L.     On The Principle of Order in Civilization as Exemplified by Changes in Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:235-263.

A.L. Kroeber’s main premise is the co-relation of cyclical growth and decay of civilization to changes in fashion. The data, taken from women’s evening wear spans from 1844 to 1919. It consists of mainly ten examples from each year from which eight measurements were taken: width of skirt; length of waist; décolletage; width of décolletage. Kroeber draws on the quantitative- measurements- to describe the qualitative-fashion- phenomena; this provides a buttress for the idea of "rhythmic inevitability" and its physical expression in fashion.

The main thrust of his argument is that of "civilizational determinism", a historical causality that provides the scheme within which fashion operates. The Author’s firm belief that it is cultural events-the framework of the "regularity in social change"-that fashion responds to. Consequently, "individualistic randomness" in the form of achievement or ability is always secondary to an underlying rhythm.

This article provides detailed information of changes in woman’s evening fashions for the period of 1844 to 1919 in the form of charts, graphs and ratios. Although the author admits this is only a "preliminary investigation" due to the limited scope of data, this would still be a useful starting point for anyone wanting to extend the investigation. Changes in fashion were observed to generally our gradually over a long period of time; alternatively, there are extreme fluctuations in fashion in the twenty-five years preceding 1919.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

SUSIE MORGADO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Lafone Quevedo, Samuel A.   Guarani Kinship Terms as Index of Social Organization.   American Anthropologist   Oct-Dec,  1919   Vol. 21(4):421-440.

Samuel Lafone Quevedo explains the kinship terms of the Guarani Indians.  In the very beginning of the article he gives many descriptions of the marriage customs as explained by different explorers.  His main point in doing this is so that the reader has a clear understanding of who can marry whom and also for an understanding of the different family member relationships.

The main thing Samuel was trying to get across was that there is a direct relation to the breakdown of the lexicon of kinship terms to the actual membership of kin.  He spends a lot time breaking the terms down piece by piece, in order to give their meaning.  He does this also because he believes that the kinship terms are descriptive in every sense; ethnic, sexual, and in their origins.

He goes on to show that although their marriage rules and customs seem to be complex and complicated, that in relation to the terminology they are very organized and systematic.

This article is not for the common reader, but is more directed at a linguistically educated reader.  This is a drawback in that it made it difficult to read.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ASHLEY CASS    Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)

Langford, George.   The Kankakee River Refuse Heap.  Evidence of a Unique and Primitive Culture in the Southwestern Chicago Area.   American Anthropologist   July-September, 1919   Vol. 21 (3): 287-291.

George Langford’s account of his finding a “refuse heap” along the banks of the Kankakee River on the Will/Grundy county line is one of an experienced archaeologist who has discovered the remains of a culture previously unknown to him, the Mississippian (or Late Prehistoric) culture.  Led to the site by collectors who considered it unimportant due to its lack of  “large or showy pieces”, Langford recognized the site as one of great importance because the material he encountered was unlike any he had seen before.  Indeed the lithic assemblage contained no large or showy pieces, but instead had a small, unstemmed triangular point as its dominant component.  This type of point today is commonly known as a Madison point, and is a hallmark of Mississippian occupations.  This has to be counted as one of the earliest descriptions of Mississippian material, certainly for the area discussed here.

Langford speaks of very dense faunal material, both burned and not, much of it modified for utilitarian or ornamental purposes.  It is interesting to note his mention of finding a great number of Deer astragali (ankle bones), for while their density does promote preservation, they are also commonly found at many Mississippian sites, such as Angel Mounds, ground on the sides to form “game pieces”.

Langford’s most significant discovery, and he recognizes this, is the pottery.  The clay is tempered with crushed mussel shell, a temper he had never before seen.  Shell-tempered pottery is another hallmark Mississippian trait, the technical prerequisite of one of the most elaborate and widely known ceramic traditions.

Langford’s flaw is that he deems the material as belonging to an older, artistically less advanced culture than the surrounding sites that produce larger, more elaborate lithic artifacts and have more complicated ceramic surface treatments.  Of course this Mississippian refuse heap postdates these sites, and the technology is younger and more advanced.  Madison points are among the first true arrowheads, evidence of the advent of the bow and arrow, and shell tempering was the apex of ceramic technology in the prehistoric southeast in late prehistory.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

BRAD WILLIAMS    Southern Illinois University Carbondale  (Dr. Jonathan Hill)

Langford, George. The Kankakee River Refuse Heap. Evidence of a Unique and Primitive Culture in the Southwestern Chicago Area. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 287-291.

In this article Langford proposes and defends the theory that a Native American culture existed in northwestern Illinois which was different from the native cultures of the surrounding areas. This supports the overturn of the Moundbuilder myths of the previous century, in favor of the idea that Native Americans can and do have complex cultures capable of producing “advanced” features on significant archaeological sites. Langford’s evidence supporting these ideas comes from his personal survey of a refuse heap site in Illinois, located about eighteen miles southwest of Joliet on the east bank of the Kankakee River. He provides a detailed description of the site’s physical geological characteristics, history, description by the local inhabitants, and the artifacts and ecofacts which he discovered there.

Each artifact and ecofact category is given its own lengthy description, including data on frequency, material, shape, decoration, assumed method of construction, and average size. Among the artifacts he describes as occurring in the refuse heap are stone tools: arrowpoints (complete, broken, and by-products); knives; adzes; and scrapers. He also notes the presence of some arrowpoints similar in design to those used by surrounding cultures, which he believes to be intrusions on the more ancient material of the site. Also noted on the site and described in the article are a large quantity of animal bones, some worked, many charred and/or calcined. The final broad category of artifact described by Langford is pottery, for which he details shape, size, decoration, and composition. The refuse heap pottery is then compared to pottery common to other local sites, and Langford concludes that the two types are dissimilar enough to belong to separate cultures. He goes on to say that the complete lack of metal, glass, or glazed objects in the refuse heap, alongside the lack of horse remains, bison remains, grain or cloth remnants, stone ornaments, and clay pipes, indicates that the refuse heap was produced by a pre-European culture.

Of which specific culture produced the site, Langford writes that the collection resembles collections of western New York Iroquoian artifacts, and thus possibly reflects an early stage of Iroquois progress eastward, or an early stage of development connected to the evolution of one of the modern Native American populations. In conclusion he states that he believes the site to be totally neolithic and untouched by European influence.

CLARITY: 5

CRYSTAL CALHOUN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Lowie, Robert H.     Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol 21 (2):28-40.

Robert Lowie writes about the development of the "sib system" (see below for explication). Refuting his previous work, in this article Lowie argues that "a particular group of kin resulted in a sib system." Prior anthropological study, especially by Tylor, argued the opposite: that the sib system emerged first. Lowie’s intentions. as he states them in the article, are not to present a "historical paper" but rather to challenge the existing notion that sib systems came before the kin group. He feels that intense study of this area is required if "we are ever going to frame a satisfactory theory of the development of social organization" (40).

Lowie used the work of his colleagues (Goldenweiser, von den Steinen, Morgan, Sapir, Bleek, Speck and Tylor) to support his case and to refute the work of some others. He used Dakota and Hawaiian naming systems to show that the kin group emerged before the sib system. In addition, he demonstrated the wording for family members of sib-less societies to show how the kin group existed for longer. His evidence is far reaching, from Polynesian peoples to that of the British Columbia area in Canada.

This article is a challenging read especially if the audience has no prior knowledge of the particular naming systems, or kinship theory (the sib system refers to a kinship grouping in which kin are traced through the male or female lines. For example, if traced through the mother’s line, all her relatives are considered part of your kin group, and your father’s side of the family would be excluded, or vice versa). The degree of technical language in this article means a dictionary would be helpful to guide you through the nomenclature.

CLARITY RATING: 2

JANET JANVIER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Lowie, R. H.     Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:28-40

Lowie’s objective is to explain the importance in better understanding the social aspects of "loosely organized peoples" and realizing that the tribal customs including sib organized tribes are both "uniform". The article demonstrates the importance of studying social organizations and the "concomitant cultural traits" of these tribes. The concept of loosely organized tribes being lower on the cultural plane and the placement of tribes organized into sibs at a higher level is discussed throughout the article. Lowie does not agree with this.

Lowie compares the sib to kinship groups. He discusses the differences that exist in matronymic and patronymic societies and the exclusion of "one half of the blood-kindred"; however, he explains that "on the other hand, it admits on equal terms all kindred of the favored side regardless of degree…whence the rule of sib exogamy". Lowie strives to demonstrate that the "characteristic features of sib organization are in some measure prefigured among sibless tribes…that the sib is in fact merely a group of kindred thus segregated and defined by a distinctive name". There is nothing special about sib tribes, except that they have been given a name. This does not make their way of life and structure of society in a higher realm.

Lowie presents his objectives through description and discussions of several different tribes, and through comparisons he is able to justify his argument. He uses arguments from several doctors and other contributors such as Dr. Goldenweiser, Dr. Karl von den Steinen, Tylor and Dr. Sapir. He describes the Chukchi nomenculture, the class systems of the Wind River Shoshoni, The Coast Salish and the Paviotso and presents the similarities and differences that exist. He demonstrates the difference in linguistic stocks from "four tribes typical of the great sibless area" to show how they also have "definite bifurcation of blood-kindred."His article is full of assumptions and explanations that help to understand the differences in tribes, sib organized and not.

CLARITY: 2

SARAH RICHARDSON York University, Toronto, Ontario (Naomi Adelson)

MacCurdy, George Grant.     The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist N.S., January-March, 1919 Vol.21:49-60.

In 1916, George Grant MacCurdy attended a meeting at Columbia University to discuss the instruction of Anthropology at various institutions around the United States. Franz Boas, who had also been in attendance at the meeting, made a request for information on anthropology courses being offered throughout the country. MacCurdy collected data from various colleges and universities in the United States and presents some of his findings in this article.

At the start of the twentieth century, anthropology was beginning to establish itself as a unique department in some of the leading universities across America. In many other institutions, though, anthropology was offered through another existing department. MacCurdy provides his reader with ample data with which to observe the trends in associating anthropology with various other faculties such as sociology and geology. By noting the great differences in some of anthropology’s original affinities, MacCurdy’s article is useful in understanding how anthropology currently exists as such a diverse, yet unified, discipline.

In his article, MacCurdy sets out to highlight the increasing interest of universities and colleges in the field of anthropology. He provides a copy of the letter which he circulated to 196 institutions; this letter states clearly the information that MacCurdy set out to collect, and his objectives in collecting this data. Then follows 39 brief responses to his letter, each of which highlights how anthropology has been incorporated at that institution.

MacCurdy presents all information in a clear and organized manner. He elaborates a small amount upon the responses, discussing the significance of the provided information. This article is clearly put together and is successful in surveying the instruction of anthropology in American institutions. For an elaboration upon the goals of anthropological instruction, please refer to the preceding article: "Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology" by Franz Boas. (American Anthropologist. New Series, January - March, 1919. Vol.21:41-48.)

CLARITY: 5

J. JOANNE KIENHOLZ University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

MacCurdy, George Grant.     The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21 p.49-60.

This article is a response by Professor MacCurdy, of Yale University, to a request by Professor Franz Boas to investigate on anthropology courses given at American institutions where an anthropology department did not exist by 1916. His inquiry begins with a letter he sent to 196 educational institutions in order to find out what courses they offered relating to anthropology. Out of these institutions, he reports that only 37 institutions replied to having anthropology courses being taught under other departments or majors.

The length of the article is composed of the list of institutions, which did offer anthropology courses and their description, based on the topic of the courses; who taught them and how many students were enrolled in 1916. He concluded that the number of anthropology courses being taught had increased significantly since 1901. Moreover, the courses taught had gained considerable relevance as a discipline. However, MacCurdy also indicates that there continued to be a "lack of interest in the subject" by some of the leading universities at the time. He was also surprised by the feedback from the smaller colleges, which had added anthropological courses to their curriculum. Finally, he notes that the tendency in many institutions at the time was to link anthropology with the Social and Natural Sciences. This was ironically contrary to the academic notion that placed anthropology in the same category as psychology.

This article will be particularly useful to individuals interested in the history of anthropology as a discipline, particularly in North America. It also provides various insights into the mentality and worldview of many academics of that period, as the language used still incorporates highly ethnocentric definitions such as primitive, tribal, etc.

CLARITY: 5

ERNESTO WULFF York University (Naomi Adelson)

Moore, Clarence B.     Notes on the Archaeology of Florida. American Anthropologist 1919(21): 400-403.

In his article, Moore wishes to dispel the notion that the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia had neglected the area south of Key Marco, Florida in study. Moore states that they have spent "…five seasons in the Ten Thousand islands, good parts of which were devoted to the region south of Key Marco" (400). Moore does not feel it is fair to state that this area was "…supposed to be of no great account as far as aboriginal remains are concerned," but he believes that this area is simply a continuation of a more northern shell deposit (401). According to Moore there have been no significant discoveries in the area to justify the expense of a full archaeological dig.

Many interesting shell tools have been found in the area. These tools come in two types, and are made with large shells. Removing various internal portions of the shell’s structure created the tools. Not a lot of study has been conducted upon these implements. One type of tool has two holes in the shell, allowing for a handle and the ultimate creation of a "..hoe or pick to loosen the soil" (402). The second type of tool consists of one hole in the shell, leaving enough space to insert a handle and "…was used in the manner of a spade" (402).

CLARITY RANKING: 5

AMANDA JONES York University (Naomi Adelson)

Moore, Clarence B.  Notes on the Archaeology of Florida.  American Anthropologist  1919  Vol. 21:400-402.

This article is about the survey of the Florida’s east coast and some of its close surrounding islands.  No one had done much research in this area because archaeologists believed that there was nothing to be concerned with in this area.  When they did their survey they found that there were many sites to be excavated.

They found large shells that were used as tools along with platforms and mounds with canals that showed that there had been Indian occupants there.  The authors were shocked to find anything of importance here but no reason is given to explain why.  The article includes information about shells they found at the sites.  One shell was used as a hoe and another as a spade.  The authors then describe each of the shells and give their arguments as to why they think these two shells were used for horticulture.

For the most part this article’s main focus is on the two shells they found.  It concludes by notifying that future archaeologists may want to go to this site because it is still intact.

CLARITY RANKING:  4

DEREK KOCHER    Southern Illinois University Carbondale  (Dr. Jonathan Hill)

Morley, Sylvanus Grisworld.     Joseph Thomas Goodman: September 18, 1838-October 1, 1917. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:441-445.

Joseph Thompson Goodman is remembered for his archaeological achievements, as a journalist and writer, and for being the person who discovered Mark Twain (the famous writer) (441). His most remarkable achievement for which he will be remembered is his contributions to the decipherment of Maya hieroglyphic writing. While he was the editor of The Enterprise in 1861, he "discovered" Mark Twain, with whom he developed a lifelong friendship. In 1884, Mr. Goodman founded The San Franciscan, a very ambitious literary publication for its time. Mr. Goodman published historical works of early California and Nevada, and he is remembered for his poem "The Death of Lincoln." In 1883, as an archaeologist he began his pursuit of deciphering the Maya hieroglyphic writing. After twelve years of research, Mr. Goodman demonstrated that at least two hundred of the writing’s characters "deal with the counting of time" (443). However, there was confusion over who discovered this first because Professor Ernst Forsteman and Mr. Goodman made the discovery independently around the same time. The solution to this problem was awarding Forsteman the recognition in the field of the manuscripts, and Mr. Goodman the recognition in the field of the monuments. Goodman’s achievements were greater than Forsteman’s because he discovered the existence of variant numerals, completed the chronological tables and calendar, the annual calendar, and the logarithmic shortcuts of Maya arithmetic.

Mr. Goodman insisted, to his death, that advancements in Maya decipherment lie in mathematics not phonetics. This principle has been proven incorrect and phonetics is showing promise for future decipherment efforts. However, this detracts little from the magnitude of Joseph Thompson Goodman’s many great achievements.

CLARITY: 4

LAURA MONTEITH York University (Naomi Adelson)

Morley, Sylvanus Griswold.   Joseph Thompson Goodman.   American Anthropologist  September, 1919  Vol. 21(3): 441-445.

Sylvanus Griswold Morley esteems and details the life and works of Joseph Thompson Goodman in an obituary.  Griswold briefly details the life of Goodman.  He begins with the childhood of Goodman in the Eastern United States, where his journalistic career began.  Goodman later moved to the west with his father.  His journalistic endeavors continued in Nevada where he was credited with “discovering” Mark Twain and hiring him as a reporter for his paper The Enterprise.  Later, Goodman founded the San Franciscan.

In his spare time, Goodman dabbled in more scientific endeavors.  His interests led him to the pursuit of deciphering inscriptions on the Mayan hieroglyphs.  This would be his crowning achievement.  His studies of Mayan monuments led to the discernment of their writing.  Although another scientist was given credit for nearly the same thing, Morley demonstrates that the work of Goodman was different whereas Goodman’s research was focused on monuments, that of his contemporary (Forstemann), resulted in the deciphering of Mayan manuscripts.

Morley asserts that Goodman’s most noteworthy achievement was the compilation of his famed chronological tables.  In Morley’s time there was no more preferred chronological record.  In fact, nearly all of the characters that had been interpreted at this point were in agreement with Goodman’s arithmo-calendric (arithmetic calendar) category. He admits that some of the content of the characters were yet to be interpreted.  But, this would in no way detract from the irrefutable magnitude of Goodman’s discoveries.

CLARITY RANKING:  4

SARAH RICHARDSON    Southern Illinois University (Jonathan  Hill)

Painter, George S.  The Future of the American Negro. American Anthropologist   1919   Vol. 2:410-420

George Painter uses this article to explore the possible future of the African American.  Because Africans were brought to the United States for the unfortunate job of slavery, they had to adapt quickly to a new living conditions and customs.  While these individuals were being used for slavery they were forced into close contact with the new culture and therefore learned quickly about this new culture.  After African Americans were released from the shackles of slavery the question was raised, what would happen to these individuals?  This is the question George Painter addresses in this article.

George Painter ultimately decides that the color of African Americans skin will eventually become much lighter and the difference in pigment between African Americans and those of the white race will become less and less different.  The first reason Painter gives to back his argument is the mixing of African American blood and that of non-African American blood.  The mixing of this blood results in a lighter color of the skin, which is more desired.  Due to the fact that this lighter color is desired African American individuals will search for partners with lighter skin.  This process would eventually begin to lead to the gradual elimination of the very dark skin of some of the African Americans.  Painter also discusses the importance of environment in the changing of the African American skin color.  He states that the environment in which an individual originates determines their skin color.  Using the Native Americans as an example Painter once again predicts that the African American skin will lighten over years.  He ends by stating that extreme color differences in skin may in the end be wiped out by nature.

CLARITY RANKING:  5

LAURA WARREN     Southern Illinois University Carbondale   (Jonathan Hill)

Painter, George S. The Future Of The American Negro. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 410-420.

This article attempts to examine the “evolution” of the American Negro. Painter explored factors such as adaptation to civilization, illicit amalgamation, environment, and natural selection were.

Painter, like most Europeans of his time, viewed other races as being inferior and barbaric. He believes that with the transportation of black slaves to America, whites had disrupted the natural progression of the race by entering them into civilization before the slaves were ready. Once in bondage, the slaves seemed to acquire a rudimentary grasp of civilization but were far from thriving. Painter observed from statistical data that Negro populations in the South were declining due to higher mortality and lower propagation rate compared to the white populations. This he contributed to the “Negro’s disadvantage in the competitive struggle with the superior race” (412).

The intermarriages between blacks and whites were rare for the day, but Painter examined the long term effects of such arrangements. He proposed that since the “longevity or hardiness of the white race has appeared to be evident” (414) those Negros with white blood would increase their fitness and survive better. This “lightening of the line”, may even be a conscience effort on the part of Negros in an attempt to “better” their children by selectively mating with those of a lighter skin tone.

Painter also expressed the environment as another factor which will influence the evolution of the American Negro. Skin color was thought to be a reaction to the climate since darker skinned Africans lived near the equator and light skinned Europeans lived much farther north. It was then assumed that since Europeans got darker after they had lived in Africa for a period of time, Africans would get lighter after living in America for a long period of time.

With factors such as environment and interracial marriages “lightening” the African race, coupled with the fact that American Negros had a higher mortality then their lighter cousins, Painter assumed that the darker Negros would slowly be replaced with the better adapted and more fit lighter skinned Negros through natural selection.

CLARITY: 4

BETH CHILDERS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Parsons, Elsie Clews.     Increase By Magic: A Zuni Pattern. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 279-286

In this piece the author’s objective is to inform the reader of the importance of magic amongst the Zuni Indians. By thoroughly explaining the importance of clay figurines within their daily lives, the author provides a clear understanding of how the Zuni Indians live amongst each other. The clay figurines are essential to prolong life and to secure the dead. The night before Christmas eve the Zuni place small clay figures of sheep, cows, donkeys and horses around a saint to be left there for four days when they are taken home and kept during the year. The rain priests are somewhat different. These people do not take their figurines to the home of a saint. Instead, they place them on an altar in their home to ensure security and protection.

The Zuni also use the magic of the clay figurines to increase any object of to provide solutions for any problems. For example, for the increase of children of the development of an unborn child, the figurines come into play. "During a dance a woman who has had miscarriages may be given a baby or doll by a masked impersonation (1919: 281). A woman may bring a clay figurine of a baby to a winter solstice altar. The magic of the figurine is said to provide the woman with a child.

Throughout this piece the author constructs his argument by thoroughly explaining the importance of magic amongst the Zuni. Elsie Parsons provides clear examples to support her claims, resulting in an organized and reasonable article.

CLARITY: 5

ANGELA ADU York University (Naomi Adelson)

Parsons, Elsie Clews.   Increase by Magic:  A Zuni Pattern.   American Anthropologist.   July-Sept. 1919.   Vol. 21(3):  279-286.

In this article, author Elsie Clews Parsons discusses the different types of magic rituals that are said to cause increase in Zuni society.  The Zuni itsumawe ritual is linked to Christmas and the winter solstice.  In this ritual, the people bury clay figurines of domestic animals, wealth and food items in the area from whence each comes (for example, burying a clay sheep by the sheep pen).  This is done on the fourth night of the winter solstice festival, or Christmas Eve.  The priests of the town use similar figurines but place them on altars within their own homes.

A Zuni ritual to cause an increase in children may be done at the same time.  For this practice, a childless mother may be given a clay figurine of a baby.  She then has to carry the baby figure with her in secret.  If the woman does this and gives gifts to the priest who is helping her, she may have a healthy baby.

Parsons also discusses the possible origins for these types of rituals in her article.  She states that the rituals have been linked to the Spanish occupation in the Americas.  The author mentions that at least one site has been found where there are similar effigies that pre-date the Spanish occupation of the area.  Because of this, Parsons concludes that there may have been a culture hero whose tale was intermixed with that of the saints.

Finally, Parsons writes about the immediate increase in goods that the Zuni received by the increase rituals.  At the end of the 10-day celebration, the “refuse heap” is taken out by each household.  Whoever could stay up all night was entitled to a portion of all the other goods, so long as he was the first one awake in the morning to make the rounds.

This article describes some older Zuni rituals which apply to other tribes in the Americas.  It is also interesting in that Parsons mentions the finds that are pre-Spanish as being similar to those that were found in the early 1900s, since we have very little knowledge of native peoples before Spanish colonization.

CLARITY RANKING:  3

JENNIE KANYOK     Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)

Pearce, J.E.     Indian Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in Texas. American Anthropologist July-September, 1919. 21(3): 223-243.

J.E. Pearce examines the archaeological evidence of the Native Americans that once occupied the lands in Texas. Pearce asserts that Texas is one of the few states that "wholly neglected" (p.223) the history of their natives, both on a local and federal level. The disinterest in the ethnology of "Texas Indians"(p.223) is his main argument for writing this article. Pearce’s goal is to present his archeological research to generate a greater knowledge on the subject. He relates the research to the larger contextual framework, by stating that in order to complete the history of man, one must research all the different people that have lived on our lands. The fact that Texans showed little interest in the Native Americans is unsettling to Pearce; he wants the reader to see the immense history that Texas Native Americans have created and appreciate it.

Pearce details the history of the Texas Native Americans, which proves to be a strong point, as the reader receives greater context for the article. He describes how Texas was an independent nation when she signed into the United States, having retained ownership and control of public lands. Native Americans living in Texas were therefore the responsibility of the state. The fact that Texans thought of the natives as "unteachable savages" (p.224) and dealt with them in a "hostile and negative" (p.224) fashion, serves as reasoning for their disinterest in the history of the natives. Pearce’s historical background also suggests that the Texas Native Americans were ruthless and this led to their extermination, creating more animosity and indifference to anything native. Pearce’s background provides reasoning as to why there had been little or no research, at the time, of the Texas Native Americans.

All of Pearce’s archeological evidence is described next. For clarity, Pearce has divided Texas in to five regions. The Indian mounds and relics found are characteristic of each region, so it is easier to describe them in these groups. The descriptions of the relics and mounds are quite in depth and prove somewhat difficult to understand. Attempting to visualize the archeological finds, as one reads, helps to understand the descriptions. The explanation of how the relics relate to the way in which the natives hunted, and why certain relics and mounds are more characteristic of certain topographical regions is very thorough and complete. This ethnography of the Texas Native Americans is quite useful, as the reader is given a sense of how these people once lived. Pearce points out, however, that there is still a lot of exploration in the field and continued research is needed to understand the full historical background of the Texas Natives.

CLARITY: 3

MELISSA MCCLUSKEY University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Pearce, J.E.     Indian Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in Texas. American Anthropologist. July-September 1919, Vol. 21(3): 223-234.

The concern of the author in this article is the neglect of the archaeology and ethnology of the Texas Indians. Pearce argues that the state, the citizens, and the federal government have ignored the topic and it is time to intensely study the Texas Indians to achieve a full history of mankind. Before he undertakes a brief history of this neglected group, Pearce explains the lack of interest on the part of the state and federal government.

The problem originated when Texas joined the Union as a independent nation and was left with the control of state lands. The state took no interest in the Indians, and neither did the federal government as it was a state problem. The state of Texas has always dealt with the Indians in a colonial manner (ie. violent and negative manner). They were seen as savages and a problem to be eliminated. The exception to the overall treatment of the Texas Indians was Sam Houston. He had lived with the Cherokee before he lived in Texas and fought for the establishment of reservations. In opposition to Houston was Lamae of Georgia who was prejudiced against Indians based on the struggles between the whites and the Cherokee in his home state. His ideas to eliminate the Natives corresponded with the prevalent views of the whites in Texas. Policy was therefore directed towards the elimination of the Natives and later indifference towards the people and their culture.

Pearce then moves on to the archaeology of the Texas Indians. He goes through five districts and provides a brief description of the areas and their contents. The first district in east Texas is made up of Indian mounds of red clay and sand and covered with trees. Relics such as pots, flint, and skeletons can be found in this region. The next district surrounds the shores of the Gulf where many Indian artifacts may be found. The third district is known as the Grand Prairie and is broken up into many parts. The districts range from areas with few Indian relics due to poor hunting, to abundant artifacts found in hunting rich areas. The fourth region is surrounded by mounds with a depression in the middle that would be ideal for residences. The last region is similar to the previous one except that they have metals, which were used for grinding beans into meal. Disk-like stones are found in this area as well. The many caves found in this area were used for residential areas and burial sites. They were also covered with painted figures and maps of the rivers.

Through the relics found, the writer is able to discern that the culture was primarily based on hunting with very little agricultural knowledge. He encourages scientists to no longer neglect the field of Texas Indians and complete their studies before the remaining relics are destroyed by the white man.

CLARITY: 4

KARA STEWART York University: (Naomi Adelson)