|
|
| |
American
Anthropologist Boas, Franz. Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants. American Anthropologist N.S.14. 1912. 530-562. In this lengthy
article, Franz Boas reviews the details of his investigation on the
anthropometry of immigrants and their descendants
as a response
to criticism from many other so-called scholars. Boas determined that
American-born descendants differ from their foreign-born parents in that
their head may undergo some changes "in course of time, without
change of descent.". He was unable to give an clear explanation
of the basis for the phenomena, but felt it could later be explained
by "new statistical investigations in other types of environments.". Other found Mr.
Boas’ reports problematic. In particular, Mr. Radosavljevich
criticizes Boas for a lack of definition of physiological development,
for a failure to quote literature, and of Boas’ choices to use certain
modes of measurements or to not use them at all. More importantly, Radosavljevich
reproaches Boas on the exactness of observations and for what he suggests
are inaccuracies of calculations. The study was undertaken
for United States Immigration and was first submitted in 1909 as a
partial report and republished
in various forms
in 1910, 1911 and 1912. The immigrants studied are identified as "Bohemians", "Poles", "Hungarians", "Slovaks", "Hebrews", "Sicilians" and "Neopolitans". A summary of the primary investigation results and/or their criticisms
is as follows: Boas’ conclusion that American-born descendants differ in type from
their foreign-born parents also produced the suggestion that Boas claimed
to have "discovered the origin of a new American type". Boas,
however, maintained that this was a result of media attention and a misunderstanding
about what constitutes a biological type. In particular, that
he felt that a length-breadth index of 80 or more, indicating a brachycephaic
head, does not constitute a "distinct biological type, but is a
mere convenience of description." Boas’ result that the influence of the American environment "makes
itself felt with increasing intensity", as a function of the time
elapsed between the mother’s arrival and the birth of the child. Radosavljevich
heavily criticizes this result, and Ammon and Livi who suggested that
changes were more akin to those observed in urban moving from rural populations.
Ammon claimed that these changes were due to natural selection and Livi
said that it was the change from country to city and "not special
American conditions." Boas felt that this was possible, but not
probable. Further, Steinmetz said that poor conditions in Europe formed
the basis for change upon the immigrant’s arrival to Of primary importance
to Boas was the discussion of head and facial measurements and Mr.
Radosavljevich’s charges concerning the accuracy
of these observations. In defense of the work of his thirteen observers,
Mr. Boas references the "study of personal equations" to suggest
that variability or error in his investigation was either improbable
or negligible. Other measurements such as in hair colour were relatively
unchanged in the immigrants and therefore stated as irrelevant; the methodology
to measurements of changes in eye and skin colour were unreliable, due
to external influences such as light, and were abandoned. Boas made a number
of observations, but feels that many of them are of "accidental character" and not of "deep biological
significance." For example, illegitimate children of foreign-born
mothers and American-born fathers or swaddling clothing theories were
either considered not present or were disproved concerning their influence
on the bodily changes of the descendents of immigrants. Against Boas’ environmental-economic
theory, and in discussion of the problem of selection which
Boas asserts to take place during the periods of immigration, but which
changed after the [economic]
panics
of 1893 and 1907, Mr. Radosavljevich presents a summary of other theories
concerning influences on the skull. (1) the mechanical-functional theory,
in which temporal muscles influence the skull; (2) the hereditary theory,
where heads had remained constant since the "very remote periods",
and the pre and post natal influences on an "inherited head";
and (3) the geographical theory of the permanence of racial traits and
the unifying effects of the environment. Mr. Boas, in response, says
that these theories are not relevant to his concept of selection as they
focus on "the physical characteristics of the immigrants who arrive
in American and not the relation between the bodily form of foreign-born
immigrants and their American-born children." While Radosavljevich,
as the primary critic, charges that "other
methodological errors may be the cause of differences not the American
soil and financial panics.", Boas intimates that his critics have
missed the mark in misunderstanding that any plausible theory would have
to prove that variances found are significant enough to signify a biologically
separate origin. In addition, he
refuses to accept the opinion that his team’s results
eliminate the need for further study of the cephalic index. On the contrary,
he suggests that the "anthropometric method is a most important
means of elucidating the early history of mankind and the effect of social
and geographical environment upon man." CLARITY RATING: 3
Boas, Franz. Changes in the
Bodily Form of Descendents of Immigrants. American Anthropologist. October-December, 1914 Vol. 16(4):530-562. In this article Franz Boas discusses micro-evolutionary changes that
take place among the descendents of immigrants to the Boas begins his discussion by summarizing the previously published results
of his investigation. Within this summary, Boas responds to the criticisms
of Mr. Radosavljevich. Boas makes special note of criticisms aimed at
his methods. Furthermore, Boas responds with various criticisms of the
work of Radosavljevich. Boas focuses his research on the primary observation that descendents
of immigrants differ in type from their foreign-born parents. Boas indicates
that there is a correlation between variation in type and the American
environment. He hypothesizes that variation in type may be an effect
of the changes in social and geographic environment. However, Boas cautions
that he has not come to any clear understanding of the situation. Instead,
he states that he has examined various explanations for changes in bodily
form, and having done so he concludes that no other explanations are
acceptable. Furthermore, Boas notes that it is prudent to wait for more
research to be done before accepting theories that have yet to be proven. The article is very disjointed because Boas responds to criticism while
trying to convey information. Continually, Boas begins the discussion
of changes in type with reference to criticisms. He responds directly
to the criticisms posed by Radosavljevich without giving a thorough background
of the conflict. As a consequence, it is only when one reaches the middle
of the article that a clear understanding is gained. CLARITY RANKING: 3 DANIEL BAUER Southern .gif){kind=small} Chamberlain, Alexander F. The Allentiacan, Bororoan, and Calchaquian
Linguistic Stock of Alexander F. Chamberlain looks at the linguistic stack of the Allentiacan,
Bororoan, and the Calchaquian of South America. Chamberlain is interested
in finding the similarities of each language and the location of the
people who speak it. He writes of each linguistic stock separately, each
one describing the location and brief history of the people who speak
the language. He also informs the reader of books on the topic written
before 1912. In Allentiacan, Chamberlain
uses Mitre and Boman to argue his point. Allentiacs, or Huarpes (Guarpes),
inhabited the areas around the plains
of Huanacache and probably into Sierra de Cordoba, San Luis and Mendoza.
He favours Mitre’s view and states that Allentiac is an independent
stock that became extinct in the 18th century. He mentions
Boman’s
arguments, but says that he lacks proof. Chamberlain uses von den Steinen as his main source of information for
Bororoan. Bororoan stock is in Calchaquian was harder to
classify because it involved many "tribes".
Chamberlain uses Briton’s and Boman’s arguments. Briton categorises Calchaquian
with the Catamareno or Cacana tongue and claims that it was, in fact,
a "corrupt" dialect of Quechua. Boman mentions a comparison
between the Calchaquian culture and the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico
and CLARITY: 4
Chamberlain, Alexander F. The Allentiacan, Bororoan, and Clachaquian Linguistic stocks of South America. American Anthropologist, 1912. Vol.14:499-507. This article is a report on three prospective linguistic stocks each
from the northern region of The evidence is a collective series of works by a number of anthropologists gathered and compiled in this concise format by Chamberlain. The individual types of data that are presented are as numerous and diverse as their authors. Among all of this factual data is a healthy dose of inference drawn from conjectures and proposals for each stock offered by at least one anthropologist. The author admits that information gathered including vocabularies and texts specifically pertaining to the Calchaquian stock are no longer available or existent. The only real question left unanswered is the opinion of Chamberlain regarding the work of his colleagues. The articles body is subdivided into three parts each of which corresponds to a separate stock. Chamberlain presents each by first linking the peoples who spoke the languages with their respective lands. Included in this is also a brief tribal history. Each group is described in the context of the time in which they were discovered as well as by which territories they were believed to occupy at the time. The Allentiacs were discovered at the time of the Spanish conquest, the Bororo were not recognized until the beginning and the Calchaquin not until the end of the eighteenth century. Chamberlain then introduces works for each stock; some of which stated that the stock was significant as well as independent and others that argued for its inadequacy. This is exemplified by these stocks incorrect attribution to other major dialects. This article of course, dispels the coagulation. The summation of each of the three sections is that each proposed linguistic stock was indeed valid. There is then a portion of the text that provides the reader with finite bibliographic information pertaining to each pocket of data presented for each stock. CLARITY RANKING: 3 ANDREW MONTS, EDWARD J. JAKAITIS III Northern De Booy, Theodoor. Lucayan Remains on the In Lucayan Remains on the Caicos Islands, Theodoor De Booy has
discovered evidence that these islands were in fact inhabited during
pre-Columbian times. The author gives a first hand account of his findings
in the De Booy then gives some background information of the islands. He notes
that The article continues with
the authors’ results of his explorations
of the various islands. He notes finding bone and stone tools, as well
as, various pottery items. The author gives detailed descriptions as
to what kind of pottery he found and from what island he found it.
The article contains pictures of some of the pottery he found and he
has
also included some drawings completing shards of pottery he found.
De Booy also found petroglyphs in a cave on an eastern Caicos Island
of
Jacksonville. De Booy’s expedition appears
to be incomplete due to the lack of time he spent on the islands. He
felt that there were other remote places
to explore but did not have the time to do so. His article, although
somewhat brief, was easy to read and understand. CLARITY: 4 KAREN McCARTHY:
De Booy, Theodore. Lucayan
Remains On The Theodore de Booy discusses his evidential findings of Lucayan habitation
in various places throughout the De Booy begins with a general overview about the In this section of the article, de Booy breaks the This article contains factual descriptions of artifacts to support the
idea that the Lucayans inhabited the CLARITY RANKING: 4 JAMIE LYNN HOLTMANN Southern Emmons, George. The Kitselas of This article discusses the remains of several heraldic columns found
in the Kitselas region, in addition to briefly describing the general
topography of the turbulent The fourth village mentioned by Emmons, Kit-lth-sahok, which was at
the head of the canon on the southern shore. This is where the author
states the most extensive remains are. Due to large number of remains
found the author believes that this was the most important and largest
of the four villages. Some of the remains include structural posts and
beams from one on the communal houses, and roof construction, which the
author describes as unique among the Tsimshian and Kitikshan. Emmons
describes the roofs having heavy tree-trunk ridgepole supports in hollowed
out ends of two upright posts. These upright posts, of which the forward
end is carved into the head of a salmon, give the roof pitch. The author
states that in 1910, there were still three slender totem poles still
standing. These poles were rounded showed no chambers in the back for
mortuary uses. The author gives a few pictures of the totem-poles, which include one
representing a beaver sitting up at the base with carved parallel lines
above to represent teeth, another one as a frog at the base with a whale
above, one with a plain plate surmounted by a wolf, and finally one of
a human seated with a smaller figure enclosed. The author believes that the Kitselas, despite the abandonment of their
villages, were still in the area. He stated that many of the Kitselas
migrated to CLARITY: 4
Emmons, George T. The Kitselas of Emmon’s essay is based on the The people who inhabit this area are the Kitselas, who are descendants
of the Gitdsilasshoo. The Kitselas lived on the river permanently
and claimed it from Lorn Creek to the little canon below and were not
allowed to descend the river for trading because Tsimshian members
protected it from intruders. The grounds along the river allowed four
villages and had a population of approximately one thousand people. On
his early travels Mr. Hickey of the Hudson Bay Company observed that
the people lived in primitive simplicity, in communal housing and were
outfitted in skins, furs and trousers which were cut at the knee and
used as leggings. Tsune-ee-yow "landing people", Kit-ousht "people
of the sand bar" and Kit-lthsahok "people of the shore",
are some of the groups, which lived along the river. Totem poles mark
the ground where many of these people lived. Most are crude, rough
carvings, which the author suggests were signs that the people were
lacking in
artistic talent. Although the Kitselas have decreased in numbers,
they still exist. Their lack in numbers has been attributed to contact
with whites and the destruction of their role as middlemen during trading.
Some Kitselas still live in river communities with a small population
of approximately 60. However it was predicted that the building of the
Grand Trunk Pacific railway along the river would assist in the disappearance
of the reminders of native life. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Fewkes, J. Walter. The Problems of the Unity of Plurality and the This article represents a discussion at the U.S. National Museum in The amount of material in this particular essay makes concise listing
of information difficult so here are some of the highlights. First
are Aleš Hrdlička’s historical notes on how man came to the Their article containing a wealth of information, from a variety of
writers. Overall the writing is clear and easy to follow. The writers
use description and examples well to make their points clear. Although
some of their opinions may no longer be valued as true, these opinions
do offer an interesting historical perspective as to where Anthropology
was ninety years ago. CLARITY RANKING: 4 GERALD L. VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)
Fewkes, J. Walter et. al. The Problems of the Unity or Plurality
and the This article emerges from a session between the American Anthropological
Association and Section H of the American Association for the Advancement
of Sciences in 1911. These authors discussed different arguments for
the place of origin of man and aboriginals of There is also a geological theory presented by William H. Dall, which
examines the conditions of the continents as to whether the theory those
Natives emerged from Siberia, crossing the There are many sciences that have been used to theorize about the origins
of humans in general as well as the origin of man in CLARITY: 5 Fishberg, Maurice. Remarks on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contributions
to "School Anthropology". American Anthropologist 1912
Vol.14:131-141. In reference to an anthropometrical study conducted by Franz Boas, at
the request of the United States Immigration Commission during the
early part of the twentieth century, a preliminary report was submitted
to
Congress in December 1909 and was published around March 1910 with
a statement that it was not complete. Subsequently, Dr. Radosavljevich
submitted a critique of Boas’ preliminary work to American Anthropologist that
was published in the July-September 1911 volume of the journal. Maurice
Fishberg offers a scathing rebuttal to Dr. Radosavljevich’s article in "Remarks
on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contributions to "School Anthropology." He
accuses Radosavljevich of "throwing dust in the eyes" of
the readers, trying to impress them with lengthy quotes and irrelevant
information.
Furthermore, Fishberg accuses him of being dishonest and unfair to
Professor Boas. Additionally, Fishberg thinly veils his disdain that American
Anthropologist printed Radosavljevich’s article. The author first rebukes the criticism because it only addressed the
preliminary report, not the full findings. Secondly, Fishberg scoffs
at the notion that 30,000 individuals is not an adequate sample. He
accuses Radosavljevich of filling eleven pages with irrelevant information
on "mechanical-functional", "heredity," and "geographical-local" theories.
Then he reminds the reader that Boas had advanced no theories in the
preliminary report, so there is no theory for Radosavljevich to refute.
Additionally, he addresses the concern that Boas had assistants take
many of the measurements, which was and still is a common practice. Also
noted is the fact that Boas didn’t measure the height of the skull. At
the time of the study and publications, there was no reliable method
for measuring the height of the skull. Finally, Fishberg chastises Radosavljevich
for misquoting Boas, and attributing remarks from Senator Dillingham
to Boas. While this article wouldn’t offer the type of anthropological
data that is included in the three articles it refers to, it is quite
enjoyable to read. It offers a well phrased and supported argument. CLARITY: 4
Fishberg, M. Remarks on Radosavljevich’s Critical Contribution to "School
Anthropology" American Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14: 131-141 In defense of Franz Boas’ study on the influences of environment on
the formation of the human head, Maurice Fishberg offers harsh words
to Boas’ critic, Radosavljevich. Fishberg calls Radosavljevich’s critique simply, "poudre aux yeux" or "to
throw dust in the eyes". Fishberg states that Radosavljevich relies
on erudite writing and ineffectual quotations from experts instead
of hard proof to place Boas in a bad light. Fishberg calls most of Radosavljevich’s writing irrelevant to the subject
and unfair to Boas. Also, Radosavljevich is accused of quoting and explaining
experts just to use "big words". Throughout the article, Fishberg
calls Radosavljevich "pathetic", "unfair", "ignorant",
and arrogant. He makes no attempt to hide his implications that Radosavljevich’s
article is unfit to be published in American Anthropologist. This article is dripping with sarcasm and blatant distaste for Radosavljevich.
It displays an example of the conflict of theories in anthropology and
the intense emotions that it can arouse. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Fletcher, Alice C. Wakondagi. American Anthropologist. 1912 Vol.14:106-108. Fletcher provides information on the use and meaning of the Fletcher believes that wakondagi can only be interpreted in relation
to its context. She gives three examples of how the word is used in The CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fletcher, Alice. Wakondagi. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.
14:106-108. Wakondagi is a term used by the When gi’ is used as a suffix to mean "possessed by,"and wakonda
means "mysterious life power permeating all natural form and forces
and all phases of man’s conscious life." Basically, this corresponds
to the Ohama belief that a man’s power is directly related to his conscious
mind. It is commonly used while referring to a child’s independent ability
to speak or walk. The others recognize the child as an individual, gives
him a name and accepts him as part of the group. However, it is not considered
to be Wakondagi should you loose and regain the ability to walk or speak.
It’s only the first time that you were possessed by the mysterious
power that the term Wakondagi can be used to describe the phenomenon. The All in all, Wakondagi is accepted to explain actions, strange physical
appearances and invisible powers. CLARITY: 5 Fletcher, Robert. Columns of Infamy. American Anthropologist
1912 Vol. 14:636-642 While on tour of the Mediterranean Rear-Admiral Greer, of the United
States Navy, happened across a stone pillar in Initially there was very little information on Vacchero in Sismondi’s History
of the Italian Republics. Mr. Fletcher then found that an account
of the life of Julius Caesar Vacchero in the Archivio storico d’ Italia.
This rare historical document was located in the Library of Congress.
The story unfolds as such. Mr. Fletcher’s article shows how such a simple curiosity as a column
of infamy can reveal a story of interest provided one is willing to do
the research. Mr. Fletcher’s writing is clear and concise, and the
story is one of interest, and seemingly well researched. CLARITY RANKING: 4 GERALD VAN BOLT Cleveland State University (Jeffrey P. Williams)
Fletcher, Robert. Columns of Infamy. American Anthropologist,
1912. 14: pgs 636-642 This article looks at the discovery of columns in the waters of the The inscription is about a man named Julius Caesar Vacherie, who had
conspired against the This article is more a historical story rather than an anthropological
study. The arguments support the events that led to the inscription
on the pillars and a brief history of what happened. However I cannot
see
any scientific use for this article beyond a ‘bedtime story’. CLARITY 5 Goldenweiser, A. A., The Origin of Totemism. American Anthropologist.
1912 Vol. 14: 600-607. In his article, The origin of Totemism, A.A. Goldenweiser discusses
several prominent theories pertaining to the origin of totemism, and
then states his own theory on the matter. Totemism can currently be described
as a kin group uses an animal or being as a means of social identification.
These totems or the practice of totemism can be very complex and apply
to every aspect of a clan or tribes existence. He states that all the
theories indicate a plausible starting point as to the origin of the
totemic process. The theory proposed by the scholars who Goldenweiser
referred to as Hill-Tout suggested that the totem was a reflection of
how a clan viewed their guardian spirit. Goldenweiser did not disagree
with this point entirely. He disagreed with the notion that this religious
view was the single reason for the origin of totemism. The scholar, Haddon proposed another hypothesis discussed in the article.
Haddon proposed the taboo-theory on the origin of totemism. The taboo
theory suggests that totems are derived according to animals, hunting
them and the relations and localities of other clans. In fact he cites
the African tribal people the Bantu as deriving their practice of totemism
from this very phenomenon. The next theory, proposed by Spencer and Gillen, described by Goldenweiser
was the conceptional theory of the origin of totemism. This discussion
will not address this theory because of the lack of a suitable description
by Goldenweiser. As for the conceptional theory, it is believed by Spencer
and Gillen that clans derive their totems from spirits originally connected
with individuals. The conceptional theory again was discredited and referred
to as the least plausible of the aforementioned theories. The disagreement
once again stated on the grounds that the origin of totemism did not
evolve universally from one concept. The theory that Goldenweiser supported the most would be that of "the
late Andrew Lang". Lang’s theory also closely resembles the definition
provided at the start of this summary. This educated guess, apparently
titled Lang’s theory, purports that totemism is derived from animal and
plant names given to social groups. Goldenweiser recognizes the strength
of Lang’s theory but still dismisses it because he is not convinced
that there is a universal origin of totemism. The author’s discussion then addresses the notion that all of these
theories may in fact be particular features of a specific social
organization. It may hold true that the particular feature appeared first
in a said
clan or tribe and later developed into a totemic practice. The author, A.A. Goldenweiser, at this point begins to discuss ideas
and what he calls the totemic complex. Goldenweiser makes another
mention of the partial validity of the theories proposed by his contemporary
fellow scholars. He states that these theories may be stages or component
in the totemic complex. Furthermore, Goldenweiser states that the
totemic
complex involves the cooperation of "so many different agents.
Goldenweiser stated that all of the characteristics of the totemic
complex did not
arise independently, rather they were products of a process of diffusion
among clans. A tribe may be divided into clans or other respective social groups.
Each group may derive a characteristic of a totem, but is not yet involved
in the complex of totemism. The complex of totemism is initiated when
the characteristics are diffused through the different clans and at some
point entirely through out the tribe. Finally, in conclusion A.A. Goldenweiser, states his theory; the pattern
theory of the origin of totemism. The theory suggest that a totemic
feature may arise one at a time in separate clans, spread from clan
to clan,
each socializing the feature into there culture. This is the pattern
by which clans eventually evolve the totemic complex. A.A. Goldenweiser’s
pattern theory of the origin of totemism is solid. The discussion
altogether was difficult to decipher. However, it would be a valuable
article
for one researching the various aspects of totemism. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Goldenweiser, A. A. The Origin of Totemism. American Anthropologist
1913 Vol. 14: 600-607 In this article the author discusses the origin as well as the purpose
and significance of the totem. The author examines the many different
theories and arguments about the subject. The author argues that the
main purpose of the totem is regarded as the religious trait it had in
common with the individual guardian spirit and the animal protector of
a religious society. The author discusses three origins of the totem. The first by his study
in bush-souls. Another about the magical ceremonies of the Aranda
and the third with the Aranda’s curious beliefs about the conception
of children (the conceptional theory of the origin of totemism. The author
states
that no significance should be attached to the assertion that a certain
feature was the origin of totemism. The author believes that tribes are divided into different clans that
represent different parts of the totem. The central point of this theory
of the origin of totemism lies in the conception that the building up
of a totemic complex consists of a series of totemic features which appear
one by one, spread from clan to clan, become socialized in the clans
and absorbed in the complex. The theory may thus be called the pattern
theory of the origin of totemism. The author concludes by stating that the pattern theory may be regarded
as a theory of the origin of totemism only in so far as it represents
an attempt to suggest the mechanism of totemic processes, or what may
be called "the particular go" of totemic complexes. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hagar, Stansbury. The Mexican Maize Season in the Codex Fejervary-Mayer. American
Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 525-529. In this article Hagar discusses the Mexican maize season as mentioned
in the Codex Fejervary-Mayer. Hagar first uses excerpts of a paper
written by Duran in which Duran likens the asterisms with today’s zodiac
signs. A mummy, a symbol of the Death God, represents the zodiac signs
of Cancer,
Virgo and Libra, which are associated with the maturing of the maize
crop on the Mexican terrain. The author then goes into more detail about the depiction of the maize
growing cycle in the Codex. In a succession of illustrations the Water
Goddess is shown supporting a maize plant that is sloping. A cloud tree
that is located above the Goddess pours rain upon the burnt offering.
This represents the months of June and July (and the sign of Cancer),
when the young maize receives bountiful rain showers. Next the sky is
half clouded and half lit, suggesting August showers. The maize plant
is now much more erect and is supported by a god. Thirdly, the maize
plant is shown fully erect and ripening and is supported by the Rain
God who has brought it maturity. This corresponds with the zodiac sign
of Virgo and the month of September. Lastly, a drawing shows a small,
unfertile plant with a single ripe ear being attacked by four birds and
a mouse; a warrior deity protects it. This is interpreted as the barren
months of September and signs of Libra and Scorpio when the rain stops
and vegetation starts to die. In October the farmer tries to reap the
last crop driving away the birds and mice. The author explores the association of the Mexican zodiac signs with
the maize crop and accommodates the interpretations of many researchers.
The article will be of interest to those who are interesting in Mexican
astronomical symbols. CLARITY RATING: 2
Hagar, Stansbury. The Mexican Maize Season in the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. American Anthropologist 1912 14: 525-529. Right from the beginning of this article, Hagar is confusing. He opens
this piece with: "The writer has referred in a previous paper to
the group of asterisms which Duran pictures as governing the eighteen
month of the Mexican year." There is no information as to whom
the writer in question is, nor is he or she ever mentioned again. Furthermore,
there is no form of a thesis or even a description of what the following
article is about. Hagar continues to describe the symbols and sequences found on the various
pages of something called the Codex Fejéráry-Mayer, without actually
telling what this text is. He discusses these depictions, how they
are related, and the correspondence inferred from these relations. Hagar then begins to describe another sequence of images, these making
more sense, unlike the previous ones which he never actually refers to
again. It is unknown to the reader what importance these symbols infer.
The second set of images are much more understandable, and Hagar is much
more descriptive of them. He describes these representations and their
relations with one another and what each relation implies. In summary, this article could be a very well written description of
the text used to depict the harvest cycle of the Mexican maize season.
It fails to be so however, due to the poorly written introduction and
completely unrelated first topic. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Harrington, John P. The Tewa Indian Game of "Canute." American
Anthropologist. 1912 Vol. 14: 243-286. In this article, Harrington provides an in-depth account of a Tewa game
played by the Tewa Pueblo people of The object of the game is to guess correctly, on the third guess, which
of four sticks contains a pin that is hidden in one of the sticks by
someone on the opposing side. The sticks are anywhere from four inches
to over a foot long and made out of soft wood. There are two sides and
ten players or more on each side. Two piles of loose dirt are formed,
one for each side playing the game. Kernels of corn are used as counters
to keep track of the winnings made by each team. The game is played by
males only and can go on for hours. If the guesser finds the pin on the
first guess, his side has to pay the opposing side ten counters out of
their pool. If he finds the pin on the second try, his team gives up
six counters. If he guesses correctly on his fourth try, his team gives
up four counters. But if he finds it on his third guess his side gets
to keep the stick. The side that exhausts all of its counters loses the
game. Tactics such as taunting and singing are used to get the guesser
confused. Cheating and gambling for money and other possessions are regularly
practiced. The article gives detailed explanation, along with illustrations, of
the arrangements of the sticks and their representations. Sticks are
arranged to depict figures of celestial objects, animals, geographical
features, the human body and its parts, houses, and weapons. Harrington
adds that the series of changing figures and the overall antics used
in the game makes it entertaining for both the players and onlookers.
He believes that the connection between present and past cultures as
exemplified in the Tewa game brings value to archaeological as well as
ethnological studies. CLARITY RATING: 5
Harrington, John. The Tewa Indian Game of “Canute”. American Anthropologist 1912 Vol.14:243-286. In this article, John Harrington offers a detailed description, based on fieldwork, of the Pueblo Indian game Canute that has been examined by both archaeologists and ethnologists. This game is played only by men and is one version of the hidden ball games, which can be found in several Southwestern U.S. Pueblo Indians groups such as the Zuni. The equipment needed for Canute consists of four hollow, decorated, wooden sticks ranging from four inches to a foot and one quarter of an inch to two inches in diameter, a pin made of either wood, bone, or metal, and counters which consist of corn kernels, beans, or seeds. The object of the game is to collect all the counters by trying to guess the location of the pin. One of the teams tries to win the position of being the first to guess in the game by speculating as to which of the two sticks contains a pin. Once this is done, the team that has been selected to guess congregates around the opposing team’s loose pile of dirt or sand. On the pile sticks have been arranged according to one of the many patterns based on celestial formations, animals, geographic features, humans, houses, or religious dances. The guessing team must select the stick that contains the pin on the third guess in order to gain possession and therefore have a chance to collect counters. If the pin is found on the first guess, the team that hid it receives ten counters. If picked on the second deduction then six counters are given and four are given if found on the fourth guess. The counters are all placed in a communal pile at the start of the game and are removed as they are won. Once that community pile runs out, the counters are then taken from the opposing team’s pile until one team has sole possession of all counters. Canute, like most games, encompasses practices outside of the initial ground rules such as betting and cheating. Another example of a practice external to the game is the songs of encouragement that are often sung for the teammate currently guessing. More often, however, the opposing team sings songs to distract and tease the guesser. An additional aspect of Canute is the multiple techniques and various orders in which the sticks are selected when guessing the pin’s location. Such options include moving the three probable empty sticks aside, selecting one stick and then using it to hit the stick believed to contain the pin, or even dropping the primary stick to see which it hits and letting that be the next selected stick. It is these additional practices that Harrington believes supply onlookers with endless entertainment. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ELIZABETH H. HOLSAPPLE Harrington, John P. Tewa Relationship Terms. American Anthropologist
1912 Vol. 14:472-498. Tewa Relationship Terms by John P. Harrington is an article in
which Harrington trys to describe certain aspects of the Tewa language.
Harrington has gathered information from the villages of San Ildefonso, Harrington begins his argument by paying special attention of the use
of post-joined ‘e and notes that it does not appear to be used by
any other Southwestern language system. He comments on the various
uses
of this letter. Harrington goes on to comment how the Tewa, as do
most tribes
of the Southwest, have relationship terms for everyone even if they
are not family related by bloodline. Harrington gives some background information into the life of the Tewa
and their marriage customs. It appears that most women have at least
one child out of wedlock before they enter into marriage. Nevertheless,
the children of said marriages belong to the clan that the father belongs
to. The author then gives an account of how the children are named. Most
have an Indian name as well as a Spanish name, which is given to them
at Baptism. Harrington’s article then gives some relationship terms in a dictionary
type format that he has separated into four distinct headings: consanguinity,
relationship through marriage, sex and age, and miscellaneous. He
also provides relationship diagrams for reference. Harrington concludes his article by stating that he would have liked
to make his list more complete but due to time constraints, that was
not possible. This article was somewhat easy to follow and Harrington
appears to have some knowledge into this subject. He bases his article
on his own fieldwork as well as research he has done of Native American
languages. CLARITY: 4 KAREN McCARTHY:
Harrington, John P. Tewa Relationship Terms. American Anthropologist.
1912. N.S. 14: 472-498. The author, John P. Harrington, reviews in some detail relationship
terms found among the Tewa-speaking Pueblo Indians who at that time
occupied five villages northwest of Santa Fé, New Mexico and one village
in northeastern Arizona, Harrington describes the "common talk" of the Tewa as "more
descriptive terms denoting relationship are used than even our highly
analytic English system." Restated throughout the article is the
concept that relationship terms can reflect not only a blood-connection,
but also an implied relationship that Tewa children learn to use almost
immediately. He also highlights the postjoined ‘E, being used in many
of the terms, as distinct and noteworthy of future exploration. There are no resources or references listed after the article; however,
the author cites his resources where used. Harrington frequently cites
a Miss Barbara Freire-Marreco as being a source of information, but unfortunately
her relationship to the article is not identified. Relationship terms include words of Tewa and Mexican origin as the Tewa
at that time spoke both Tewa and Spanish. The terms are presented under
the areas of consanguinity, relationship through marriage, sex and
age, and a large "miscellaneous" category. Under consanguinity the reader will find defining terms for self
and direct lines such as mother, father, siblings, grandfather,
grandmother, aunts, uncles and cousins and the like. For collateral
lines, broader terms such as pa’ arE describe
not only familiar relations for elder brother and for elder
sister who is not married, but were also used to denote the relation
between any superior and inferior governmental officers. Relationships through marriages show the use of terms such as husband as
well as sex-age nouns such as old man, husband. Even more casual
definitions are found here with the word sa’E used both for daughter-in-law and
for the daughter-in-law of a relative or friend. The miscellaneous category reflects the most use of relationship terms
where the term does not necessarily reflect a blood-connection but an
implied relationship. These figurative terms were sometimes used
in conjunction with the Indian name to form nicknames such as Grandma
Beard, or more simply to describe a Tewa of the same age who was not
intimately related. Relationship terms were also found in Tewa myths,
for example in two ways of describing Giants. Of related interest are the social-cultural descriptions of everyday
Tewa life such as entitlement to children, names, naming and marriage
ceremonies. [It is noted that in describing the sexual practices of Tewa,
moral overtones used by the author were consistent with the time period.]
In addition, the author offers a goodly number of examples of Spanish
and Indo-Germanic language to contrast and clarify the Tewa terms and
definitions. CLARITY RATING: 5 Haseman, J. D. Some Notes on the Pawumwa Indians of Haseman has recorded a compilation of three years of fieldwork, which
took place in He explains how after first having met the Pawumwa, they were shaking
in fear. Even after he had learned a few words in their language they
would run and hide. He came to the realize that unlike the other Indian
tribes, the Pawumwa were not at all affected by the civilization of the
white man. In his more involved study Haseman recorded them as being
very peaceful. He records their agriculture as being adequate and well
distributed. And that the population had forms of authority within the
tribe. In concluding his observations on the Pawumwa tribe he ends by pointing
out that they are a nervous, excitable, cowardly race. And that they
have become dangerous due to contact with the white man. It is imperative
that they not be considered cannibals. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Haseman, J. D. Some Notes
on the Pawumwa Indians of South American. American Anthropologist April-June, 1912 Vol.14(2):
333-349 J. D. Haseman’s article gives a brief overview of the Pawumwa Indians
of Brazil. He mentions that
his purpose in this writing is to give his observations of the Pawumwa
Indians,
who in 1907-1910 were still untouched or unknown to the civilizations
of the “white man” . In the beginning
of the article he is very honest about the fact that he was the only
white man, with no interpreters, trying to communicate with the Pawumwa
Indians. Throughout the article he gave his explanations
for why the Indians did the things he observed them doing. When he comes across an example of the Pawumwa lifestyle
that he has no explanation for, he admittedly says so. Haseman begins with basic descriptions of the landscape, vegetation,
animal life and climate, so that the reader can become familiar with
his surroundings. He then goes
on to describe the physical aspects of the Pawumwa Indians. Haseman also explains how the agriculture
is preformed as a community, and labor is controlled by the chief. He discusses the process of courtship and
marriage. Along with things like
hunting styles and food choice and preparation. One of the most interesting observations
he made about the food that was eaten by the Pawumwa was that there was
an absence of salt in their food. He believed that their odd body odor was
due to a lack of salt in the food and urged that further studied be conducted. This article did not appear to be based on any formal scientific research
design. It was written to inform
others that this culture exists and needs to be studied further before
they become influenced by the “whites men” and rubber cutters of the
area. So in the end (and throughout) the article
he mentions a few areas where he felt further investigation and explanations
are needed, providing as much of the language he could and also listing
the places where Pawumwa Indians could be found. Overall this article gave a good starting description of the Pawumwa
Indians. The writing was interesting, and the article provides a basis
for further. Haseman does exactly
what he set out to do with this article: give his observations as much
as possible from the viewpoint of the Pawumwa Indians. CLARITY RANKING: 5 ASHLEY CASS Southern Laflesche, Francis. Osage Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist.
1912 Vol.14: 127-130 In this article the author’s objective is to describe marriage customs
of the Osage. The main focus of this article is to explain the two
forms of marriage recognized as a legal marriage amenable by the state.
These
two forms of marriages are called Mizhi and Omiha. Mizhi is
a marriage between the youth and the maiden and Omiha is where
both the youth and maiden have been married once before. It is believed
that at the age of puberty known as Tse’ga, no which means, "newly
grown" this is a marriageable age meaning one has reached adulthood.
The maiden and youth are not allowed to socialize with each other unless
they are in the present of relatives they are strictly guarded. Laflesche tries to explain the reason for the couple being excluded
from each other. He points out that it is the families’ responsibility for the arrangement
of the marriage and therefore the couple cannot get involved in the
affairs of their superiors. The family of the husband takes the initiatory step towards the marriage
of the their son. His parent’s duty is to find him a suitable wife. Also
his parents summon the old four men whom are called "Nigka do or "Goodman".
This is a man who has been married and raised children to adulthood.
Typically, this male has reached the age of being a grandfather. He
is knowledgeable and had gained wisdom by following tribal customs. Before accepting the marriage proposal the uncle on the maternal side
as to be consulted before the discussion is made because he has to give
his consent on the marriage. The uncle on the mother side is an important
influence and figure in the maiden life therefore her uncle has to be
notified before any life changing discussions are made. In this article the main focus is the tribal and marriage customs of
the Osage. Laflesche explains the initiatory steps taken by the families
and the youth and maiden in keeping tradition. He also explains the moral
and religious beliefs about cohabitation between a female and a male
and how it is considered to show disregard for tribal customs, as well
as denying parental authority. CLARITY RANKING: 4
LaFlesche, Francis. Osage Marriage Customs. American Anthropologist
1912 Vol:14 127-130 This is a short article discussing the two types of legally recognized
marriage amongst the Osage. First he discusses the Mizhi marriage, which takes place between two
people who have never been married. The woman must wait to be sought
out by the relatives of a man. If a relativeon the mans side finds
a female that will make a suitable wife, four men are sought out. They
are called "Nigka do he", meaning good man. They are the negotiators
between the two families. LaFlesche goes on to discuss another form of
marriage, the Omiha, between people who have become separated or divorced.
This process is a little shorter than the customs carried out in the
Mizhi marriage but no less important. In this marriage the man simply
sends a messenger to the woman with gifts. The man also gives the woman’s
parents gifts. There is a third situation that is not a legally recognized
marriage. Sometimes a young man falls in love with a woman but in fear
of opposition from the parents, he lives with her in secret. This is
called a "Gasho the migtho ge" meaning "in disregard of
tribal customs". The parents often want them to hurry up and get
married "legally" upon finding out about their cohabitation.
The man who went against tribal customs will never be one of the men
summoned as a "Nigka do he". This article is important in understanding the different kinds of marriage
customs there are in the world. CLARITY RANK: 4 Leuba, James H. The Varieties, Classification, and Origin of Magic. American
Anthropologist 1912 Vol. 14:350-367. Magic is defined as those practices that intend to secure some definite
gain by coercitive action in essential disregard of 1) quantitative
findings in the ordinary, and scientific dealings with the world, 2)
the anthropopathic
(i.e. the ascription of human feelings to a God) relations among
people. Magic frequently holds a coercitive power over people. It aims
to compel
souls, spirits or gods to do the operator’s will, or to prevent the
gods from doing their own. Leuba posits that this behaviour is a
religious type, but the actual use of the magical power secured from
the spirit
is magic. In order to understand the origins of magic, Leuba analyses
the widely used classificatory system of magic based on the writings
of J. G. Frazer. There are two major principles, all under the general name of Sympathetic
Magic because both assume that things act on each other at a distance
through a "secret sympathy". The first principle is the Law
of Similarity: the magician believes that he can produce any effect
he wants simply by imitating it. The second principle is the Law of
Contact
or Contagion: the magician believes that what he does to a material
object will affect equally the person with whom the object was once
in contact.
Both principles assume that things continue to act upon each other
at a distance even after the physical contact has been stopped. It
is completely
dependent upon the conviction that something that has happened once
will happen again. The major question is whether or not the "savage" acts on
one or both of these principles. Leuba believes that the savage uses
both types of magic, and that Frazer’s classifications are inadequate.
More importantly, the system does not consider Will-Magic. The Law
of Similarity has two tenets -- like produces like (e.g. if two things
have
elements in common, what happens to one will happen to the other) and
that an effect resembles its cause (e.g. want a tumor to dry up, therefore
make something else dry up). These effects produced by the magician
imitating, are not a requirements for will-magic. Therefore the law
is incomplete. Leuba adds several more principles: the principle of repetition (i.e.
if it happens once, it will therefore happen again), the principle of
transmission (i.e. action on one object will happen to another object,
if objects are connected in the mind of the magician), and the principle
of efficiency of will-effort (i.e. nature of power involved in magical
operation, and relation of the power to the magician). Leuba also proposes
an alternate classificatory scheme based upon the nature of the power
they illustrate: practices where there is no idea of power in the operator,
practices where the magician has powers that transfer from objects related
to him, and practices of will-magic whereby the magician feels his will-effort
is a factor. CLARITY: 4
Leuba, James H. The Varieties,
Classification, and Origin of Magic. American
Anthropologist 1912 vol.
14 In this article James Leuba discusses and attempts to classify different
forms of magic. He assesses
other authors’ classification systems before attempting to distinguish
the origins of these different forms of magic. James Leuba begins by looking at J. G. Frazer’s ideas on the classification
of magic according to the Law of Similarity and the Law of Contact
or Contagion. The Law of Similarity
implies that by imitating the effect that one desires you may achieve
a magical effect. The Law of Contact
or Contagion implies an object may be manipulated by another object with
which it was once in contact. Leuba
finds that Frazer’s classification is a good start but that it may
not be thorough enough. Instead, he
develops a classification system including three categories. The first category is the Principle of Repetition,
stating that if something happens once it is likely to happen again. The
second is the Principle of Transmission of an Effect from one Object
to Another, implying that if an object is linked to another in some way
you may manipulate one object through the other. The
third is the Principle of Efficiency of Will-Effort. In this principle,
the individual seems to will something to achieve the affect the individual
is looking for. After classifying magic Leuba explores a few of the possible origins
of magic. The “this” and “that” theory
is discussed first. Using magic
to preserve essential parts of life and to avoid catastrophe may also
be origins. Magic may also be
a spontaneous action or not be considered magic until a later outcome. James Leuba uses many examples to back up his arguments. He draws from the experiences and writings
of others to make conclusions that seem objective. CLARITY: 4 LAURA WARREN Southern Locke, L. Leland. The Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot Record American
Anthropologist, 1912 Vol 14:325-332. The Ancient Quipu, a Peruvian Knot Record, provides an explanation of,
as well as some basic instructions on reading the quipu that was
the Inca’s version of the abacus: an instrument that served to record
mathematical information. In the Quichua language the word quipu means "knot" and the
people in charge of the records were called quipucaymoyas. The Incas
possessed no form of writing and instead used the quipu as their form
of record keeping. Some have surmised that the quipu were also used
for royal orders, orations, poems, traditions and historical data, but
the
knots were used purely for numerical purposes. The article contains several pictures of the Quipu for visual aide.
It also contains details of their manufacture including a listing of
the materials from which they were made. The cords could be left un-dyed,
or dyed colors such as red, yellow, etc. A table of the different knot readings and colors is provided for further
understanding of the translation of the quipu. The article provides a thorough analysis of the Incan quipu knot record
and dispels any myths or confusion surrounding their purpose, which
was to record only mathematical records. Locke’s article also contains
an explanatory introductory paragraph by David Eugene Smith, which
neatly sums up the entire article. This is an excellent source of base
material
for anyone interested in the quipu. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Locke, Leland L. The Ancient
Quipu, A Peruvian Knot Record. American
Anthropologist In “The Ancient Quipu, A Peruvian Knot Record” Leland Locke examines
the use of quipus (ancient
knots) among the Incas of Peru. The
overall question considered regards the use of these knots as numerical
records and narrative pieces. Ultimately
Locke’s concludes that the quipus of the Inca were in fact used solely
for numerical purposes. Locke believes five sources must be considered when studying quipu. These sources include: 1) Spanish statements
made after the Conquest; 2) drawings of quipu; 3) surviving ancient quipu
specimens (mostly from Peruvian graves); 4) present day quipu; and 5)
first hand accounts of the use of quipu dating from the Conquest to today. Looking
at a specimen from the Bandelier collection in the Locke’s findings led him to believe that there is no evidence of quipus
being used for any other purpose than a numerical device. Record keeping seemed to be the only goal
in mind when using the quipu (not counting or calculating). CLARITY: 3 SARAH SOMMERS Lowie, Robert H. Some Problems on the Ethnology of the Crow and Village
Indians. American Anthropologist 1912. Vol.14:60-71. This article discusses a number of questions that developed while studying
the Crows and other neighboring tribes. The author uses the Arikara, In order to present proof of the influence of these neighboring tribes,
the author presents evidence in a series of "problems". The
first being the possible influence of the Caddoan tribes in the development
of culture in the Northwest Plains. He uses the influence of the Arikara,
which is confined to single societies or ceremonies. For example, the
earth-lodges of the Hidatsa, CLARITY: 4 Maccurdy, George Grant. International
Congress of Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology, George Grant Maccurdy outlines the events of the Fourteenth International
Congress of Prehistoric Anthropology and Archaeology, which took place
in At this congress, a few amendments were adopted that had been proposed
at the previous congress. First,
the official language of the Congress would be French, with English,
Italian, and German as secondary languages. Second,
studies submitted to the Congress would exceed no more than four per
author. Also, an anthropometric
commission was instated. This
commission convened during the Congress to formulate the International
Agreement for the Unification of Anthropometric Measures on the Living. In other words, it would name protocols for
the anthropometric (human bodily) measurements to be used by anthropologists
in conducting research. Recommendations
were also made for the next congress concerning the acceptance of the
Spanish language in the forum and the division of its program into three
sections: (1) the stone age, (2)
the age of metals and, (3) anthropology. Three additional resolutions were adopted. Slavic
societies were made to submit resumes in a specified secondary language. Reproductions
of prehistoric metal objects were to be casted in order to guard against
loss due to theft or natural causes. Finally,
the Congress was encouraged to forge amicable relations with the new
international congress. Maccurdy continues in with declaring the date of the next international
congress. He also notes the many
generous contributors in research and foresees that they would catapult
the progress being made in prehistoric studies. Also,
noted were the social functions and the excursions that were held by
participants. CLARITY RANKING: 4 SARAH RICHARDSON Southern MacCurdy, George Grant. Notes on the Ancient Art of In this piece the author’s objective is to inform the reader of various
forms of ancient art from MacCurdy provides more detail on the artifacts by explaining what creates
their physical construction. He describes a stone amulet formerly used
by the Indians of Talamanca as "rare and attractive in colour" and
continues with "The acid test reveals the presence of calcite. The
material is considered by Professor William E. Ford to be an impure limestone" (1912:314). The article’s basic argument is that these decorative ornaments were
mainly used as neck ornaments or used "in lieu of the more precious
figurines of gold" (1912:315). He backs up his argument by describing
how each tribe made use of the pieces: "The Talamanca chiefs on
great occasions wear gold ornaments, similar to those now found on graves
of Chiriqui" (1912:317). Normally, ornaments are made of more
precious materials. For many reasons one would not normally find ornaments
made
of clay, and where they existed, they symbolized a more appropriate
medium. The author successfully provides a clear understanding of the stones
and ornaments found within CLARITY RANKING: 5
MacCurdy, George Grant. Notes
on the Ancient Art of The main issue that author George MacCurdy dabbles with is the concept of imitation throughout Central American art. Art in this region is similar throughout the many tribes, and MacCurdy suggests that mimicry may account for some of this. He gives examples of specific artifacts and their resemblance to each other. A prime example is the stone Amulet of Talamanca. The amulet has the shape of a frog and is carved out of a material thought to be an impure |
.jpg){kind=small}
.gif){kind=small}