American Anthropologist
1911

Arthur, Parker C.    Additional Notes on Iroquois Silversmithing. American Anthropologist. 1911 Vol. 13: 283-293

This article by Arthur Parker is in addition to an earlier article he wrote, The Origin of Iroquois Silversmith. This article is primarily about brooches made by the Iroquois. Parker traces the European brooch from the burial mounds of East Yorkshire to Scotland and reviews the different styles of brooches made and the significance of the designs. Parker also believes that the Iroquois wore some of the brooches as national badges, (these are illustrated in the article). Parker goes into detail comparing the brooches the Iroquois made and the brooches the Scottish made and finds many similarities between them. The things Parker looks at carefully are the shape (for example squares, triangles and hearts) and engravings on the brooches to make comparisons. In conclusion Parker believes that purely native patterns are extremely rare and the occasional example is seldom found to be.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

COLIN COOPER   York University (Naomi Adelson)

Blake, Frank R.    Philippine Literature American Anthropologist July-September 1911 Vol.13(3):449-457

This article discusses the types of literature that have been written in various native Philippine languages. Blake describes the Philippines as being broken down into three different tribes of people, pagan tribes, the Mohammedan Moros, and the Christian tribes. Each tribe has its own language; some that are written, but most are only spoken. Blake gives examples of literature from each of the tribes and some brief background information on each.

Blake begins with the pagan tribes and explains how most of their languages are not written. Many of the works of literature of these people are written in Roman type and most of the authors are missionaries that have tried to convert them. Therefore most of the literature of this area focuses on religion as the main subject.

Next, Blake discusses the Moro people who have two main languages that are used in their area, Sulu and Magindanaw. These languages have both Malay and Arabic origins. The first Moro writings are in manuscript form and cover such subjects as, Historical annals, legal codes, religion, and fictional stories. Most all of the Moro books are written by Moros, unlike the pagan tribes whose books are written by missionaries.

The final people are the Christian tribes of the Philippines. They had different native languages before the Spanish conquest of the 16^th century but these were not written and are mostly forgotten. There are some works that were published in native languages however, such as Tagalog and Bisayan. The works that are written in these languages are composed in both prose and verse. Blake goes into detail about how these verses were linguistically arranged. The subject that many of these forms of literature focus on is religion. The most popular writings after religion are mythical stories that tell of fights between these tribes and the Moros of the south where the Christian tribes always conquer their enemy in the end. This is a popular theme because of the long history that the Christian tribes have of living in fear of the Moro pirates that would invade their villages. Blake also mentions various other forms of writing that these tribes have such as, newspapers and poetry. This tribe has the most extensive amount of written documents and they branch out to subjects other than religion and history.

I did not find this article to be difficult to follow. It was laid out well and the order was easy to follow. I would recommend this article to a reader looking for information on the various forms of Philippine literature without having to go into too much detail.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

AMY KROON   Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Blake, R. Frank.    Philippine Literature. American Anthropologist

July-Sept, 1911 Vol. 13 (3):449-457.

This article gives some idea of the extent and character of works in the various Philippine languages. Frank Blake begins by stating the three groups that the native population of the Philippine Islands falls into: the mountain pagan tribes, the Mohammedan Moros, the Christian tribes. Every tribe in each of the different groups has its own language, which is distinct from those of its neighbors. "These languages have produced little or nothing which can claim to be literature in the sense of elegant and artistic writing." (449) The author states that literature of the Philippine languages is literature only in the broader sense of written speech, and it is in this sense that he uses the term "Philippine Literature."

Blake goes on to discuss the languages of each group, beginning with the pagan tribes. Few of the languages of this group exist at all in written form. The Tagban was Palawan, an island that stretches from Borneo towards Luzon. The northern neighbors of this island are the Mangyans of Mindoro. The island and its neighbors possess native alphabets, which according to the author are probably not used except for short inscriptions. All other works in the languages of the group are printed in Roman type. They are all practically of a religious character written by missionaries for conversion and religious edification of different pagan tribes. The author concludes discussing the languages of this group by stating that only five languages possess any written monuments and none of them have more than one or two specimens.

The two languages of the Mohammedan tribes are Sulu and Magindanaw. Sulu is mostly spoken in the domains of the Sultan of Sulu, while Magindanaw is the speech of the most powerful tribe on the large island of Mindanao. The Mohammedan tribes are not familiar with printing and therefore their literary monuments all begin in manuscript form. They are written in a slightly modified variety of the Arabic alphabet. Blake classifies their writing into four headings: Historical annals, Legal codes, Religious texts, and Writing of varied character.

The Christian tribes constitute the most important element of the native population . According to Blake this is true because of their numbers and the high degree of civilization to which the group has attained. In the sixteenth century, during the time of the Spanish discovery and conquest, the now christianized Filipinos knew the native alphabets. Because none of these were preserved they were forgotten like the ancient alphabets. Blake lists the number of works published in the various languages of the Christian tribes. Bisayan and Tagalog being at the top, while Batan and Kalamian being at the bottom of the list.

Blake goes on to discussing the Tagalog verse by giving examples. He than discusses and gives examples of romantic and dramatic poems. The article concludes with the authors’ statement that if the Filipinos were destined to ever have a national language in which national literature could be written, that language would by Tagalog.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

DAGMARA ROMANSKA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Bushnell, David I., Jr.    New England Names American Anthropologist April-June, 1911 Vol.13(2):235-238

Bushnell is concerned with deciphering a document which was originally found at the British Museum, in London, England, and proving its validity/authenticity. The document is a list of Native American names for the rivers and streams around what was considered the New England area at the time. It also gives the names of different chiefs who resided along the banks of these waterways. The issue at hand is the deciphering of the document, and making a correlation between present day rivers and the ones that are listed within this document. This is due to the names being given in a dialect of Native American language, by an unidentified author, writing at an unspecified time period. Bushnell does however make an educated guess to the time period. He places it at the early to mid 17th century, based on associated documents signed by King Charles I, dated 1639, 1640, and 1644 (235).

Bushnell’s main goal (not necessarily an argument) is to determine which tributaries listed on the document correspond to present day rivers/streams. He is at least half successful in his endeavor. Some of the given names remain unidentifiable with current knowledge and resources, but others he is able to determine. He does this by way of comparing some later explorers’ maps, as well as other maps of the region which bear some (but not all) of the names given in his document. He goes on to conclude that since some of the names are the same, and the locations are in the same place on the maps, that his document must in fact be authentic.

This article was fairly clear in its intent. The writing is of a very old style, so it is a bit confusing at points; however, the general meaning can still be determined. The author’s goal is straightforward, and he goes about achieving it in a timely fashion. It is my opinion that the length of the article is key in getting his point across. By keeping it short and sweet, the reader has less chance of becoming disinterested in the topic.

CLARITY: 4

AGUSTIN PINA Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Bushnell Jr., David I.    New England Names. American Anthropologist 1911 Vol. 13: 235-238

This article presents the first concrete evidence of the origins of the names of rivers along New England’s coast, as well as the names of the chiefs whose tribes occupied those coasts. The author of the article speculates that the evidence for the names, that are in the form of a letter, were written in the first half of the seventeenth century, because it was signed by Charles I and includes the dates 1639, 1640, and 1644.

Although, after trying to verify all of the names mentioned in the letter by analyzing maps from that time period, not all were found. Even still, the author believes that enough names of streams, rivers and chiefs were identified to prove the legitimacy of the letter.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

RON SOREANU York University (Naomi Adelson)

Chamberlain, Alexander F.    On the Puelchean and Tsonekan (Tehuelchean), the Atacamenan (Atacaman), and Chonoan, and the Charruan Linguistic Stocks of South America American Anthropologist July-September, 1911 Vol.13(3):458-471

In this article, the author is trying to trace the linguistic roots of five Indian languages: the Puelchean, the Tsonekan, the Atacamenan, the Chonoan, and the Charruan. There is major debate and speculation on the origins and kinship of these languages. Puelchean and Tsonekan have been looked at as the same family of speech and often attached to the Araucanian language. Chamberlain sees Puelchean and Tsonekan as independent languages.

Puelchean stock lies in eastern and central Argentina. The affinity of the Indian group, the Puelchets, has been widely disagreed upon. They have been thought to be descendents of the Querandies, the wild Charruas, the Aucanian, and the Tsonekan. One author regarded them as a cross between the Patagonians , the Aruacans, and the Guaycuru. Some saw them as independent. Many more have, incorrectly, classified them as Pampas. Chamberlain lists many books of interest on the subject. He then gives examples of different people who have studied the Puelchean language and their theories of word use and origin, which he does for the following tribes, as well. The name Puelchean, was given to the tribe by neighboring Araucanian, meaning eastern people.

The Tsonekan territory spans the whole of Patagonia from the Rio Negro to the Straits of Magellan. The tribe, once quite large, now has less than 2,000 members. The name, Tehuelche, means southerners in Araucanian.

The Atacamenan and Chonoan languages are probably extinct, though descendents may speak it in small, isolated groups. The Atacamenan lived in the region around Atacama, excluding the southwestern portion. Chamberlain briefly talks of the importance of the Atacaman and the process of the extinction of the language. The Atacamenan name means belonging to, or native of Atacama. The source of the land name, Atacama, is unknown. The Chonoans inhibited the Archipelago of Chonos and the adjacent regions of the Chilean coast. Chamberlain speaks of different missionaries, colonization, and other influences on the language. Chonoan is derived from Chonos as in the Archipelago de Los Chonos. Chono is the name given by the Indians to themselves.

The Charruan’s territory is present-day Uruguay and somewhat beyond. Like the other languages, but to a higher degree, there was debate about the linguistic sources. The meaning of Charruan is disputed. Some possible meanings are my men, hurtful to me, i.e. my enemies, or what mutilated people, a reference to cicatrices and other mutilations.

The author give too many examples of other authors’ theories. In the beginning, it seems his goal is to trace the origins of these languages, but there is no evidence, nor a concrete conclusion. He is making a list and offering possible questions rather than answers.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

SALENA K. KOUNTZ Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Chamberlain, Alexander F. On the Puelchean and Tsonekan (Tehuelchean), the Atacamenan (Atacaman) and Chonoan, and the Charruan Linguistic Stocks of South America. American Anthropologist 1911. Vol. 13: 458-471.

Alexander F. Chamberlain is trying to prove within his work that each linguistic group listed, Puelchean and Tsonekan, Atacamenan and Chonoan, and Charruan are all distinct languages. In addition to that, also trying to be proven is that Puelchean and Tsonekan are two distinct languages of central and eastern Argentina. These hypotheses are supported by numerous bibliographical sources. The work, which is a data article, is divided into three parts. First the Puelchean and Tsonekan languages are discussed, second the Atacamenan and Chonoan language, and last the Charruan language.

Each linguistic group is first described by their location, geographically. The content of each section describing each group is basically an account of the works by many different authors, which are all listed in the bibliography. Each linguistic groups has its own bibliography listed within the specific section. The sources that are most powerful in supporting Chamberlain’s ideas are word lists that have been collected by other researchers. However, there were rarely any full grammatical descriptions given for any of the listed groups.

The main sources that Chamberlain listed to strengthen his research are mostly books, descriptions of findings from other researches expeditions, and small excerpts from other published works. A great deal of the sources are in Spanish, or a language similar to Spanish. All of the works that are listed were used to verify Chamberlain’s point about each of the languages.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

KATIE ZOOK, KYLE FOSKETT, BRIDGET BRENNAN, AARIS JACKSON Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo)

Chamberlain, Alexander F.     The Present State of Our Knowledge Concerning the Three Linguistic Stocks Of the Region Of Terra Del Fuego, South America. American Anthropologist January-March, 1911 Vol.13(1):89-98

The over all argument Chamberlain has put forth here is there is a difference between three culture groups and their languages. Although the language has no written form to support it can truly stand as a language.

The three different languages from Tierra del Fuel are Alikulufan, Onan and Yahganan, all from the same island but with different meanings. There are three different types of linguistic stocks thaat have developed in Terra del Fuego.

The writer is saying he knows these three cultures exist in the same place but it is possible for them to speak different language from each other. It is very common for people who live in the same area to have the same mother language. Language defines a culture and with these cultures having different languages they cannot be classified as the same culture. The Alikukufan, Onan And Yahganan never established a relationship with each other therefore why should their language share the characteristics? The author supports this argument by explaining the Alikulufan are in the northwestern section of the archipelago of Terra del Fuego. The author continues to support his explanation stating the Onan was in the northeen eastern portions of the large island of Terra del Fuego. Finally the Ona occupied the northern and eastern portions of the large state.

The evidence to support this article is substantial enough to provide an idea about the subject. The overall reading takes time to understand and must be picked apart. Although I am still confused, I believe he was trying to explain that these people developed different languages, cultures and should not be grouped together.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

TANEE ELSTON Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Chamberlain, Alexander F.     The Present State of our Knowledge Concerning the Three Linguistic Stocks of the Region of Tierra del Fuego, South America. American Anthropologist Month?, 1911 Vol.13 (?):89-98.

Chamberlain’s article discusses the distribution of human languages in the southern extremity of the American continent and the long fringe of the Arctic coast from Labrador to the Pacific. Through his research, Chamberlain discovered that there was only one language spoken by the Eskimo who inhabited parts of Greenland and the Arctic islands. Their language had no distinction, which may be present in other languages. On the South American continent, especially along the region of Tierra del Feugo, there were three distinct linguistic stocks, the Alikulufan, Onan and Yahganan. Further evidence suggest that there may be two other languages that existed in the same area.

In his paper, Chamberlain listed a collection of books written by individuals who were in contact with the people of Tierra del Feugo and documentation of their languages. The Alikulufan people, numbered in the hundreds, occupied the northwestern and western coast of Tierra del Feugo. The early writer Fitz-Roy listed their language as containing 208 words, but no grammatical data was recorded. As sources for his work, Fitz-Roy used four Fuegian’s who were taken to England in 1830 to be studied, but while there one died of small pox and the others were returned to their native land as Charles Darwin began his voyage around the world. The name Onan was known by different variations of the one mentioned. They occupied the northwestern and eastern parts of Tierra del Fuego and numbered around 300. There has been considerable doubt about the origin of their name; however the total vocabulary of each region had reached 112 words. The Yahganan occupied the southern region of Tierra del Fuego and in 1884 their population was listed at 949, since much of their population had died of epidemics. Reverend Thomas Bridges, an Anglican missionary, was said to have influenced their language and is credited with its existence. Early writers such as Haydes and Deniker had noted that 120 words of the Yahganan language were entirely wrong and the numbers 4-9 had never existed in the Yahgan language. Their contributions to the Yahgan language consisted of a French-Yahgan vocabulary, which was classified according to its relation with things from their culture.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

NEKEISHA MOHAMMED York University (Naomi Adelson)

Emmons, G.T.     Native Account of the Meeting Between La Perouse and the Tlingit. American Anthropologist. April-June, 1911 Vol. 13(2): 294-298.

The article begins in a setting of an area in the Gulf of Alaska. A glacier created this location, which is now a harsh and turbulent harbor. The unusual conditions of the harbor have attracted great numbers of sea otters, making Lituya ("the lake with in the point") as the natives refer to it, an ideal hunting ground. Similar to other early cultures, the Tlingit believe in nature having a spirit. The legend of Lituya tells a story of a cliff monster who lives near the entrance to the harbor. He is called Kah Lituya, "the Man of Lituya". He dislikes all disruption to his habitat and will grab ships with great tidal waves and shake them, often resulting in death by drowning. This legend is portrayed in a carved wooden pipe that has been used during clan assemblies and ceremonies.

In 1786, La Perouse, a French navigator, described this harbor and its shore as a possible port. He also gave a description of the country and its people. As he approached this area his ships were carried in by force and closely missed a wreck. During his stay, two of his ships were lost along with twenty-one men during a reconnaissance mission.

While Emmons was in the area he was told the story that has been passed down by word of mouth, of the ancestors and their first meeting with the white man. In this story they told of two boats being "upset". Many men drowned after a native man went aboard and did some trading with sailors whom the local people thought were crows sent by Yehlh, their bird creator. Exact dates can be authenticated by Native history because La Perouse was the only navigator to visit the area with large ships and such an occurrence.

The author has achieved his goal of establishing the meeting between La Perouse and the Tlingit. The article reads like a narrative story, while more information regarding could have been included for clarity and filling in gaps.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ANNE BREKKEN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Emmons, G.T.     Native Account of the Meeting between La Perouse and the Tlingit. American Anthropologist April-June, 1911 Vol.13 (2): 294-298.

Emmons in this article is simply detailing an ancient story about the encounter of La Perouse and the native people in Lituya Bay. He is not trying to prove a specific argument or, for that matter, trying to persuade the readers on a certain point.

His article is fairly short and does not provide any intellectual or resourceful information to readers.

He first describes the topography of Lituya Bay and gives details on the relation of spirit life and nature to the native Tlingit. Next he provides a short explanation of the legend of Lituya that accounts for the many drowning and canoe accidents near the mouth of the bay. Then he provides information on La Perouse and how he was successful in obtaining information about the natives and interacting with them in a positive and pleasant manner.

The importance of this story is acknowledged by the fact that it is continually told through generations orally and that it elaborates on the issue that natives are continually weary and unsure when encountering non-natives, especially "white men". They endow such encounters as mystical and risky because the formation of any social relations can have positive and negative aspects. In this case, it was the trading of certain objects for new and better materials. However, in other cases it can lead to extinction and slavery of the native people.

Because this is an oral legend there exist no concrete facts or data; thus Emmons does not provide evidence of this story expect for the fact that it was told to him by a principal chief amongst the Tlingit.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson).

Fewkes, J. Walter.     Further Notes on the Archeology of Porto Rico. American Anthropologist October-December, 1911 Vol. 10(4):624-633.

Fewkes wrote this piece as a follow-up to his Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring Islands, which appears in the Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, in part due to the influx of information he received following the work’s publication. In this article, Fewkes discusses various types of stone artifacts from Porto Rico; three-pointed zemis, a stone pestle, a mortar, a semicircular stone disk, an ovate stone with three knobs, an elbow stone, a clay cylinder, and a double bladed ax. Miss A. B. Gould donated many of the objects under discussion to the Smithsonian Institution a short time prior to Fewkes beginning his article, and the two pages of plates picture many of them.

He splits the three-pointed zemis into four different types; each category contains several sub-categories encompassing a range of variations. He believes the zemis may have been used for religious purpose as representations of supernatural beings to help spur the growth of the yuca, a plant used to make cassava, a primary source of food in the region, or as clan or family idols. A flat or slightly concave base and three points (the anterior, the posterior, and a large middle conoid point) characterize the appearance of the zemi. The variations include the representation of an anthropomorphic head of various types on one point, the depiction of appendages or lack thereof, the presence of indentations to represent joints, and a range of examples which contain both highly detailed and extremely simple designs.

In the last four pages of the article, Fewkes discusses the rest of the artifacts, providing written descriptions, brief postulations as to their use (often a couple sentences or less), and cross-references to similar items known to exist from the region. He frequently cites the help of other scholars, particularly those from the region, in contributing to his findings. The vast majority of examples discussed belong to the Smithsonian, other institutions, or the author’s collection.

Fewkes’ straightforward approach to the artifacts in question makes the article easy to read for an outsider to the discipline; however, the list-like nature of many of the discussions of individual items takes away from the piece, rendering the material dry. The essay functions more as an inventory of items newly introduced to the field at the time rather than as a source of extensive discussion of the various artifacts and their meanings. The reader will most likely find it most useful as a record of the information available on Puerto Rican artifacts at the time of the article’s publication or as a basic reference to a few types of artifacts found in the region.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ALYSSA L. BROWN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Goldenweiser, A. A.     Exogamy and Totemism Defined: A Rejoinder. American Anthropologist October-December 1911 Vol.13(4):589-597.

The author’s objective is to discuss and explain totemism and the form of exogamy in varies tribes. He does this in response to a critique by Dr. Lowie on one of his earlier papers on the subject. In the first page of the paper, he gives two conceptions of exogamy, one suggested by Dr. Lowie, "the rule against members of a group marrying among themselves-in other words, the rule of the incest group", and the other suggested by himself, "an exogamous relation is fully represented only when both the group within which marriage is prohibited, and the one into which it is permitted or prescribed are given"(589). Later he gives the actual dictionary definition of exogamy. The first few pages of Goldenweiser’s paper are spent giving examples between different groups, such as the Kamilaroi class and the Arabana clan and exogamy regulations. The two above groups are used to suggest that they may have been exogamous as parts as of phratries before they themselves became marriage-regulating units. Marriage regulations, he continues, can be positive or negative but not necessarily definite, nor does one necessarily determine the other. Goldenweiser continues to clarify this before he turns to totemism.

Totemism, he explains, is a process of specific socialization. Dr. Lowie, in his critique, poses two questions for Goldenweiser, who chooses to focus on only one, "In how far does it accurately represent the phenomena commonly designated as totemic?"(592). The author states that Dr. Lowie has misinterpreted his definition, misinterpreting Goldenweiser as having suggested that a clan name started with an individual and through descent became socialized. He continues on for the next two pages to answer Dr. Lowie’s first question, as well as to explicate what he was trying to define in his definition of totemism. As a final note, the author gives a few words to the concept of convergent evolution to totemic phenomena, that the functional factor in all totemic complexes are constant.

The author attempts to give a clearer view on concepts he has obviously discussed in a former paper and does a rather good job of it. However, the reader may have to review the essay several times before gathering a full comprehension of his examples and meanings for both exogamy and totemism.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

SHANNA CRUMMEL Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Goldenweiser, A.     Exogamy and Totemism Defined: A rejoinder. American Anthropologist June 1911. Vol 13: 589-597

Goldenweiser’s article is proof that there is no absolute, complete research. Research is always a work in progress, It is only an addition to the final product. There will always be someone to disprove or dispute your work after completion.

Dr. Lowie analysis of Goldenweiser’s composition was to benefit the subject of totemism for further knowledge, and to expose the holes in her argument. He suggests that Goldenweiser did not accurately represent the phenomena of totemism in her article. He believes that she is making generalizations and assuming the meaning of totemism as they understand it, psychologically and socially.

Goldenweiser sets out to prove the correlation between exogamy and totemism and to display the cultural construct of the actual definition. She also wants to make evident any misunderstandings Dr. Lowie may have had concerning her article.

He disputes her understanding of the term totemism. He believes that it may have some psychological and social factor to choose exogamous relations; however, this may not always be the case. For example, the Haida intermarries to show respect for one another. Her argument is constructed diplomatically and she nobly takes responsibility of her part in the misunderstanding, that perhaps she was unclear in presenting her arguments. She remains firm with her standing of her point that exogamy by our judgement is considered to be a marriage to any group outside your own clan. To them it is more psychological than genetic. The social aspect is a product of convergent evolution.

Goldenweiser did not claim to know all the empirical facts her article was written as a work in progress, she was merely giving statements of first principles. The article was meant as a foundation of an ethnographic study in the field.

CLARITY: 1

MELISSA MOKEDANZ York University (Naomi Adelson)

Hagar, Stansbury.     The Four Seasons of the Mexican Ritual of Infancy. American Anthropologist April-June 1911 Vol.13(2):229-234.

Hagar, upon reading a paper by Dr. Seler about picture writings, was drawn to a series of drawings in manuscripts of Borgiano, Vaticanus 3773, and Fejervary-Mayer. Hagar agreed with Seler’s assertion that the drawings are symbolic of priestly functions in Mexican ritual.

The drawings differ slightly from one another, but all three manuscripts may be compared to the descriptions of the ritual of the Mexican twenty-day periods. These periods are described by Duran in Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana.

The deities, or gods, in the first row are shown poking the eye out of a naked human figure. Hagar says that these victims are female and therefore, the intent of the drawing is to depict sacrifice. This is in conjunction with the thirteenth month, in which Duran describes the sacrifice of two young sisters representing famine and plenty. The sign Sagittarius (also the sign of sacrifice) governs the thirteenth month, so that is when the main sacrifice occurred.

The second row of gods refers to the ritual of infant stretching, according to Hagar. He says that during the eighteenth month, under the sign Pisces, parents stretched the limbs of their young children. They believed the children would not grow during the upcoming year unless this ritual took place. Nearly all the deities shown wear black masks on their faces to represent the winter season, which includes the signs Sagittarius, Capricorn, Aquarius, and Pisces.

The third row of deities show the gods about to cut the "naval-cord" of the infants with a tecpatl, or flint knife. At the end of the cords are flowers or jewels, something Hagar attributes to the way parents called their children "my jewel." This ritual falls under the sign of Gemini. This sign, under the fourth Mexican month, is when the ritual of purifying mothers who have given birth and the circumcision of the infants occurs.

The fourth row shows five female deities offering breast milk to infants. An emerald is featured in the drawings, probably as a symbol of breast milk. Under the sign Virgo in the eighth month was the sacrifice of women physicians and midwives. Virgo is the woman’s sign, and the deities depicted probably represent that.

The rituals depicted each fall under different signs at equal time distances. They each represent one of the four seasons. Gemini is the month of birth, Virgo the month of motherhood, Sagittarus was the month of sacrifice, and Pisces the month to ask for protection for the child.

Hagar says that when a child was born in Mexico, what was going on in the sky was documented and made an important part of the child’s life. The rituals taking place during the four seasons of infancy prove the importance of astrologic and astronomic beliefs in the Mexican culture. It is important to understand these ideas in order to explore the culture’s religion and symbolism.

The author is vague is his attribution of sources for this article. His objectives are unclear in the beginning and do not relate to his conclusion at the end of the article.

CLARITY RANKING:3

KRISTA CHAMBERS Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Stansbury Hagar.     The Four Seasons of the Mexican Ritual of Infancy. American Anthropologist 1911 N. S., vol.13:229-234.

In this article the author is fundamentally inspired by the scholarly work of Doctor Seler who details the representations of ecclesiastical purpose of the codices within Mexican rituals. Hagar is concerned with the symbols and meaning in the rituals that are performed by Mexicans for Mexicans as detailed by Dr. Seler. He specifically discuss’ rituals concerning the rights of passage for infants within Mexican society via ceremonies involving four major deities associated with a ritual pertaining to childhood or infancy performed under specific astrological signs Sagittarius, Pisces, Gemini, and Virgo symbolizing the four seasons.

The hypothesis proposes that Mexican ritual especially the four seasons of infancy, serves to accent how completely ceremony was wed to astronomic and astrologic relations within this society. The author persistently asserts that Mexican religious ceremony; rituals of passage, acceptance, and protection are manifested by way of the four season’s ritual that is indisputably associated with astronomic and astrological signs.

The argument is constructed almost entirely on secondary sources and is evidently brief. This article was written ninety years ago and provides an interesting look at ethnographic work done by anthropologists in the early part of the twentieth century. There are several illustrations of the ceremonies that provide a visual insight into the rituals being depicted.

The author provides an aforethought about the meaning of the four seasons ritual. He says, understanding the communion of religion and unconventional rituals associated with astrology and astronomic relations are important to better understand Mexican society. Considering the period of the article it is reasonable, as well as, providing a brief synopsis of the fieldwork cultivated by the original writer Doctor Seler.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

GIROLOMA D’ALESSANDRO York University (Naomi Adelson)

Howe, George P.     The Ruins of Tuloom American Anthropologist October-December, 1911 Vol.13(4):539-550

Tuloom is a ruined city on the coast of the Yucatan, in the Mexican Province of Quintana Roo, just south of Cozumel Island. Howe believes Tuloom may be the center of a distinct archeological province that extends from the south of Cape Catoche to the Rio Hondo. Other ruined cities are in this region both on land on the islands of the coast and other ruins have been reported in the interior. These ruins were likely occupied for a long period up until the Spanish invasion.

Howe visited Tuloom using information and maps made by Stephens and Catherwood on a previous trip in 1840. Howe admits that his visit was short and superficial due to fears of an imminent Indian attack. Howe’s main point in publishing this description of Tuloom was to "call attention to the large and important area of Maya culture that is yet unstudied"(548) and to obtain support of the Mexican government through use of thirty soldiers as escorts.

Howe finds previous maps of the area by the Stephens expedition to be mostly accurate. The city is surrounded on three sides by walls and on the fourth by the sea. In the center of this is a small series of buildings, which surround a court. The court has a mound in the center "with no trace of a building on it, but with traces of steps on all four sides"(541). The entire area is covered in dense jungle, which made exploration difficult.

The buildings of the interior show two Maya styles, the typical Maya vault and others with flat roofs supported by columns. The buildings do not appear to have been residential. The walls are surrounding the city are made without mortar and are in good condition. The gates through the wall are only three feet wide and "reflects that these people had no beasts of burden"(543).

The site appears to have been religious in nature. Stone altars for burning copal are filled with ash and the walls of buildings show evidence of extensive painting. The walls were probably not built for defense, as there are only two watchtowers, which are not built near the gates. There are also no loopholes for arrows on the outer walls. Inside the walls is a large amount of unused space and there are reports of a large number of buildings outside the wall, which leads Howe to believe that this was a religious site.

This article is fairly clear and to the point. Most of the descriptions serve to give the reader a general idea of the ruins and to generate interest in discovering more about Tuloom. Howe supports his idea that this is a religious site by comparing some features to other Maya sites; however, his claims that Tuloom is the center of a distinct cultural area are not backed up at all in his report. As Howe admits, this piece was published to gain backing for further exploration at Tuloom.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

SHAUN GODWIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Howe, George P.     The Ruins of Tuloom. American Anthropologist 1911 Vol.13 (12): 539-550.

Howe believed that the ruined city of Tuloom, on the coast of Yucatan, was a city of a very early date. It was first mentioned in 1518 by Juan de Grijalva, and later in 1840 when it was visited by Stephens and Catherwood. Howe also believed that Tuloom is the center of a distinct archaeological province.

There are directions included in this article as to how one might reach the ruins, and a map of Tuloom describing what one may find once inside the walls. Although Howe gives many details of his journey, the map he is using was produced by Stephens. Howe compares most of his findings to those of Stephens, and uses Stephens’ work also to help himself locate other points of interest. Howe is also able to explain in detail, according to Stephens’ map that is provided in this article, where chambers, wall paintings and corridors were found. There is also exhaustive detail given about the construction of the buildings, from the style and materials used, to the number of steps and the width of the doorways. Howe does state however that the ruins constructed of the typical Maya vault are for the most part in an excellent state of preservation. Howe also makes note of several findings of a figure of a god in the position of a man diving.

Howe initially felt that the walls of Tuloom were built for defence. However, throughout his research he began to think differently, as there were only two watchtowers and a number of ruins on the exterior sides of the walls.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

PATRICIA A. FALCONI York University (Naomi Adelson).

Jenks, Albert Ernest.     Bulu Knowledge of the Gorilla and Chimpanzee. American Anthropologist January-March, 1911 Vol.13(1):56-64.

At the time this article was written, it was almost impossible for the white man to have intimate knowledge of the gorilla. The purpose of this article is to present information on gorillas and chimpanzees in German West Africa. The author requests data on this subject from Francis Guthrie, recently from Kamerun province, German West Africa. The majority of the evidence written is not from Guthrie himself, who speaks the Bulu language, but from his contact with members of the Bulu tribe.

The article lays out a brief summary of both gorillas and chimpanzees, including some short statements on kinship, and sleeping and eating habits. Many of these features include specific examples from members of the Bulu tribe which are also commented on by Guthrie. The information is not only an account of pure observation, but it is also a comparative analysis. Both the gorilla and chimpanzee societal structure and habits are compared and contrasted with those of humans and shown to have certain similarities.

Aside from the factual data, there is also a folktale in addition to the summary of each animal. Altogether, these accounts of both fact and myth provide the reader with both a scientific reading as well as a fun, story-telling reading, which adds enjoyment.

Although the reading was short and provided basic, non-detailed accounts of the gorilla and chimpanzee, it was interesting and flowed nicely. Readers of this article will come out from this entry with both a basic understanding of these animals as well as the satisfaction of learning about a mythical aspect of the gorilla and chimpanzee.

CLARITY RANKING:5

SUSIE CAIN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Jenks, Albert Ernest.     Bulu Knowledge of the Gorilla and Chimpanzee. American Anthropologist 1911 Vol. 13(N.S.): 56-64.

In this article, Jenks is presenting the Bulu’s knowledge of the gorilla and the chimpanzee according to the data of Francis B. Guthrie. The facts obtained by Guthrie were by his informant and other Bulu tribe members. The data is intimate knowledge of the gorilla and chimpanzee, which is only known by the Bulu.

The gorillas in Cameroon live in small companies never exceeding fifteen, usually with only one or two males. When a male becomes old, he usually goes off by himself either by choice, female refusal or by the younger males forcing him out. The female gorilla bears only one child per pregnancy and holds the child like a human mother does. The gorilla makes his bed on the ground with fragments from the forest. Gorillas never sleep in the same bed suggesting they are seasonal migrants. They only attack when the family is in danger or when a male is attacked. They are considered very strong and crafty. The Bulu give an example of when a band of gorillas was attacked. "The old gorilla first got his family to safety and returned to the encounter. He made a considerable detour to ambush the hunters." The Bulu rate the gorilla as one of the most superior in the animal kingdom. The Gorilla and the Man and The Child and the Gorilla are folktales of the Bulu showing how close the Bulu consider the gorilla to themselves.

The chimpanzee carries many of the same characteristics as the gorilla but are considered by the Bulu to be the wisest of all the animals. The Bulu also consider the chimpanzee nearly half-human because of certain characteristics. Examples of human behaviour are, the Bulu believe, that chimpanzee take bright red or purple vines and wear them as bracelets, gather leaves to plug up his wounds as bandages and also make camp fires without ever lighting them. The most important characteristic the chimpanzees have is human-like emotion. An example of this is when the Bulu hunt them, the chimpanzee waves his arms as an appeal to not shoot him. The Bulu consider the chimpanzee as almost human. The Bulu have folktales of the chimpanzee and an example given is The Story of Creation.

This article demonstrates the closeness the Bulu have with the gorilla and the chimpanzee and how they regard these animals.

CLARITY RATING: 4

JOHN PARENTE York University (Naomi Adelson)

Kroeber, A.L.     Incorporations as a Linguistic Process. American Anthropologist. October, 1911 Vol.13:577-584

The author’s objective is to ensure that noun incorporation has no essential association with pronominal incorporation. The author refers to a recent paper on this subject. Dr. Sapir notes that there is exclusion between these two methods. He states that if you have a pronominal incorporating language, there is no need for noun incorporation. The opposite is also true. Tradition has assumed that pronoun incorporation was a type of noun incorporation, and vise versa. This subject had been completely misinterpreted. "This leads to a new conception: incorporation is no longer an essentially objective process… but is non-syntactical in its nature" (578).

Noun incorporation is when two words merge into one word of the noun object and the verb begins to perform as the predicate in the sentence. Noun incorporation usually occurs mainly in general verbs or verbs that occur frequently. In a couple of languages, noun incorporation does not depend on enduring actions or qualities. In fact, this process is not grammatical however it is etymological. Noun incorporation helps in the development of words.

The author makes one last point. He states that there are four classes or types of languages that have to be recognized. The first are those that allow compound nouns, but do not accept compound verbs. An example of one of these languages would be Aryan. The next class is those that tolerate compound verbs but not the compound nouns. The Iroquois have this type of language. The third type is those that authorize both. The language of the Uto-Aztekan allows for both to occur. The last class is those that do not permit either. The Eskimo have a language that uses neither.

The author accomplished his goal of pointing out that noun incorporation has no essential association with pronominal incorporation, but at a mind-numbing cost. This is a very hard to understand article about linguistics. If you are not fond of linguistics, stay away from this article.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ADAM COHEN Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Kroeber, A. L.     Incorporation as a Linguistic Process  American Anthropologist 1911 v:13, p.577-584

This author focuses on Dr. Sapir’s analyses of language comparing nouns to the American language. There is much reference to Sapir’s paper "The problem of Noun Incorporation in American Languages". Kroeber reiterates that noun incorporation has no necessary or inherent connection with pronominal incorporation. There was a big assumption that noun incorporation was merely a form or phase of pronoun incorporation (or vice versa) and that as long as this view prevailed there was no hope of a corrected analysis having such evidence accumulate. This was generally a big misunderstanding and this point of view will continue unless proven otherwise.

Kroeber talks about Sapir taking the writer’s definition of noun incorporation as ‘the combination of one word of the noun object and of the verb functioning as the predicate of a sentence’. The definition exacts not only a certain type of word formation, but also a logical relation between the elements, which is unreasonable. Kroeber argues that the basis of the definition was historical rather than logical.

The article then looks at the difference between what is inherent and what is accidental. This idea has frequently been found expressed in different languages, for example, agent nouns (ending in ‘er’) are used habitually if not exclusively to denote occupation or customary action. Here, Kroeber brings Dr. Lehmann’s discovery alongside Sapir’s work. They both see noun incorporation as etymological, not grammatical. English permits compound nouns but does not tolerate compound verbs. Four classifications of languages must be recognized according to these men.

1. Those that permit compound nouns but not compound verbs (i.e. English/European)

2. Those that allow compound verbs but not nouns (i.e. Iroquois)

3. Those that permit both (Uto-Aztecan)

4. Those that tolerate neither (Eskimo)

Sapir’s paper shows precisely what takes place in a number of languages under designated incorporation circumstances.

Kroeber concludes by summarizing pronominal incorporation and noun incorporation are different and aren’t connected, and that pronominal incorporation is a grammatical process. He also states that noun incorporation is sometimes a composition or etymological process which differs from the familiar process of noun composition and that all languages belong to one of the four classes mentioned above accordingly, as they form compound nouns, verbs, both or neither. Overall there is no evidence of any kind of incorporation that so far as its process or method is concerned is different from the processes occurring in European languages and it is more reasonable to assume that there can be no such difference rather than that there must be.

CLARITY: 3

LIVY FELDGAJER York University (Prof. Naomi Adelson)

Kroeber, A.L.     Phonetics of the Micronesian Language of the Marshall Islands American Anthropologist July-September, 1911 Vol.13(3):380-393

Kroeber’s concern in this article is determining if certain common features of American Indian languages can be determined to exist in other regions than the western part of North America. The specific common features under scrutiny are the stopped consonants. In many cases they are characterized by being only one at each point of articulation, and differentiated according to position in the word. Additionally, those that precede vowels are an "intermediate" between surd and sonant. The author’s records of some dialects in the Caroline Islands and certain Polynesian languages show a great inconsistency in the writing of surd and sonant stops as to evoke suspicion that there may be only one series of intermediate stops in these languages as well.

Kroeber investigated if this phenomenon of intermediates extended to other localities by examining a crew of Marshall Islanders. Mechanical experiments were set up in which an apparatus consisting of needles attached to rubber diaphragms at the end of tubes inscribed tracings on smoked paper. Kroeber found that Father B.A. Erdland’s dictionary and grammar of the Marshall dialect was satisfactory, yet his description of the sounds was somewhat incomplete.

Kroeber gives full descriptions of the sounds and tracings obtained for the vowels, stops, nasals, affricatives, laterals, and trills. He points out many mistakes in Erdland’s phonetic description by pointing to the tracings that are included at the end of the article.

Kroeber shows that the character of Marshall consonants is greatly affected by their position in the word. He states that with a few exceptions, all final consonants are entirely surd. He goes on to say that all medial sounds are sonant, and all initial consonants begin as surds and are invariably voiced as they approach the vowel. Kroeber writes, "in the case of stops this means that the occlusion is surd, at least the last part of the explosion sonant; in the case of continuants, that there is some flow of breath before the voicing sets in." (388) He demonstrates that the nature of the consonants is determined by the following rather than the preceding vowels by the fact that finals are entirely surd, initials partly sonant, and medials entirely sonant. Kroeber concludes that these phonetic traits are duplicated in the Pima-Papago language of Arizona, and numerous other features appear in a number of American languages. With regards to the dialects of the Malayo-Polynesian stock, the Marshall dialect seems to be phonetically greatly specialized.

This article is very difficult to read and to comprehend. The use of linguistic terms is extensive and leads to confusion if your knowledge of these terms is limited. There are even a few points in the article where Kroeber quotes Erdland in German, assuming the reader can decipher what is written.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

JUSTIN LEBIECKI Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Kroeber, A.L. Phonetics of the Micronesian Language of the Marshall Islands. American Anthropologist July-September, 1911. Vol.13(3):380-393.

Kroeber surveyed a crew of Marshall Islanders in order to determine similarities and distinctions among American Indian languages in comparison to western European regions. This notion derived from a realization that some dialects in the Caroline Islands and particular Polynesian languages contained inconsistencies in writing of the surd (unvoiced) and sonant (voiced) stops, arising suspicion that there may be only one series of intermediate stops among these languages. In his examination of Father B.A. Erland's dictionary and grammar of the Marshall Islands, Kroeber found certain aspects to be satisfactory, though lacking in other areas. Kroeber established this through a created apparatus consisting of needles attached to rubber diaphragms at the end of tubes which were reproduced on smoked paper. Although Kroeber focused predominately on surd and sonant stops, his results enabled full descriptions of vowels, stops, nasals, affricatives, laterals, and trills.

In Kroeber's analysis of vowels, he reveals that the initial voiced consonants begin as unvoiced sounds, such as hemen which is pronounced as 'emen. Stopped consonants are formed in three positions: initial, medial, and final in respect to p, t, and k. Thus, the placement of the consonant in a word greatly affects if the consonant will produce a voiced or unvoiced sound. Similar to Native Californian languages, in initial position, the word begins in sonancy and concludes in surd. In medial position, the sounds written as stops were usually voiced and fricatives: "flinty" for plenty; "pish" for fish; "thongue" for tongue; and "shome" or "djome" for some. In final position, stops are faint to the ear: "Gilbert" is either kilua or kiluat. Most nasals are heavily voiced, and when pronounced, the mouth is closed imperfectly. Medial, /m/ is a much heavier vibration than the English version of this phoneme. The difference shown in stops and nasals is determined by its position in the word. The affricatives are shorter in English and the Marshall /j/ is similar to the Malayo-Polynesian t or s. Marshall l and l are like the Polynesian l-r. There are also two r sounds (r and r), which are simpler to differentiate that the l and l. The initial r produces no trill vibrations in initial position. R produces the sound dj, and the line of explosion is followed by a gradual rise.

Ultimately, this article was very difficult to follow due to its overwhelming usage of outdated linguistic terminology. In addition to these linguistic terms, the author presumed the reader's knowledge of German. Also, the article was so greatly detailed that it became difficult to distinguish which portion of each section was most significant.

CLARITY RANKING: 1.5

JULIE WEINBERGER, JACKIE UZANSKI, DANA HILDRETH, JULIA GILBURD Northern Illinois University (Giovanni Bennardo)

Lamere, Oliver and Paul Radin.     Descriptions of a Winnebago Funeral. American Anthropologist July-September 1911 Vol. 13(3)437-444.

This article addresses the rituals of a Winnebago funeral. The Winnebago tribe is located in Nebraska. The article goes through step by step the rituals of an actual funeral of a member of the tribe.

In June 1911, a prominent member of the Winnebago tribe, Mr J. M. died. The first step according to the Winnebago customs is to contact Mr J. F., a member of the Wolf clan. The deceased is a member of the Bear clan and according to Winnebago customs every clan is paired up with another and each member has duties to perform. This is why Mr J. F. is called upon when Mr J. M. died. Throughout the funeral every member of the funeral ritual has a certain duty to perform which the article describes. Mr. F’s duty is to take charge of the ritual. He must dress the deceased, lay the body in the casket, bury him and conducts the funeral wake that lasting four days. Mr. F must invite all others who wish to participate in the feast. Mr. A. W., a member of the Bear clan goes through the Bear clan ceremony. One of the most important aspects of the ritual is to paint a red mark across his forehead, a black one with charcoal immediately below this one and daub his entire chin red. This is explained in the article, when Mr. A. W. states, "It is for the reason that I have made the marking upon the face of my son, in order to be recognized by his relatives in spirit-land."(438). In this speech, Mr. A. W. addresses the beliefs of the Bear clan which is that death should not be looked upon as a mournful thing but instead a belief that the same happiness should come to them during life. The tribe believes that one should not cry but instead keep up good spirit.

The Winnebago tribe believes that the soul of the dead hovers around the tribe for four days and that is why the rituals last four days. Food is served in this four day period with the belief that the deceased is joining the feast.

After several speakers, the casket is loaded on a spring wagon and taken to the Winnebago cemetery and lowered into a grave. The members of the funeral party all step over the grave because the ground is believed to be holy.

The same rituals are done for the four nights. On the fourth all the guests are thanked for their donations and gifts. At midnight games are played and the donations are rewarded as gifts. The tribe usually plays the game that the deceased was fond of playing. The widow is told to go on with her life and not to mourn. She is told to choose her next husband and to enjoy the rest of her life.

This article was easy to read and follow. I enjoyed the contents of the article and found it enjoying and interesting to learn.

CLARITY: 5

AMANDA DEKARSKE Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse).

Lamere, Oliver and Paul Radin.     Description of a Winnebago Funeral. American Anthropologist April-June, 1911 Vol.13(2): 437-444.

As the title of this article suggests, both Lamere and Radin are reciting an account of a Winnebago funeral of a member of the Bear clan.

The actions and the certain activities carried out in funerals are based on the practices of ancient ancestors. It is customary for the funeral to be planned out and organized in a particular way in order for the soul of the deceased to travel to the spirit land without any difficulty or abstractions.

They do not attempt to prove or persuade a specific point or argument; rather, they simply describe what happens during a particular Winnebago funeral and explain the importance of some of the actions and objects used during the funeral.

Lamere and Radin first point out the specific social roles of participants in the funeral and then describe certain actions performed and their purpose, such as the dressing of the deceased and the painting of his face. At the end of the article, Lamere and Radin provide a brief description and explanation of how the widow is supposed to act after the death of her husband and some of the social implications dealt with in the activity of weeping and mourning.

Because the authors do not address any concerns or arguments within this article it might appear that it provides no useful information about any particular issue. However, this article implicitly provides interesting information on certain social roles carried out during the funeral and how society views the deceased and his wife during this period of mourning and weeping.

Although Lamere and Radin provide this information straightforward without acknowledging certain issues and problems, they disclose in a footnote at the end of the article that this funeral can be carried out differently in accordance to specific clan beliefs and practices.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson)

Lowie, Robert     A New Conception of Totemism American Anthropologist April-June, 1911 Vol.13(2):189-207

In this article Lowie summarizes and critiques "Totemism, An Analytical Study" by Dr. Goldenweiser. Lowie starts off his article by presenting the traditional veiw on totemism as being: "an integral phenomenon which is everywhere essentially alike." (189). Lowie then goes into his summary of the first part of  Dr. Goldenweiser’s paper. In this first section Dr. Goldenweiser questions the traditional view of totemism and suggests that there is a difference when dealing with different cultures. In the second part of Dr. Goldenweiser’s paper he focuses on totemism and exogamy; his main point is that they do not have to coincide. The next part of his paper focuses on different cultures and their marriage rules. He particularly goes into depth discussing who is acceptable to marry in a society; that is who they can and cannot marry, or exogamy and endogamy. Dr. Goldenweiser wraps up his paper by jumping back to the first argument discussing the significance of totemism; he also goes briefly into the role religion plays in totemism.

After presenting a summery of Goldenweiser’s paper, Lowie discusses his opinion of Goldenweiser’s findings and presents his own view on them. Lowie especially goes into detail about Dr. Goldenweiser’s interpretation of totemism. The author believes that his definition "limits the field of totemism too narrowly by an exaggerated emphasis of the element of descent." (205). Lowie believes that there is a lot more involved in totemism and that Goldenweiser perhaps has oversimplified it, leaving out important aspects. He states that Goldenweiser gives the reader a good foundation of understanding totemism, but leaves a lot of open ends. Lowie also states that his paper is sometimes difficult to interpret, and one can find it hard to grasp Goldenweiser’s main points.

This article does an excellent job of summarizing and critiquing Dr. Goldenweiser’s paper. Lowie also does a good job evaluating his paper, and questioning Dr. Golenweiser’s findings. His summery is well organized, easy to follow, and understand. Lowie does a complete job presenting Dr.Goldenweiser’s arguments; and provides enough evidence for the reader to understand the general ideas in his paper.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

HEATHER MCISAAC Michigan State University (Susan Applegate Krouse)

Lowie, Robert H.     A New Conception of Totemism. American Anthropologist April-June, 1911 Vol.13: 189-207

This article presents a critical view of the paper of Dr Goldenweiser concerning the topic of totemism. This paper challenged the traditional view of totemism, which claimed that this phenomenon is similar in every totemic society. Lowie argues that Dr Goldenweiser has proven that it is impossible to define the term "totemism" in any traditional, concrete conception or definition. However, instead of abandoning the term, he sets out to create a dynamic definition for it. His main argument is that the objects or symbols being worshiped now were originally of emotional value to individuals. With descent they became values for definite social groups. This fact would explain the differences Dr Goldenweiser encountered between totemic cultures of the American North-West coast and ones in Australia. Those groups were the main focus of the article. They were chosen to disprove the original theory because they are both totemic societies, yet the old definition failed to account for the relatively radical differences between the two.

Lowie praises Dr Goldenweiser for his innovative approach. He claims that it is a real breakthrough in the field of totemism studies. He also has a critique of the new theory. He argues that it allows for things previously not looked at to be classified as totemism, and things that were once though of as totemic to be excluded. Religious institutions are being one of the things excluded; Lewis disagrees with that idea. The fundamental objection to the new theory is the fact that "it is frequently impossible to determine whether it correctly represents the historical process of association" (Lowie 205). It is basically impossible to prove or disprove whether or not a totem name was once a designation of an individual, which led to socialization of that name over time. Lowie prefers to describe it as association of a name with social groups (e.g., the Iroquois.) Author acknowledges that he may not have completely grasped the ideas of Dr Goldenweiser, and that a lot more research needs to be done on this subject.

CLARITY: 3

LUKASZ DZIEDZINSKI York University (Naomi Adelson).

MacCurdy, George Grant. Anthropology at the Providence Meeting with Proceedings of the American Anthropological Association for 1910.   American Anthropologist   January-March, 1911   Vol. 13:99-120. 

This report by George G. MacCurdy on the AAA’s 1910 annual meeting covers business and administration matters and provides abstracts of presented papers. The abstracts are interesting glimpses into anthropological works at the time, though the most revealing aspects of MacCurdy’s report are actually the mundane workings of the meeting, those proceedings concerning people and money.