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Beyer, Herman The Symbolic Meaning of The Dog in Ancient Mexico American Anthropologist July-September, 1908 Vol.10 (3): 419-422 The author’s objective is to describe in detail the role
dogs played in ancient Mexican civilization. The itzcuintli, "dog" was
the last of the thirteen constellations of the old Mexican zodiac, it
was regarded as the image of a dog’s head. According to Beyer, the dog
was a symbolic animal of the dead. The Mayan hieroglyphic of the dog
consists mainly of the thorax of a skeleton. When the inhabitants of
ancient Beyer believes all this shows that Xolotl, who carries the sun, has been conceived as a parallel to the guide and carrier of the human soul, the dog. He also states that Chantico, the Fire Goddess of Xochimilco, whom signifies the "sun in the underworld," was transformed into a dog. In conclusion the author explains that the dog primarily represented a constellation. The author accomplishes his goal and objectively states his theory. The short article was easy to read and extremely informative, however it is my personal feeling that the article should be read slowly to understand the connections between Mayan beliefs. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Bushnell, David L. An Early Account of Dighton Rock. American Anthropologist April- June, 1908 Vol.10(2):251-254. Bushnell’s article on the Dighton Rock is not his account of the rock
but instead is a description of the rock by Sir Issac Greenwood. Sir
Issac wrote a letter to the Royal Society in the 1730’s. Sir Issac writes
of the inscriptions found on the Dighton Rock in In the letters Sir Issac tries to hypothesize where the inscription or "indentures" on the Dighton Rock originated. There are two reasons that are discussed. One being that the inscriptions are artless impressions of the Natives. The other reason Sir Issac discussed is "that they are a Memorial in proper Sculpture for some remarkable Transaction or accident."(252). Sir Issac states that the belief that the Natives are not the sole designers of the inscriptions. The evidence for this being that the Natives lacked the skills or knowledge to design these inscriptions. Sir Issac’s second argument is that Natives didn’t have the proper tools to form such accurate inscriptions in the rock. Third, Sir Issac believes that the Natives would have designed birds, beasts, and fishes, instead of the unique designs found on the rock. Lastly, Sir Issac believes that the Natives were not creative or imaginative enough to design such inscriptions. Sir Issac states that some believe that these sculptures were the work of Indians sharpening the heads of their arrows or that they were first formed by this way. Sir Issac disagrees with this idea by stating that there are no more indented rocks around. If this were the custom, there would be many more rocks indentured like this one. As for Sir Isaac’s second hypothesis of the origin of the inscriptions, he states that it is a memorial of some sort, made by several individuals and possibly of Oriental character. Sir Issac states that the extraordinary skills are both of ancient and modern Oriental design. Either way the letters do not state the exact origin of the inscriptions on the Dighton Rock but instead only beliefs or opinions. This article was different from other articles because it was letters and not the author’s observations. I did not find it difficult to read; however, there were parts that I had to read over again to fully understand. The letters are written in older English so that some words were difficult to interpret at first. For example the word risq was in the article and after I figured out that it meant risk it was easier to follow. CLARITY: 4
Bushnell, David L., Jr. The Account of Lamhatty. American Anthropologist October-December 1908 Vol.10(4): 568-574. The Account of Lamhatty is a manuscript that relates to the Creek Indians of Virginia. It is the account of an Indian named Lamhatty who was held captive by a group of Tusckaroras, a tribe who destroyed several nations of Towasa, Lamhatty’s tribe. The manuscript recounts the history of Creek Indians during 1706 and 1707. It was either written by or dictated to historian Robert Beverly, author of the History of Virginia. The manuscript is written on one page, with a map drawn on the back of the piece of paper. The account is written using language style of the early 1700s. It begins with Lamhatty’s arrival on the north side of Mattapany in 1707. The author of the article, David Bushnell, identified and defined the names of the towns mentioned in the manuscript and drawn on the map. The manuscript summarizes the relations between the Tusckarora Indians and the Towasas Indians (the tribe to which Lamhatty belonged). The Tusckaroras made two attacks on the ten nations of the Towasas; the first of which destroyed three nations. The second attack destroyed four nations. Lamhatty was captured in this "second comeing." Lamhatty, at the age of 26, was captured and carried north through Lamhatty evidently was ill upon arrival and "became very melancholly after fasting and crying several days together." He left when the warm weather arrived and was never heard from again. The second part of the document discusses the Towasa’s
arrival in Bushnell goes on to quote a manuscript written by a member of General Oglethorpe’s expedition to the Creek towns Lamhatty from which hailed. The manuscript is from 1740, a few decades after Lamhatty’s capture. The narrator in the manuscript talks of being greeted by the Indians in a friendly manner. They drank a special black tea with them, dined, and later watched the Indians dance. The member of the expedition describes the homes and costume of the men and women of the tribe. He tells of the way they use a mortar made from a tree to grind corn for flour. The author of this article uses brief, clear descriptions to introduce the manuscripts he used in the article. He could have omitted the manuscript by a member of Oglethorpe’s expedition, as it did not directly pertain to Lamhatty, the main focus of the article. CLARITY RANKING:3
Bushnell, David I. Jr. Research
in Bushnell’s first concern is to correlate the time that
the mountains in the southern part of The author makes a point that many tribes frequented the valleys of
the The author accomplishes his objective in this article by pointing out
that Native Americans had frequented the area of the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dixon, Roland B. Notes on Achomawi
and Atsugewi Indians of In this article, This article was well-written. It imparted knowledge without being boring. The information is intriguing. Dixon’s writing is clear and understandable. The details given about the different foods and how they are prepared, the clothing styles for men and women, the use of animals, hunting tools, and ceremonies are very interesting. However, he should have given a better description of "Berdashes" than just "men-women", because the reader does not quite get the feel of the role of someone who is a berdash. (p.217) Anyone interested in the lifestyles of either of these two Native groups would find this article useful. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Emmons, George T. Petroglyphs in Emmons expresses the need of the primitive man of all regions to portray
a history of the past and in essence to record the story of his life.
This is done by cliff drawings called petroglyphs. The subjects of the
study used were the Tlingit of southeastern These murals, which have endured the elements, are present at or near sites of old villages. They are on boulders, beach rocks and embedded in sand near the shore at sea level. The individual art is made by a pecking on the stone, and almost always represents a story. The older carvings display less realism, but have more detail. Often lines and other designs that have no meaning are displayed, connecting the story or picture link the characters. Animal designs are dominant representations of family divisions. Emmons also articulates that the selection of surfaces is determined by the image employed, so that it might cover the most area. The article concluded with a series of examples of these petroglyphs and detailed explanations as to their relevance and interpretation. The author is very informative, while at the same time enjoyable to read. He includes personal observations and tells stories of his discoveries that are pertinent to the paper. Also, the images presented give a broad but clear view of the petroglyphs that were studied. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. Ventilators in Ceremonial Rooms of Prehistoric Cliff-Dwellings. American Anthropologist 1908 Vol.10: 387-398. Fewkes’ archaeologically-oriented article focuses on a characteristic of ceremonial rooms in the Native American Southwest. The pueblo-building peoples of this area constructed ceremonial centers which Fewkes introduces by the Spanish name of estufa (meaning “stove”). Fewkes discards this term in favor of the more ethnically informed Hopi word kiva. Kivas are most often semi-subterranean, rounded, roofed structures with inner access gained through a hole in the ceiling. Usually kivas have a smaller hole through the bottom of one wall that led up to the surface outside of the kiva. Fewkes states that the purpose of the air holes is to provide better air ventilation within the kiva. The author begins his essay with an exposition. Taking nothing for granted, he describes
kivas, their construction and supposed function, to the reader. He explains that this knowledge is gleaned
from excavation and from speculation based on ethnographic work among
contemporary native groups in the region who still use kivas (Fewkes
notes their construction and appearance has changed markedly by his time). This expository section is long and detailed,
comprising the first half of the article. Fewkes is sure to note every facet of kiva
anatomy, also mentioning exceptions when some kivas diverge from the
plans he details. To support his
position, Fewkes quotes from two fellow investigators of prehistoric Following his description of kivas, Fewkes mentions four contemporary
hypotheses on the function of the small lateral openings. The first is that the holes serve a ceremonial
purpose. He discards this proposition
as too vague to adequately prove or disprove. The second theory is the openings are chimneys. This
hypothesis is quickly dismissed due to the fact that none of the small
openings in any kiva studied show any signs of exposure to smoke or ash. The
third idea is the holes are passageways into and out of the kiva. The
author argues this is not likely given that the majority of these openings
are not large enough to accommodate a child much less an adult. The
final hypothesis, the only remaining logical choice, is that the holes
serve as ventilators for the kiva which lack windows and have only one
small entrance overhead. In countering
critics, Fewkes states that CLARITY RANKING: 5 WILLIAM H. RUDOLPH
Gerard, William R. The Term Tomahawk American Anthropologist 1908 Vol.10:277-280 In this article, Gerard traces the origin and meanings
of the term tomahawk. The term comes form a combination of many sources.
The Renape of Virginia
have several similar words to tomahawk. Tamahak is another version of
tamahakan, which means something used for cutting or a cutting utensil.
Tamahaken means he uses for cutting. Tamaham means he cuts. The English
settled in the Renape territory in 1607. These Indians used tomahawk
as in "a stone ax or hatchet employed as a weapon of offense and
an implement for cutting or, more accurately, chopping wood." (277).
Many Englishmen had different definitions of the term. Captain John Smith
mentioned it first as tomahack, meaning, and a long stone sharpened at
both ends." (277). Strachey defines it as a stone with a handle
of wood used to cut down trees or other large things. Stratchey also
lists cunsenagwus and taccahackan as synonymous words. Consenagwus means
long stone cut in half. Taccahackan means pickaxe. Many Virginia-based
names, like raccoon, opossum, and tomahawk, traveled to The author should have described the tomahawk first, explained the words used with its base word, and then delved into its origin. There were too many examples for a simple point. Overall, it is very to the point, though in a slightly illogical order. CLARITY RATING: 4 SALENA K. KOUNTZ:
Gilder, Robert F. Recent Excavations at Long’s
Hill, In October 1906, Robert F. Gilder discovered what appeared to be ancient human remains at the site of a burial mound in Douglas County, Nebraska called Long’s hill. The skeletal remains were labeled "Nebraska Man." Extensive excavation of the site turned up many more remains, most of which, in the opinion of Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, were from a later period, "closely resembling the bones of the modern Indians" (62). One year later, Gilder went back to Long’s hill for further excavation. He carefully details the remains and artifacts that he found and how they were situated in the mound. What he describes sounds like ritual burial, with personal effects being found with some of the bones. Another characteristic of the site was an area of baked clay and charcoal and calcined bones suggesting that the bodies had been burned. Gilder goes on in the article to describe other archaeological finds in the same area but at locations other than Long’s hill. This article is quite descriptive and easy to follow. The language that Gilder uses is not too technical to be understood by someone with a casual interest in archaeology. The purpose of this article is not to prove anything but rather to describe what Gilder found and he accomplishes this quite effectively. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Harrington, M.R. Catawba Potters and Their Work. American Anthropologist July-September, 1908 Vol.10(3):399-407 This article serves two purposes. The first objective is to describe the people of a modern Native American tribe, the Catawba. These people have taught the art of pottery to generations as a trade and a pastime. Although they have recorded a written and spoken language, the people of the Catawba tribe speak mostly English and practice the Morman religion. Catawba pottery is used by both the tribe and the general public. Pottery pieces created for public use include cooking pots, bowls and jars, vases, pitchers, and pipes. The Catawba people surrived in such a modern world by integrating the pottery of their culutre to the market of the modern world. The second objective is to provide an explicit description of the processes involved in creating the work of the people, pottery. The process of manufacturing pottery is detailed and requires all the members of the households. Potters make use of tools that are both historic and modern. The tools used for pounding, coiling, and slipping the clay include a pestle, mussel shells, modelers, and piercing implements. The author also provides the Catawba translation for these tools as well as various terms related to Catawba lifestyle. Clay harvesting is also described here by the author and he points out that tools used for this process are of modern design. This article serves to provide a basic background on the Catawba people and their trade. Examples of Catawba language usage and clearly defined pottery techniques make the author’s objectives apparent. This article also provides many photographs that capture the Catawba people practicing their trade. The arrangement of how-to techniques with the accompaniment of pictures provides a clear understanding of the Catawba potters and their work. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Harrington, M. R Vestiges of Material
Culture among the Canadian The author’s objective is to describe the old material
culture of the three bands of Delaware Indians he researched, giving
insight into their
customs. The Indian bands referred to themselves as Lenape. They held
organizational ceremonial observances at the Harrington uses these items to explain the three bands of Indian cultures in detail. He found in Moraviantown the preparation of cornfoods in Indian style, with woven baskets used in the process, providing some explanation of their agriculture system. The Indians had a creative resourceful culture with their baskets woven certain ways for different ceremonies. According to Harrington there was a considerable number of old specimens saved by the Indians as mementos. These mementos gave Harrington more information about their culture and customs. Harrington describes each bowl, saying they occurred in two forms, the hemispherical and the oval forms. The tribes were very aware of their environment and knew how to use it. They had wooden mortars for corn crushing. The basket was woven so the held a load of goods but worked well with being carried on the flesh. They carried on their chest, forehead, and backs. There were ornaments made of silver for example, hair bands, finger
rings, and culture that they have left crosses. The difference in these
pieces distinguished the Iroquois from the The article was not hard to read and during his description of the artifacts the readers could picture for themselves the object. He uses an example of a child’s shoes. The Indians cut two holes in the bottom of the child’s shoes to keep their souls from being snatched. In another example an Indian woman gave him a wooden doll formerly used to represent one of their gods. But since many converted to Christianity their religious artifacts are useless. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Harrington, M. R. Some Seneca Corn-Foods and Their Preparation. American Anthropologist January 1908 Vol.10(1):575-591. The object of this article is to set forth principles native methods
of corn preparation still in use among the Seneca Indians. The author
visited the Seneca reservations in Their great staple was "white corn" or what they sometimes call "Tuscarora". "The ear is often of good size; the grains white, smooth, or dull luster, and rather soft; the taste delicious when eaten green on the cob, cooked as hulled corn, or prepared in numerous ways known to Seneca cooking." (575-576) The author describes three other types of corn, in this same fashion, used by the Seneca; red corn, black corn, and flint corn. In this article he also comments on the nine or more varieties of beans that "vary in size from that of a small pea to a large lima bean; in shape some are globular, some flat, some long and cylindrical, some ordinary bean shaped; while in color some are solid blue, others brown or yellow; some are blotched, others are speckled with reddish or bluish tints." (576) Harrington tells how they make the baskets used to prepare the foods and separate the foods. "A hulling bag of archaic form still survives (...) it is made of three sets of basswood bark strips, woven together so as to produce hexagonal openings like those in the seat of a cane bottom chair, but too small for corn to pass through." (578) This article was a very easy read; the author makes it easy to understand and very clear. CLARITY RANKING:5 NAHALA BUYCKS:
Herzog, Maximilian The Brain-Weight of the Filipino American Anthropologist January-March, 1908 Vol.10(1):41-47 This short article, by Maximilian Herzog, was written to address the
physical representation, in brain-weight, of what was believed to be
the inherent inferiority of the Filipino people. The subjects of this
article were male Filipino prisoners of the Bilibid prison of Herzog continues in his article to delineate his process of post-mortem removal and weighing of the brains from the subjects. While he was unable to compute directly the relationship between brain weight and body size due to limitations in his resources, he was able to make estimations based on average body weights of 1,000 Filipino people. He determined a relative brain-weight ratio of 1:40, by listing the brain weights of all of his subjects, and comparing it to the list of average body weights. He pared the numbers down to account for the pureblood nature of his subjects as compared to the general population, which includes mixed Spanish and Chinese-Filipino Mestizos, who tend to be larger in size. Herzog clearly subscribes to a racist ideology of cultural evolution and hierarchy, with the "childlike" Filipino people near the bottom. However, based on his notion that the brain-weight representation was indicative of higher brain functioning, he determined that the results of his study were "certainly not discouraging to those among the Filipinos as well as among the American people who claim that the Filipinos as a people may be educated to the same degree of civilization as the Western nations. The average brain-weight determined is high and it…compares quite favorably with the brain-weights of the western nations" (47). Even with this recognition of the "potential" of the Filipino people, or perhaps even because of it, this article remains offensive and racist. However, in recognition of the beliefs of the time period, it may be possible to overlook such beliefs as ignorant, and the recognition of similarities between European and Filipino brain-weights as a step in the right direction. Regardless this was a clear and concise article that utilized charts and explanations to determine its validity. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hewett, Edgar L. The Groundwork of American Archeology. American Anthropologist January-March, 1908 Vol.13:591-595. The article addresses American archeology and its contribution to understanding pre-historic Native American cultures. The author believes archeology helps the understanding of the "cultural evolution" (591) of Native Americans before the influence of European cultures. He sets out methods and modes of understanding the past by studying the remains left behind. The author gives four ways to study American archeology. The first of these is studying the material remains, followed by the study of "survivals of their intellectual achievements" (591), then looking at "recorded observations" (591) of Native Americans made by people living at the time, and the last is by studying the current rituals, traditions, and ceremonies to better understand those of the past. Evidence of social order, esthetic sense, and spirituality are seen through material evidence of buildings, art and symbolism respectively. The author also divides Native American history into two epochs. The first he defines as being before outside influence, before the time of the European infiltration, a time of "racial isolation" (592). The second epoch he defines as starting after the coming of the Spanish. This time is marked by the realization by the Native Americans of their cultural limitations. In the second epoch the author also states that the Native Americans began to incorporate some of the European culture into their own. Their "arts, industries, and social conditions" (592) were changed by the influence of Europeans. Because of the blending of the culture, the author explains that the study of American Indians at this time period is much more difficult than in periods previous. He states that Native American culture must be "subjected to critical analysis" (593) during this time as a result of the social forces of the mixing civilizations. The prehistoric history of Native Americans is easier to understand, according to the author. The reason is that people adapt to their environment in definite ways and have no outside influences to contend with. This makes the processes shaping the culture easier to understand. The author also aims to understand the relationship between and within Native American tribes before European influence. To do this " requires long and laborious study of fixed remains in the field as well as of the movable antiquities to be found in the museums of the world" (594). He also points out the importance of studying archives in American archeology, much of which he believes still await discovery. He believes these documents must be examined by experts, as the events in them may be exaggerated by those observers of the time. Finally, he closes with a definition of the duty of archeologists. He states, "the first task of the archeologist is to rescue the material and intellectual remains of the people whose history he is seeking to restore" (595). However, he adds more to their duty list, including uncovering the "genesis" of cultural events. It was very hard to understand the point the author was trying to get at throughout the article. It appears to have no definite organization, and he often repeats his same ideas. However, his explanation of the duty of an archeologist was thorough. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Holmes, William H. The Tomahawk American Anthropologist April-June, 1908 Vol.10(2):264-276. As Holmes begins to prepare for a brief article to be published on the tomahawk, he finds himself in search of the term’s origin and what implement it was actually used to describe. To begin, he first turns to the brief Indian vocabulary written by Captain John Smith in 1607. He finds several versions of the word, as used by Indians, to describe various forms of English tools and weapons. Holmes found no reference made, in turn, to the tomahawk as a word used to describe an Indian tool or weapon. Strachey, the secretary of Jamestown Colony, came to similar findings as well in 1610-1612. However, he does introduce the Indian word cunsenagwus as the name given by Indians to their implement similar to an English hatchet. Not until a hundred years later would the term tomahawk appear in literature written by Beverley who mentions, "quite through the Bark with their Stone Hatchets, or Tomahawks" (266). Unfortunately this is in direct opposition to a passage found earlier in his work describing Indian tomahawks as resembling the "Faulchion us’d by the Prize-fighters in England" (267). Because of this, Holmes is quick to dismiss Beverley’s work as contradictory, finding himself left with only the works of Smith and Strachey. On top of this, the works lack any true ethnological value, because as Holmes later points out, they have all in some way plagiarized the drawings of John White or their reproductions produced by Hariot. The only non-plagiaristic drawing is actually found in Beverley’s work, labeled plate 10, which represents the implement actually observed by Beverley. His drawing depicts three globe-shaped clubs catalogued as tomahawks by him; needless to say, they look nothing like either one of his descriptions provided earlier. As Holmes continues to pick away through miscellaneous works, he finds one reference made by a colonist named Van der Donck of the New Netherlands around 1650 clearly referring to the small axes used by Indians as tomahawks. A later reference found by Josselyn, a year later clearly refers to the tomahawk as a globe shaped club used as a weapon, not unlike the drawing found in Beverley’s work. As Holmes moves onto mid-eighteenth century authors, he encounters the works of Rogers, Dwight, and McCulloh to name a few, who all in some way see the term tomahawk as transferred from war-clubs carved into various shapes, to war-clubs modified into small battle axes or hatchets. Morgan adds a twist to this in 1904 by stating, "before the tomahawk came into use among the Iroquois, their principal weapons were the bow, the stone tomahawk, and the war-club" (274). In the end, Holmes is unable to satisfactorily conclude if the term tomahawk was used by colonists to describe various Indian weapons or tools, or if it was an Indian term used to describe various weapons or tools or just one weapon or tool. Not to mention that, if it does in fact refer to only one weapon or tool, what does that weapon or tool looked like? What is it composed of? Has it evolved? The frustration expressed by Holmes about this is clearly felt by the reader, who in turn has a tendency to become lost in the numerous examples provided. CLARITY: 3
Hough, Walter Otis Tufton Mason American Anthropologist October-December, 1908. Vol.10(4):660-667. This is an obituary of Otis Tufton Mason who was born in Mason also shifted his field of study to the people of Mason collected thousands of tribal names and where they appear in different
texts. The collection contributed to the founding of the Bureau of Ethnology
in 1879 and the publication Handbook of American Indians. Also
in 1879, Mason signed a call for the formation of an Anthropological
Society in In 1884, Mason left the preparatory school where he worked since 1872
and became the curator of the department of ethnology in the While working to arrange the museum, Mason developed an arrangement
to study inventions like throwing spears and basketwork. This classification
system of inventions took into account variation between tribal modifications
and environmental causes. Mason hoped this system could provide insight
into where or in what context these inventions occurred. It was soon
realized that not everything in the Mason seems to have been well liked by his colleagues who admired his hard work and optimism. The biography is straightforward and easy to read. The events of his life are only partially listed in chronological order in the article, which is confusing. The passage regarding "the idea which Professor Mason had in mind" (662) is extremely vague concerning his contribution to classifying items. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Joyce, T.A. The Southern Limit
of Inlaid and Incrusted Work in Ancient In this article the author describes two pieces of inlaid and incrusted
work from The dagger is carved out of a long mammalian bone and is shaped like a closed left human fist. A long blade is formed on the area that would be the upper arm. The engraving and inlay are found on the handle. There are ten panels of design on the arm, and, "along the under surface of the arm and thumb are disposed irregularly a number of anthropomorphic figures" (17). The first panel on the left of the hand has a design of a trophy of arms with a shield, two spears, and a stone-headed club. The panel to the right has designs of birds, jaguars, and a grotesque serpent. The lowest panel has a running curvilinear design and the one above it is a small human figure between two jaguars with cactus plants. The anthropomorphic figures wear helmets with the Chimic crest or bird masks. Another panel represents what could be a sacrifice. All the turquoise on the dagger is cut into a circular shape except for a piece on the second finger. The turquoise is used for the eyes and the earpieces of the figures, and the pieces were set with some kind of resinous material. The dagger was acquired in 1893 from a grave in Santa Valley, on the border between the provinces of La Libertad and Ancachs. The wooden object was acquired in 1906 from graves in the Where the turquoise was obtained for these items is unknown. Turquoise
has not been discovered in This article is easy to read, but the descriptions are somewhat wordy. Additional pictures would have been helpful. CLARITY: 5
Kelsey, Francis W. Some Archeological Forgeries from Michigan. American Anthropologist, 1908. Vol. 10 (1):48-59. Francis W. Kelsey, author of “Some Archeological Forgeries from Michigan” is attempting to expose fraudulent Native American artifacts and their creator. Kelsey is concerned that these spurious artifacts are doing harm to the integrity of the art market as their sale continues. His article is a public statement denouncing the validity of the items and their seller so as to keep the integrity of real archeological finds intact. Kelsey is making his objections public because in 1908 archeological forgery was not a crime, and so Kelsey is suggesting in his paper that the government should work toward the prevention of the sale of fraudulent artifacts in the art market. The items were ‘found’ in Montcalm County, Michigan in 1890. An area that was covered by trees had been stripped and afterward the ground looked hilly, similar to the way that genuinely created earthen mounds looked. The first person to have ‘found’ an artifact in that area was undoubtedly the forger, but since that area of Michigan was so sparsely populated, the authenticity of the man’s find could not be challenged. So, a rumor spread that Native American artifacts were being uncovered, and soon the initial ‘discoverer’ was selling the objects to art collectors who couldn’t see that they were fake. The forger even went so far as to draw up documents of authenticity signed by ‘witnesses’ of the find. It was surprising that so many art collectors could not tell the difference because the items in question were so crudely designed and produced; according to Kelsey, they were easily identifiable as fakes to any archeologist upon first glance. Their flawed characteristics include ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, cuneiform characters and Christian biblical motifs. Also, the material composition of the items included lightly colored, unbaked clay combined with drift sand, making them fragile. Kelsey said that the items would have immediately disintegrated if introduced to water; e.g., they could only have been in the ground for a short time before they were dug out. However, many collectors and followers of the story refused to believe that the items were fake, because of the exciting implications of finding Old World designs on New World artifacts. Eventually these enthusiasts conceded that they were phony, but even eighteen years later similar pieces were still being sold out of Detroit. Apparently it was the work of the same forger who had improved on his technique, but was still using the same Old World designs and writing. Kelsey reveals the identity of the forger as “James O. Scotford, a sign painter, who formerly lived in Montcalm County…now living in Detroit.” Kelsey says that since the FDA had recently been instituted to control the purity of food and drugs, then hope remains that one day the government will form another organization to prevent the sale and manufacture of unauthentic artifacts. However, until that day arrived, Kelsey and his colleagues would be the only authorities on the authenticity of archaic Native American art. CLARITY: 5 KRISTINA GIOVANNI Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Kroeber, A. L. Notes on the Ute Language. American Anthropologist January-March, 1908 Vol.10(1): 74-87. The author’s objective is to explain and give examples of the Ute language, which usually consist of sounds that are not full and clear to other languages. Vowels in the Ute language are barely articulated, the letter "l" is lacking, and "v" and "s" resemble each other. The list of things lacking in the Ute language extends about a page in the article before the author begins to give several examples of Ute pronunciation and sound variance. These include vowels that are nasal sounding, especially a" and o", and final vowels that are barely articulated (p.74). Kroeber continues to give examples of the use of noun-suffixes, which are -p, -v, -tc, possessive pronouns, verbs, and a continuous array of examples. The author makes note that the third person is rare in the Ute language, and found in only in a few cases, usually with objective meaning (p.76). Kroeber also translates many Ute words to their closest English meaning and provides several pages of Ute words with translations. Several examples of this are puni-ke, which means look, see, or pa-intce, which means away from the water. The author concludes that the Ute language is a phonetic system that contains obscure sounds, usually sounds unpronounceable or difficult to make in other languages "Notes on the Ute Language" is a difficult read for anyone who has not already studied the language or read other books pertaining to it. The author is not very clear in his descriptions of the language and his examples are difficult to follow. It is not an article I would recommend for anyone beginning research into the Ute. I would recommend re-reading the article several times, once may not be enough to grasp a clear understanding of the author’s intent. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Kroeber, Henriette Rothschild Pima Tales American Anthropologist April-June, 1908 Vol.10(2):231-235 This article is an account of two Pima stories: The Creation of the World, and The Man Changed To An Eagle. The first tale explains the beginnings of life; it starts out with Djivut Maka, Earth Medicine-man, who takes on the form of a butterfly, and is all alone. He decides to create the world, so he will not be so alone. Djivut Maka travels under the sea and grabs some mud, then he throws it up into the air, and the mud stays up upon the sea, creating land. Soon after he makes land he creates birds, flowers, trees, animals, and insects. Then he creates man by forming mud into the shape of a man, and saying: " In four days you shall be alive." (231). Four days later the Pimas and the Apaches are the first men in the world. The tale goes on explaining that Pimas and Apapches are enemies because in the beginning they tried to talk to each other, but could not understand one another. Later in time there is a flood. Djivut Maka makes a boat because he knows about the flood; only Djivut Maka, his son, a coyote, and a woodpecker survive the flood. So Djivut Maka has to make man again. These new men learn everything from Maka, and become almost as smart as he. Soon Makas' son Sioho becomes jealous and brings a sickness over the new men, killing many. So the people kill Sioho, and four years later Sioho comes back to life and tells them this: "that some day there would be another flood." (233). The next story is a shorter story and tells the tale of a man who does not have a home, yet desired to marry a girl. This girl though did not want to marry the man, so her father told her to make a drink out of eagle feathers and give it to the man when she saw him next. She did just that and the man turned into an eagle and began to kill the people in the villages. Djivut Maka’s son was sent to try to kill the eagle; he went to the nest to hide as a fly until the eagle fell asleep. Then while the eagle was sleeping he cut the its head off. Then the dead men that the eagle killed were bathed in boiled water, and came back to life. Some who were killed earlier forgot where their homes were, and went to the east to live, and from then on that is where the white people settled, off in the east. These two short stories read quickly, are easy to follow, and are intriguing. The tales gives the reader an insight on how the Pimas view the world, and explain the past. The stories are full of symbolism and parallelism and can be quite useful to compare with other tales from different cultures. CLARITY RANKING: 4
MacCurdy, George Grant. Some Recent Paleolithic Discoveries. American Anthropologist October-December, 1908 Vol. 10(4):634-643. In 1903, archaeologists discovered a station, believed to be of the
Mousterian age, in the Alps in The author uses anthropological knowledge of prehistoric tool-making as evidence that the find, indeed, of the Mousterian age. Citing altitudes of European glacial epochs, the author shows how the occupation of this site must have been during an interglacial epoch when climatic conditions were similar to those of the present. Dating of the find suggests that its occupation was during the time of the Wurm glaciation. However, the snow line was at 1200 meters during that time¾300 meters lower than Wildkirchli. The next glacial epoch was the Buhl epoch when the snow line was at 1500 meters. During this epoch, however, different types of flora and fauna are known to have existed than those found at Wildkirchli. The conclusion that archaeologists have drawn is that the occupation had to have been prior to the Wurm glacial period or during the Riss-Wurm interglacial period. This article is sufficiently detailed to answer the question of human survival at Wildkirchli during the Mousterian age. Though it is on the technical side, it is easy to read and quite engaging. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Mason, Otis T. Mind and Matter in Culture American Anthropologist April-June, 1908 Vol.10(2):187-196 The object of this article is to describe the evolution of culture as a function of inventions made by man, over time. The author discusses six classes of human activities: language, industries, esthetic arts, social activities, knowledge, and creeds and cults, in their relatedness to each other, the nature of man, and how they develop over time. According to Mason, culture is "all the artificialities of human life…the history of man recorded in the work of his hands" (187). Each of the activities discussed exists for and with the others, and these associations become more complex as the culture in which they exist advances. Mason argues that culture is created first and foremost through invention. Advancement of invention leads to advancement of culture, and advancement of culture leads to advancement of invention. "The mind’s victories (are) written by invention" (196). These advancements are seen in a positive light. Changes produced from earliest times to the present (1908), "move from: naturism to artificialism, simplicity to complexity, clumsiness to delicacy and beauty, waste to economy, (and) discomfort to comfort" (192-193). The bias is clearly one of progress and the natural order of man to better his own situation. The author uses a survey of the six classes of activities and shows how they progress as the culture becomes more complex. He also discusses how forces of nature have been utilized and then replaced by the forces or power of mans invention, and the progress of that invention. The order he cites goes from: "man power (to), fire power, beast power, wind power, water power, steam power, chemical power, (and on to) electric power" (191). This somewhat lengthy article clearly indicates a belief in the progressive nature of the evolution of invention and its relationship to the progressive culture of man. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Mathews, R. H. Marriage and Descent
in the Arranda Tribe, R. H. Mathews argues that there is a difference in opinions between
ethnologists regarding the line of descent in the Arranda tribe, in Reverend Louis Schulze was a man who studied the laws of marriage and descent in the Arranda tribe in about 1877 at a mission station. The results of his endeavors were published and presented the descent of lineage to be of paternal origin. R. H. Mathews disputes Rev. L. Schulze’s work stating that, "he does not give a reason why it is an evidence of ‘paternal descent’" (95). Men that have resided in the Arranda tribe for years were the source of Mathews information, which he collected by having these men respond to various forms of inquiry during various times over a span of twelve years. R. H. Mathews combines his observations and findings with those of Reverend Louis Schulze in the form of various tables of intermarrying sections. These different tables are representative of different and smaller tribes within the Arranda tribe. R. H. Mathews points out that there are, at first, four intermarrying divisions and when combined with a different local, the number rises to eight intermarrying divisions in the society of the Arranda tribe. Intricate comparisons between different sections of intermarrying divisions are used to strengthen R. H. Mathew’s idea of matrilineal descent throughout the tribes. It becomes more difficult when Mathews introduces the ideas of "tabular" and "alternative" marriages. It is discussed that the offspring of a married couple can take either the father’s father’s name or the mother’s mother’s name, but ultimately the decent is of matrilineal origin. Mathews comments, referring to a "tabular" marriage, "In fact, in every tribe I know possessing female descent, all over Australia, the child takes the name of the father’s father" (96). Mathews also comments near the conclusion of his article that, "From what has been said in the foregoing pages there is no doubt in my mind that descent is counted through the mother" (98). Although this article was very informative, it was confusing. Understandably so, much detail needs to be presented in trying to prove a point, especially when trying to figure out who came from where in family lineages. It was frustrating to try to keep up with who was who and where they fit into a specific table, and then having to flip back and fourth to find them in the correct table of reference. At times it seemed that Mathews was rambling on about who was so-and-so’s mother or father and made it difficult to realize that it was an important point and not an insignificant one. CLARITY: 3 SARAH M. LITTLE
Mathews, R. H. Sociology of the Chingalee Tribe, Northern Australia. American Anthropologist, April- June 1908 Vol. 10(2):281-285 Mathews begins by referencing his previous work in Southern Australia, addressing intermarriage among the Chingalee tribe. He reveals that among his various informants, there were inconsistencies or differences in the names that were provided between members of the tribes being investigated. Mathews therefore seeks to examine the origin of names given to tribe members during different stages/initiation processes of life, namely before and after puberty, marriage and the preceding polygamous marriages that followed. Mathews also sets out to ascertain marriage patterns within tribal members (“endogamy”) and outside of tribal members (“exogamy”). Attempts to solve this problem are done through the collection and analysis of various accounts that were taken for him by unnamed residents living within the tribal regions. A table of names is then presented exhibiting masculine and feminine name changes before and after puberty. Mathews also goes on to refer to tables written in his previous articles stating the familial theories within the males in a tribe. He then determines that the collected information is still inconsistent thereby concluding that the names contain an uncertain origin or pattern. Finally with the help of ethnographers Spencer and Gillen, the bulk of the article reveals Mathews’s understanding of the names given to children in different moieties (sub-tribal affiliations). Mathews concentrates his efforts on determining the familial patterns between the Willitji and Liartji moieties. According to Mathews, the names of the children are primarily indicative of which polygamous marriage (“wife number”) the mother was involved in. He establishes that if the mother were the first or the second wife, the child would receive a name through paternal linage. Consequently if the mother were the third or fourth wife, the child would receive a name through maternal linage. As a final point, Mathews affirms that his studies only allow a glimpse of understanding in tribal affiliations between men and women and that exogamy between tribes does not exist. CLARITY: 3 GOLDA E. LIGUTAM Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
McGuire, Joseph D. Ethnological
and Archeological Notes on The author’s objective is to describe the extent to which
the Abnaki tribe inhabited the area round Moosehead Lake, McGuire details the composition and apparent uses of over 400 stone pieces collected along the beaches around the area. Though "of four hundred specimens picked up, all but four are of rhyolite," (552) the implements seem to serve a wide variety of uses. Most of the specimens exhibit some sort of man made alteration causing the functionality of these implements to include awls, hammer stones, anvils, knives, projectile points, scrapers, and even "personal fetishes of their owners" (560) such as protection from harm or "bringing good fortune in the hunt or in war." (560) Many pictures are also included for easy reference and comparison throughout the article. The author to draw limited conclusions on the lifestyle of the Abnaki uses these artifacts. The author accomplishes his objectives in this relatively short and clearly understandable article. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Merriam, C. Hart. Totemism in Merriam’s objective is to discuss totemism among California Indians,
since this subject has not been previously observed. The author points
out that, "totemism not only exists in Among different tribes, totemism is a form of religion
because it is an important factor in the conduct of the people. Every
tribe views totemism
in its own way. For example among, "the Totemism among the Middle and the The author describes how one finds his or her totem. When a young person reaches puberty, he or she must go off in the forest alone without food. While in the forest the child wanders for a long period, sometimes weeks. After some time has passed, he falls asleep and, "he sees the animal he came from; it or its spirit comes to him and brings him food". (559). The child goes home, and waits for the animal to appear again. The object of nature differs for each tribe. The The third degree of totemism, the hereditary matriarchal clan totem, depicts a lineage where the mother instead of the father carries the totem. The author noted early in the article that, "some ethnologists would restrict the use of the term totemism to the class of cases ordinarily known as clan totemism" (558). The Kosh-shó-o tribe of the Southern Sierra foothills followed this degree of totemism. This article was very interesting and informative. All of the author’s objectives were covered in detail and straight to the point. It mentioned three types of totemism and gave information on all three. It also gave some history of totemism and how it originated. CLARITY RANKING: 5
This article interprets a sample of the cultural mounds found in the Although differences may be found within separate mounds, some similarities are evident. Twelve mounds were excavated during this study. Human remains were prevalent, along with shell spoons, shell beads, earthenware pots, stone pipes and discs, and bone needles. Certain mounds contained up to three burial pits. Adjacent mounds suggest an earlier period of occupancy. Mounds found
in this group have no evidence of pipes or pottery, and except for the
fourth mound, contain no man-made specimens. Most skeletons found have
been in mass graves, with dramatically fractured long bones, indicating
an attempt to fit as many skeletons as possible in the smallest area. Two other mound groups found were described as having similar finds.
A One remaining mound found in Well organized in spite of the abundance of information presented, this article is easy to understand and quickly read. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Montgomery, Charles J. Survivors From The Cargo of the Negro Slave Yacht Wanderer. American Anthropologist October – December 1908 Vol.10(4):611-623. The author’s objective is to describe a background to
the slave yacht Wanderer,
and then to describe the origin, language, and customs of the survivors
of the voyage. The author dates the yacht to 1858, which was approximately
fifty years after the prohibition of importing slaves to the The author does document some of the remaining survivors from the Wanderer forty-seven
years later, and attempts to piece together their exact origins in Also, the author generalizes similar traits of the slaves as a whole
to piece together a raw idea of how life in Africa is set apart from
life in This article, although clearly dated and filled with personal bias,
is a very smooth, enjoyable read, and provides the reader with a keen
insight into the very beginnings of our understandings of the people
of CLARITY RANKING: 5
Moorehead, Warren K. Ruins at Aztec
and on the Rio This article is a description of an expedition through the The team discovered that the soft stone used in the walls was obtained from a distance of about two miles by way of a trail or road. Numerous broken axes, stone hammers, and other quarrying tools were found on the site. The ancient occupants of these structures irrigated hundreds of acres of land. Traces of ditches showed that there was a main canal from which smaller ditches were dug to individual garden beds. Among the most interesting art objects found were small, delicately formed arrowpoints chipped from obsidian, jasper, moss-agate, and flint. The team also discovered pottery, some containing animal bones and knives. At one point on the mesa they discovered pieces of human bone and surmised that the area was an ancient burial ground. An excavation uncovered an adult skeleton buried in a sitting posture along with some pottery and a flint knife. They discovered many more graves directly across the river. A peculiar discovery was that of a shaft fourteen inches square and about eight feet deep. The shaft turned at a right angle in the direction of the central ruin, but was filled with earth and stones. They did not discover what the purpose of the shaft was, but Moorehead states that it could not have been a chimney because there was no evidence of smoke. This article is easy to read and very interesting, however there is a lack of detail due to the short time of the expedition and the limited amount of excavating allowed by the landowner. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Morley, Sylvanus G. The Excavation of the Cannonball Ruins in Southwestern Colorado. American Anthropologist, October-December, 1908 Vol. 10(4): 596-610. Morley analyzes the archaeological record of the Cannonball Ruins, a group of two pueblos on opposite sides of Cannonball Canyon in southwest Colorado, near the Anasazi site of Mesa Verde. These rim-rock dwellings are found at the edge of the mesa, which the author suggests creates a natural defense system against attack. A further look at the architecture of the site suggests an adaptability to the surrounding harsh environment. Focusing primarily on the archaeology of the southern smaller pueblo, Morley outlines the details of the site, including evidence of irrigational systems, overall size, room configuration, possible correlation between population and site growth (a conclusion based on ethnographic data), ceremonial practices involving the use of kivas (circular ceremonial rooms) and sipapus (ceremonial entrances to the underworld), masonry materials and techniques, etc. Furthermore, Morley examines and analyzes the artifact assemblage associated with the pueblo. A collection which he feels is typical of a “primitive people”, such as stone axes, manos and matates (corn grinders), pottery, bone awls and needles, as well as various other types of worked stone. He also gives measurements and defining characteristics of eight complete and partial skeletons found at the site. |
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