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American
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Bandelier, Adolph, F. The Aboriginal Ruins At Sillustani, Peru. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 49-68 Bandelier’s article describes and attempts to explain the Incan ruins at the Peruvian site of Sillustani. Of chief focus is the purpose of the chullpas, circular buildings resembling “truncated cone[s]” (Bandelier 3). Bandelier’s description of the site presents some interesting ideas regarding the origin of Sillustani’s buildings and their builders. Bandelier notes the near omnipresence of these chullpas, which are large stone structures whose bases are slightly narrower than their tops and are made of smoothed andesite. Many of these have very small openings, into which an adult could not fit. After musing as to the purposes of these buildings—he was not allowed by the Peruvian government actually to open and enter these structures, lest there be treasure therein that he should take upon discovery—Bandelier decides that these served as granaries which would house and guard the foodstuffs ever-important to the Incas. The nature of the buildings, he feels, confirms this use: their inverted-conical shape and smooth exterior made climbing and entering from the top impossible. The openings could not facilitate the deposition of corpses, as many other scholars speculated they served as sepulchers, but instead were more conducive to the deposition and extraction of small foodstuffs. Bandelier also attempts to reconstruct the processes by which the sites’ structures were built. Many andesite (a gray, volcanic stone found in/near the area) slabs not yet used in construction had three knobs that could be used as handles (8). He speculates the knobs were used to facilitate the transport of the slabs to the site where they would be used. Once set in place, the knobs were smoothed off. He feels this is a sound argument because some slabs set in walls retained knobs. The great feat of setting these large stones “as high as thirty five feet” was accomplished by constructing large rubble-ramps and moving the stones up these planes to their spot on the buildings (9). Some of these ramps are still present at the site. This, plus the indication of several unfinished structures, leads Bandelier to conclude that the site was abandoned during construction. He says nothing definite as to the cause, but posits that it could have been due to the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century or, more probably, at the time when Incas were warring amongst themselves. Evidence backing up either of these hypotheses, however, is lacking in the article. Bandelier’s ethnocentrism is revealed when he refers to the builders of the chullpas as “primitive artisan[s],” and that they built the site well, “but not so well as any European would have done” (10-11). Aside from this comment, as an archaeological report, the article does well in describing the sites and attempting to explain how the buildings were used and built. Written descriptions were supplemented by plates, which assist the reader in making a mental picture of the site. CLARITY: 4 ZACH COFRAN Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Bandelier, Adolph
F. Traditions
of Precolumbian Landings on the After Europeans landed in This article discusses the tales of "strange" people coming to the land before Columbus, but after the land had already been populated, Indians beliefs for the settlement of land by people from other parts of the world, and tales of people landing on the western coast of South America. He tells the tradition of Tonapa-Viracocha as told by Calancha, and
other versions of the same story. The basis of this tale is that two
strangers came to the area. One died at the hands of the Indians, while
the other ran into the forest and was never seen or heard from again.
Another tale, which is similar to the Tonapa-Viracocha tale is the tale
of central western Another tradition the author mentions is told by Father Anello Oliva
in his missionary work, in which he used several works from Father Blas
Valera and an Indian named Catari. He mentions that the inhabitants of
South America came from the east and landed on the coast of An Indian writer, Salcamayhua, retells one of the traditions of the
landings of Besides telling the traditions of Precolumbian landings on the coast
of Bandelier works to decipher the traditions between genuine traditional records of the landings and those accounts penetrated by the coloring of European thinking and beliefs. CLARITY RANKING: 3 .gif){kind=small} Bandelier, Adolph F. Traditions of Precolumbian Landings on the Bandelier attempts to review the Indian lore and traditions of the peopling
of The South American natives hold a belief that the continent was peopled
by settlers landing on the shores of The main tradition the author deals with is the reoccurring story of
the landing of giants on the western coast of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Bandelier, Adolph, F. The
Aboriginal Ruins At This publication, circa 1905, by Adolph F. Bandelier, attempts to analyze
and formulate a lucid hypothesis regarding Native ruins, Inca and Aymara
pillar- like structures termed Chullpas,
ascertained in the mountainous region within southwestern He found some human remains in the structures that were already partially desecrated. His conclusive theories were that the structures were only used as ceremonial objects, mortuary like monuments, and storage structures. However, upon reviewing this publication, one must keep in mind when this article was published. It was time when archaeology was still problematic. The technology and methods were in a developmental stage and progressively changing. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Burkitt, Robert. A Kekchi Will of the Sixteenth Century. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7: 271-294. Originally a letter addressed to a curious colleague, this is the last will and testament of a dying widow and the translation of everything that seemed to have meaning. The will was given to Burkitt, with hopes that he could interpret and explain the language, requests, and circumstances of the will. It seems the will was written in more than just one language. There was evidence of hieroglyphics, Spanish, and Kekchi grammar laws and language. For the most part, translation only required following the grammar rules of the different languages. But on some occasions applying grammar rules did not explain the appearance of letters, words or phrases. Aside from the straight translation of the written word, inferences are made about the circumstances surrounding the writing of the will, the formal and legal codes of the time, and the type of life that the woman may have lead. There are different writing styles and breaks in the writing that suggest there was more than one penman and there are also clues about the social and religious life that the woman had. The will voices the woman’s religious views, shows evidence of her late husband’s wishes, and discusses inheritance of her possessions. At the time the will was found it was thought that the Kekchi language changed drastically from one generation to the next. But it was possible to translate the will using the Kekchi that was spoken in the early 1900s, despite the fact that the will was written in 1583. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Bushnell, Jr., D.I. An Ojibway Ceremony. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 69-73. As an onlooker, Bushnell describes what he witnessed that fall afternoon in early October 1899 when, by chance, he was confronted with an opportunity to be an observer at a yearly ritual of the Ojibway Indians. Bushnell does an adequate job of explaining what he observed that day, naming important figures – for example, the “master of ceremonies”, Keezhik, and the head chief, Wahgistkeemunsit. He goes on to describe the reunion ritual and the prominent items that were used such as the ceremonial drum and the chippcezung, a ceremonial apron, as well as giving a brief description of the environment and appearance of the site. Bushnell fails, however, to delve deeper into the heart of the culture – unable to go past the superficial. Yes, he learns why they are called the “Kingfisher people” and the significance of the symbols on the drum as well as why these need to point to certain directions. But, he falls short in explaining other important things. For example, it is apparent from his descriptions that there exists in this society a social hierarchy based on gender and social ranking: the chief, invited guests, men, boys, women, and then young children. However, although women are second to last in social ranking, they play a significant role in this reunion ritual of which the reader is never informed. He also fails to explain the significance of the items used and of the rituals of the ceremony (Why do they dance, stop to talk, then resume dancing and continue this pattern?) as well as failing to explain the values of the people. We do not understand what the chippcezung symbolizes for the Ojibway and are left to our own assumptions about many things concerning this group. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Ancient Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropology 1905 Vol. 7 (12): 218-221. The atlats are devices used by the Aztecs to throw spears. Two Mexican atlatls were obtained by Professor Mantegazza in Florence, Italy and are now preserved in the Museo Nazionale d' Anthropolgia ed Etnologia del R. Istituto di Studi Superiori, in Florence. These two atlats or spear-throwers are highly skilled in design and execution by the carvings that are on it. Also both were originally covered with a thin layer of gold, which a great portion of it is still intact. Being that it was artistically and skillfully crafted, these were most likely ceremonial or sacred objects and not intended for actual use. Aside from the physical and cosmetics, the actual history of these two
objects are not known, but it has resided in
Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 218:218-221 In this article, D. I. Bushnell Jr. compares
two ancient Mexican An atlatl is a flat wooden stick used for
throwing spears. One side Included are the measurements of both pieces,
he larger one being 605 mm. in length, the smaller, 575 mm. The larger
is decorated in relief carvings of figures of a mostly uniform size
following a straight line down the center. But the second, smaller
atlatl has a unique feature that makes it impressive. It has two grooves
instead of one, which means it can be used for throwing two spears
at once. It is the only one known of its type. It too is declaratively
carved, although much more intricately than the first.
Bushnell, D.I. Jr. Two Ancient Mexican Atlatls. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7:218-221 Upon the discovery of a pair of ancient Aztec atl-atls, a team of anthropologists
launched a substantial investigation into their history. These artifacts resided at the time at The exact history
of these two atl-atls is not known, according to the article, but it
seems likely that they were part of
Cortes’ personal
collection. Evidence from the
time indicated that these two specimens would have been amongst the goods
presented to Charles V of CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist 1905 October Vol. 7(4):607-612. In this article, In looking at the Shasta, CLARITY RANKING: 5
Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist October, 1905 Vol. 7(4):607-612. In this article, CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dixon, Roland B. The Mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 607-612. Presented is a description of the mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi,
a cultural subgroup of the central A variety of myths are analyzed, in particular a number of creation myths told by different Native American groups in the region. Also analyzed are some of the tales of Coyote, a popular character in a vast number of Native American stories. Overall, the study seems to indicate that the Shasta and Achomawi groups
are very closely related, but there are some essential differences. The Achomawi share some myths of coyote with
other groups of the central CLARITY RANKING: 4
For a long period of time it was believed by many that Indian of the
Shasta, or Sastean occupied an extent of area in northern Rowland B. Dixon, author of The Shasta-Acomaui: a New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects, discovered a small tribe to the west who were able to recollect nearly seventy-five words and short phrase spoken in the Shasta dialect. This tribe is known as Konom hu, and although the two languages fail to share more than a handful of identical words, their “general phonetic character” and “feeling” was entirely in accord with each other. Researchers have reason to believe that the two tribes are distantly related and shared a close cultural connection. Investigators continued to scour the area, but failed to discover any substantial evidence. They were eventually able to obtain some information that showed use of the dialect by the Okwa nuchu Indians and the New River Indians, but both dialects merely shared a few common words with the Shasta. Again the possibility of a connection was questioned between the languages of the Shasta and the Achoma wi (Pit River Indians). Investigators proved that the Achoma wi language actually consists of two conjoined dialects, one spoken by the Achoma wi proper, and the other by the Atsuge wi. However, of the two vocabularies, perhaps less than one-third is common to both. The two languages obviously related, remain strikingly unlike. Nonetheless, due to their findings researchers have declared the relationship shared between these groups is substantial enough to regard them as members of a single stock. The term Shasta-Achomawi has been given to the new group, for it accurately describes its makeup. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MARISSA TREADWELL
Dixon, Roland B. The Shasta-Achomawi: A New Linguistic Stock, With Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist. 1905 Vol.7: 213-217. Roland Dixon’s
article uses newly found dialects to find the mysterious language stock
of the Shasta Indians. Part of the difficulty to approaching this
was that the Shasta’s actual first geographical occupancy was a
dilemma. The regional location
was perceived to be along the Klamath River, which lies between northern Furthermore, CLARITY RANKING: 3
Dorsey, George A. A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. American Anthropologist January-March, 1905 Vol.7 (1) 496-498. This article by Dorsey is a narration told by Shooter, a member of the Kitkehaki tribe of the Pawnee. One of the main themes of the narration is the importance of Pawnee Medicine shrines. Shooter tells us of his father being a successful warrior and pony-herder because of his offerings at his medicine shrine. His particular shrine was a stone man that Shooter and his brother believed had fallen from the heavens. By smoking tobacco in the presence of the shrine, and making offerings of moccasins and leggings and such, the brothers could attain great power and success. A very unlucky and poor hunter begged Shooter’s father to share the secrets of his success. Shooter’s father took pity on the man and instructed him to make some moccasins and prepare for a journey with him. When they arrived at the shrine, they found it empty. The poor man prayed and made offerings anyway, asking the stone man to take pity on him and grant him good luck. The poor man eventually became a great warrior and was eventually recognized
as a chief and sent on a delegation to CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dorsey, George A. A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. American Anthropologist. 1905 Vol. 7:496-498 Luck is an important feature of Pawnee culture. Shooter’s narrative, presented here, demonstrates this through examples of luck drawn from a mysterious, magical source. An argument based on implications formed from a single narrative is supported through three separate instances of luck bestowed on individuals. These instances concern Shooter’s father, uncle, and an unrelated third male who suffers from bad luck. Notably, this source should be considered magical because the three characters believe its form, that of a stone man, hails from the stars. Furthermore, a great mystery surrounds it, as Shooter’s father keeps the location hidden until pressured into revealing it to his brother and, eventually, the bad luck character. All three characters, after visiting and praying to the mysterious, magical source, receive a great amount of luck and success. Therefore, among the Pawnee, luck emanates from magical sources and importantly so. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Dubois, Constance
Goddard. Religious
Ceremonies and Myths of the In this article, Dubois describes a set of ceremonies or, as she calls them, "primitive religious fiestas" of the Luisenos and Diegueros, two closely related Native American Peoples. Her discussion focuses on four religious fiestas: "the Toloache fiesta, the initiation of boys at puberty; A-keel, the fiesta of the girls’ entrance upon womanhood; Wu-ka-ruk, the great fiesta of the Images of the Dead; and the Eagle fiesta as preparatory to Wu-ka-ruk." Of the four, she describes the first two in detail. In her description of the Toloache, she writes that Toloache is the Spanish name for a plant the root of which plays a central role in the Toloache Festival. She notes that the intoxicating root was mixed with water and given to the initiates. In addition, she describes the accompanying music, and the process by which the ceremony was conducted. These processes included dances by previously initiated men, and periods of fasting for the initiates. The next ceremony that she describes is the ceremony for girls. This ceremony, "called A-keel in Diegueno, Wu-kun-isch in Luiseno," is somewhat similar to the Toloache. She simply describes this initiation rite for girls as one that involves long periods of fasting, sometimes for up to a year or two. The third fiesta described is the fiesta of images. Here she describes the processes leading up to this fiesta as one involving the killing and extensive and elaborate preparation of an eagle, the feathers of which provided the "decoration of images." In addition, she describes in detail the preparation of a "ramada or brush building" built at the beginning of the fiesta. She also describes the dances that were an integral part of the fiesta and the large feast that concluded it. She concludes her description of the fiesta of images by offering its accompanying myth – "The Origin of Song and Dance." She includes a verbatim reading of the myth as "told by and aged Indian of Manzanita." CLARITY RANKING: 3 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Goddard, P.E. Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language. American Anthropologist, 1905 : 613-619. In this article Goddard suggests methods that could be used for recording foreign languages for future study. The author maintains that key to leaning languages are the aids that allow the new speaker to grasp the nuances that are unique to that language. These nuances include the physical or mechanical movements of the mouth, face and throat. The four instruments Goddard suggests be used for recording are: a camera; artificial plate; Rousselot apparatus; and phonograph. The camera is used to phonograph lip movements. The author advises taking multiple pictures of the speaker in order to ensure the proper formation of the lips is made when speaking. The artificial palate, dusted lightly with chalk, is placed on the roof of the mouth. The impressions left on the chalk after it is removed are then photographed once a syllable has been spoken. This records the position of the tongue. The Rousselot apparatus is used to time the duration of each tongue movement. The speaker’s voice is recorded by the movement of the Marey tambour along a paper-covered cylinder that is covered by a thin coat of smoker. The device is able to record simultaneously but independently the movement of air within the oral passage and the movement of the tongue. Two other researchers, Hermann and Beview, have created tracings from the wax cylinders of phonographs. Taken together Goddard maintains that these methods would provide researchers with the tools needed to study foreign languages. CLARITY RANKING: 2 ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Goodman, J.T. Maya Dates. American Anthropologist 1905 vol.7: 642-647. Goodman is interested in determining how old the Mayan ruins are. He
hopes to do this through correlating the Xiu and Archaic chronological
calendars. Goodman then gives the difference between the two within the
Katun count; Xiu is 13, the Archaic is 20. However, he points out that
the Archaic also has a 13-Katun count, and calibrating specific days
within cycles between the two counting systems allows them to be read
together. Through the settlements and movements of Mayans in the past,
Goodman speculates that the Xius migrated to an Archaic calendar using
area. The Xius adopted this new calendar, but kept their old one for
their own personal record keeping. Goodman then gives date relations
to our through means he does not specify, for some knowledge of Mayan
language or words is needed to fully understand his reasoning. Many examples
of date comparison between the Xiu, Archaic, and modern (our) time calendars
are given, leading to his conclusions. He then is able to give dates
to the ruined cities CLARITY RANKING: 2
Grinnell, George Bird. Some Anthropology has long held an interest in how ancient cultures healed
their sick or wounded. This article addresses many of the questions raised
when one regards how ancient cultures utilized natural and spiritual
resources. Herbs, spices, and even magic were used by the Grinnell suggests that there are, in existence, many ways the The Grinnell wrote in a time of history when the rights and practices of
men and women were segregated. Grinnell shows an interest in this by
paying particular attention to healing practices performed by both men
and women suggesting a cooperative approach to the very structure of Grinnell describes many different medicines and their effects with informative detail and a close eye paid to the relationship between medicine development and cultural development. This article functions both as a reference to further study and study guide bringing the reader to be more aware of the mastery Cheyenne people demonstrated when faced with some of life’s most troubling issues; healing the sick and wounded, but without killing them in the process. CLARITY: 4 JAMIE BUCUY Grinnell, George Bird. Some In this article Grinnell describes specific plants and their medicinal
uses among the Grinnell explains that both men and women of the Grinnell next identifies and describes about fifteen plants and their
medicinal uses. His information
comes from a woman in the tribe he refers to as his “mother,” Wind
Woman, Frederick V. Coville, a botanist of the U.S. Department of Agriculture,
and Dr. H.H. Rusby of the Grinnell also discusses the various ways in which these medicines are administered. Many of the plants’ leaves, stems, and roots are used to prepare tea for the afflicted person to drink. In addition, the roots of the plants are often chewed and the saliva swallowed. Sometimes the roots are chewed and then rubbed over the body or affected area. Grinnell provides a detailed list of the plant medicines of the CLARITY: 5 ELIZABETH SCHERGEN
Henshaw, Henry W. Popular Fallacies Respecting The Indians. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.5(1):104-113 In this article Henshaw presents fourteen misconceptions concerning Native Americans. He lists each fallacy seperately and gives reasons for how it came to exist and then argues to discredit it. The Mormons believed, through direct revelation, that Indians were descended from the Lost Tribes of Israel. Henshaw refutes their belief as absurd in light of present knowledge. Other theories of a foreign origin are based on similarities of language. Henshaw believes that these similarities are coincidental. Indians were believed to speak the same undeveloped language by the unlearned. Henshaw states that Indian languages were just beginning to be studied but were already known to be varied and intricate. Indians were considered nomadic due to hunting over large areas of land, but Henshaw points out that most tribes were also agriculturists. Indian ownership of land was misunderstood by early settlers because it did not agree with their views of possession. Also misunderstood was the gender based division of labor. Since much of the work done by the men occurred away from the village, Indian women were seen as drudges and slaves. Indian tribes were not seen by settlers as egalitarian, which they were. Instead the settlers believed the tribes had kings with whom the settlers could treat with to acquire Indian land. Estimates of Indian population were high because they were based on numbers observed in more populous areas. Indian medical practices were misunderstood due to claims by quacks of Indian herbal knowledge. Henshaw states that the medical art of all Indians was rooted in sorcery, although there was also a use of plants and the sweating process. Indians were thought to believe in one overruling deity, the Great Spirit. Actually, Indians believed in a multitude of spirits that dwelt in animate and inanimate objects. It is known from mortuary rites that Indians believed in an afterlife, but its exact nature was unknown and according to Henshaw should not be thought of as the happy hunting ground. Mixed blood Indians were believed to be degenerates because they inherited the vices of both parent stocks and none of the virtues. Henshaw believed that mixed bloods suffered from living in an environment where they found little favor with either race. Indians were seen as taciturn and stolid, but in reality had a fair sense of humor. Archeological finds of children’s skeletons and disjointed adult skeletons led to the erroneous belief of pygmy and giant Indian races. Based on careful study of artifacts, customs and culture status of ancient mound-dwellers and cliff-dwellers, it was determined that they were the ancestors of tribes in possession of the same region at the time of contact. They were not racially distinct or culturally superior, as some believed. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hewett, Edgar L. Ethnic Factors in Education. American Anthropologist January-March, 1905 Vol.7(1):1-16. The author begins by examining, in general, the aims of education and its relation to society and to the individual. In his discussion of the aims of education he indicates that he also wants to examine effects of what he calls the "contributory sciences" on education. Included in the contributory sciences are "biology, psychology, sociology, and anthropology." Hewett continues by arguing that because education serves both the individual and society, that it is not necessary to reduce education to any one aim. He claims that education is "individual, social, ethnical." Therefore, in consideration of the education of various ethnicities, Hewett argues that the aim of educating Americans, Indians, and Filipinos "is to make better Americans…Indians…Filipinos"(his italics), not "to Americanize." It is at this point
that he states his purpose, which is essentially an examination of
the "anthropological facts and conditions" that
influence education in the Here Hewett begins a discussion of some of the environmental influences on culture. First, he examines the effect of weather on culture and the "ethnic mind." He uses religion as an example of a cultural phenomenon influenced by the meteorological conditions of a culture, and he takes as an example the Hopi ceremonies designed to produce ample rain and water for agricultural production. Hewett’s next significant claim is that because culture is a "product of growth," cultural practices are therefore deeply ingrained and "persistent." From this, it follows that a successful system of education for people of various cultures is not one that attempts to Americanize, but one that takes into account the realities of that culture. For example, he notes the fact that at the time of the publication of the article, "the idea of educating the Indian away from his native environment is losing ground." He argues that Indians can best be educated on reservations on their own terms. In this way Indians become better Indians and Americanization is shown to be defective. Hewett concludes by stating that though he is not opposed to educational policies for various ethnicities, he thinks it useless to make such policies before understanding their culture. In order to do so, he proposes in his conclusion that schools for teachers should give anthropology a central place in the curriculum. CLARITY RANKING: 3 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Hill-Tout, C. Some Features of the Language and Culture of the Salish. American Anthropologist October-December, 1905 Vol. 7(4):674-687. Although there are three styles of ethnic classification (physical,
cultural, linguistic), Hill-Tout believes that linguistic is the superior
of the three. He is not saying that physical and cultural classifications
are insignificant, but that for the purpose of his study of the native
races of North America, linguistic analysis offers more efficient results.
Hill-Tout explains the Salishan using linguistic analysis. He found that
these Indians are as physically and culturally diverse as any other race;
however, their speech is homogenous, with only minor dialectical differences.
He points out that it was previously believed that only similarity or
difference in speech determined the relatedness of the languages. However,
it is now known that this assumption is unreliable. Although the difference
in the morphology of groups is evident, there is a basic commonality
between them. Hill-Tout believes that studying tongues such as those
of the Salish give an idea of what primitive speech may have been like,
where meaning does not solely come from actual words but from tone, gesture,
and the position of the word in the sentence. He uses an example of the
term ne, which is used in two different ways: some interior He also discusses the diversity of Salish culture. In the mortuary ceremony, they cut their hair to represent mourning. But there is variation in the handling of the hair: certain groups bury the hair, and others burn it. Hill-Tout claims that some of the greater differences in culture result from varying social traditions. However, he believes that one of the most important changes in the culture of the delta and coastal tribes is the idea of totemism. He notes that American students view totemism as primarily a religious institution, while the European students view it as a social institution in which group totemism and personal totemism are separate. In the case of the village Salish, the Sioux and the Haida, it seems they share a similar religious character but differ in social organization. Group totemism of the Salish may result from the development of personal totemism because of the affect it has on the social organization (such as castes, kin crests, and hereditary chiefs) of the tribes, which confirms the common views of American students. Hill-Tout also raises the question of connection between totemism and savage names. He believes that names of primitive races come from relation and affiliation. Dr. Haddon and Mr. Andrew Lang, (European anthropologists), share the idea that group names are derived from sources that are not within the group itself. Regarding the Salish, the most common source of the personal name is the personal totem. It is not Hill-Tout’s goal to convince European anthropologists to believe the American perspective, but his hope is that his studies have proved the Salish to be an interesting group to ethnologically study. CLARITY: 5 MEGHA SHAH Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Hrdlicka, Ales. Notes
on the Ales Hrdlicka studied
the San Carlos Apache in the early 1900’s and
wrote an ethnography on their daily lives and practices. The San Carlos
Apache are located in The women make baskets throughout their lives, starting from the age of five. These baskets are on an average two feet high and 1.5 inches wide. Black, Brown, and red are used to add color the baskets. Cradles were made from elliptical willow and were made two days after the baby was born. The baby is wrapped in Calico and laced very tightly to the board. Women of the San Carlos Apache usually wear their hair shoulder length and younger women usually do the same but wear their hair with bangs. The men of the tribe usually wear handkerchiefs and also wear their hair long. The dead are never buried near the Apache Indians and the grave consists of rocky surroundings. On top of a man’s grave a shovel is placed and on top of a women’s grave a basket is placed. They did not cremate. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hrdlicka, Ales. Notes on the The research of the San Carlos Apache was accumulated from a region
southwest of the White Mountains, in His research utilizes his ethnologic and archaeological observations of the San Carlos Apache in his visits in 1900 and then again in 1905, to put together a description of the culture of these people. He takes his first hand experience of his visits and records them into this article which is based in four sections; dwellings, manufactured objects, habits and rituals, and antiquities. He describes the dwellings of the San Carlos Apache detailing the structure in total, also providing photographs to the reader of the dwellings. He also provides information on the manufactured objects of the San Carlos Apache, which include basketry, pottery and musical instruments. Following the description of these objects he examines the habits and customs of these people. This focuses on hairdressing, tattooing, record keeping, mother-in-law taboo, the puberty feast, play of children, the training of children and burials of the San Carlos Apache. He also notes and describes the slight excavation of ruins and burial sites. In these excavations pottery vessels and human remains within large jars were found. Identical ruins and artifacts were found throughout the region where the San Carlos Apache lived. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Jenks, Albert Earnest. The Splayed or So-Called "Casco Foot" in the Filipino. American Anthropologist. April, 1905 Vol.7(2):509-513. This article is a response to George Skinner’s article "‘Casco foot’ in the Filipino, which appeared in American Anthropologist’s April issue of 1904. This article contributes to the work by Skinner because Jenks had previously studied the "casco foot" found in Filipinos, but he also has done work with other groups of people who have developed this deformity. Jenks agrees with Skinner’s work by saying that the deformity is an occupational development, not inherited. Unlike Skinner, Jenks proves that this deformity develops in people who also do other kind of work, not just from working on a casco. When a foot is splayed,
it means that the big toe is separated from the rest of the toes, and
in the most severe cases,
the big toe is at
an obtuse angle from toe’s original position. In the mountain region
of the Jenks sent two people to observe the boatmen of the cascos to determine
how many of them had splayed feet. The observers found that the number
of boatmen who had splayed feet were low. He points out that in many
areas in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Jenks, Albert Ernest. The Splayed or So-Called “Casco Foot” in the Filipino. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7:509-514 Albert Ernest Jenks writes in response to an article in the April-June 1904 issue of the American Anthropologist by Dr. George A. Skinner. Dr. Skinner asserts that the splaying of the great toe in Filipinos is a direct result of using the foot to control a pole while propelling a casco (a small boat moved with a pole), rather than being a hereditary trait. The author agrees this is a developmental rather than morphological trait, and agrees that Dr. Skinner provides one possible explanation, but goes on to outline other possibilities for the occurrence of the “casco foot.” Jenks goes on to describe many other instances in which splaying of the great toes occurs. He notes that there are many mountain dwellers who have similar splaying. This deformity occurs for two main reasons. First, there is trauma to the foot that damages the joint and causes permanent damage. Second, repeated usage of the foot to grip on the mountain causes the splaying. The deformity also occurs in other areas of the country, including the coastal area and in areas where horse riding requires use of a stirrup going between the first and second toes. The author goes on to state that in a study of 31 casco operators, only 3 showed the splaying. In addition, the deformity is not seen in 9 or 10 year olds or in infants. It does, however appear there is a greater predisposition to the disorder, since it does not appear in all cultures in similar situations. CLARITY RATING: 4
J. M. In
Memoriam: In Memoriam: While he was stationed in upper to The author highlights the main areas of focus of Matthews’ life, and speaks highly of him, both in terms of his work and his persona. One of the most significant things about his work is that it was done at a time when these Indian tribes were still relatively sequestered from the new Americans. Washington Matthews was also noted for his poetry and numerous other writings, which while scientific and exacting, were however also beautiful and meaningful. The article contains a full bibliography of Matthews’ published work for further reference. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Jones, Philip Mills. A New Method of Preserving Specimens or Shell and Other Perishable Materials. American Anthropologist October, 1905 Vol.7(4):654-655. In 1901 Philip Mills Jones visited Santa Rosa Island, which is located
off the coast of The only perishable item mentioned in the article is shell. Shells were used extensively by the natives to adorn articles of clothing. Over time, when shell has been preserved in moist soil, it will disintegrate because the moisture from the soil breaks down the cementing material, which "holds together the lamellae of calcareous matter". Therefore, when the shell dries, there is nothing holding the item together. Jones believes if the material is immediately preserved when removed from the ground, fewer artifacts will be destroyed. Permanent fixation can be done when the artifacts are taken back to the museum. Immediate preservation can be accomplished by simply leaving the artifact in the moist soil, packing cotton around it and refraining from cleaning it unnecessarily. By doing this the item will be preserved for a longer time. The permanent fixation of the material is more involved. Jones gives two examples of methods for preserving the materials, although he does not go into detail as to what the preservation of these involves. Shellac, the first example he gives, does not strengthen the material and it leaves the artifact glossy with an unnatural appearance. The second method he gives is boiling, but this too leaves the material with an unnatural appearance, and cannot be used on fragile items. The example Jones gives involves a 3 to 4% clear gelatin, "kept fluid over a sand bath and Bunsen burner." After the artifact is placed in the solution it can be cleaned with a camel’s hair brush. A minute after the last air bubbles rise to the surface, the artifact can be taken out of the solution and placed in formaldehyde, where it is removed at the discretion of the person preserving the material. The last stage of preservation is when the artifact is drained and dried. Jones states this method not only creates an impenetrable coating, but also cements the artifacts together permanently. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Kroeber,
A.L. Systematic Nomenclature in Ethnology. American Anthropologist October-December
1905 Vol. 7(4):579-593. Kroeber finds that all of the problem stem from the “principle of priority.” This principle states that the oldest or first name used for a group is the valid one. Further complicating the issue is that Powell used denotative names instead of connotative names. A connotive name is descriptive while a denotative name indicates a family or group. This in itself isn’t a problem. However, Powell believed that as long as a name was denotive, even if it originally was used incorrectly or historically inappropriate, that name should be used. As a result, Kroeber proposes that to avoid confusion and greater inappropriateness in the quest for the “correct” name, we must adapt a stance of treating every name used ethnologically as scientific and therefore disregard original meaning and form. At the end of the article, Kroeber explains how the biological system of naming works and compares it to how the anthropological usage should work, then bridges the gap between the two disciplines and suggests ways to make classification compatible. The argument is well presented. Kroeber takes specific cases that illustrate his points. He backs up his claims that Powell used obscure names instead of well established ones by citing the Queen Charlotte Islanders. Prior to Powell they were well established as the “Haida,” which was also very succinct and simple name. Powell instead called these people “Skittagetan,” which not only is a more complex name, but also the unusual version of a particular village known as Skidegate. Kroeber makes his points clearly and logically, moving from one point to a second which elaborates on the first. It is this method of arguing that Kroeber uses throughout his article for great success and clarity.
MacCurdy, George Grant. Prehistoric Surgery – A Neolithic Survival. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol.7:17-26. MacCurdy’s article is an examination of a particular kind of "prehistoric surgery having certain points in common with trepanning…" He indicates that the skulls that he is studying in particular exist not only in an area north of Paris, but also among the "dolmens belonging to the Neolithic period." Scars or cicatrices in the shape of a T characterize the particular form of surgery to which MacCurdy wishes to call attention. These scars were, in particular, found on female crania and were also consistent with the discoveries of a Manouvrier who was examining samples from the Broca collection. MacCurdy argues that while some have attributed these scars to certain cultural practices connected with "religion, war, penal justice, mourning, therapeutics, or coiffure," the more simple and revealing explanation is that the unique scarring pattern is the result of surgery. This argument is supported by comparing similar scars of dolmens from
various regions throughout CLARITY RANKING: 2 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Maccurdy, George Grant. Prehistoric Surgery – A Neolithic Survival. American Anthropologist 1905. Vol. 7: 17-23. George Grant Maccurdy
utilized Malinowski’s concept of a cultural “survival” to
explain the connection between evidence of Neolithic surgery, physical
evidence and findings in 19th Century tests describing Neolithic surgery. The
region of interest was an area in Maccurdy unexplainably bestows praise upon these supposed “Neolithic surgeons.” The surgeons “command anew our admiration because of their skill and courage. Their success… may be measured by the number that survived treatment, even if they were not cured…”(pp. 22-23). Perhaps because Maccurdy was studying Western cultural practice he did not make generalizations as to where this group stood according to unilinear evolutionary theory. While the article’s usage of medical terminology made it less accessible, on the whole it was an uncomplicated commentary on a cultural practice that may very well have contributed to current medical theory and practice, but to what extent is hypothetical. CLARITY: 4
MacCurdy, George Grant. The Eolithic Problem – Evidence of a Rude Industry Antedating the Paleolithic. American Anthropologist July – September, 1905 Vol. 7: 425-479 The issue concerned in this article revolves around findings, primarily
in southern In defending the
Eolithic’s existence, the author
focuses mostly on the geologic context of the material found in On whether or not the “eoliths” in question are actually artifacts and not natural phenomenon, the author relies largely on his own assertions and those of Rutot that there is no way nature could have left the type of patterns and markings found on the lithic material. Sir Joseph Prestwich (primarily involved with the southern English material) and the author also seem to agree that the “eoliths” all share similar characteristics and can be grouped together by similarity in form, most of which resemble confirmed stone tools. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Mathews, R. H. Social
Organization of the Chingalee Tribe, Building upon work
done on social organization in an earlier article, "The
Wombya Organization of the Australian Aborigines," Matthew’s objective
here is to report the results of his "investigations respecting
the laws of intermarriage" among the Chingalee Tribe of Mathews argues that "progeny is determined through the mother," and continues to show how marriage determines who his children are. Furthermore, he reports on the progress that he is making in trying to figure out totemic descent. The data presented in the article are not information that he himself has uncovered but are instead data given to him by "one of his most valued and careful correspondents." The data merely present an outline of each individual’s totem along with the totem of that person’s mother, father, and offspring. Mathews hopes that this preliminary information on totemic descent will provide a foundation for further research. CLARITY RANKING: 4 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)
Mathews, R. H. Social Organization of the Chingalee Tribe, Northern Australia.American Anthropology 1905 Vol. 7: 301-304. Focusing on the laws of intermarriage in the Chingalee Tribe in The author hopes to share his findings with ethnologists in CLARITY RANKING: 5
Merriam, C. Hart. The
Indian Population of Merriam’s article attempts to use historical mission records to determine
the approximate population size of California’s Native American population
and its changes through time. He states that the precontact population
of this area was very large, owing to the large availability of dependable
food resources, including wild game and plant foods, particularly acorns,
and that there was likely not restriction on population due to food shortage.
The year he is focused on for his population research is 1834, primarily
because the largest amount of mission data exists for this year. While
the missions only recorded the converts, Merriam uses other sources to
approximate the total number of Native Americans in Merriam states that
the great variability in the population during this time is due wholly
to the appearance of the white man;
he brought diseases,
confiscated land, murdered individuals and groups, and, in the case of
the mission Indians, so "civilized" them that when the missions
were secularized, they could not successfully return to their original
way of life. This secularization of the missions in 1834, coupled with
the gold rush that lasted until approximately 1855, decimated the Native
American population of Merriam notes that along with disease, confiscation of lands, and murder, the Native Americans held no civil rights, and eventually stopped them from risking their lives to protect their homes and land. The increase in agriculture after mining decreased dealt the final blow to the Native Americans in this area. They were forced from their homes, and many times their food stores were destroyed to dissuade them from returning to the area. CLARITY: 5
Merriam, C. Hart. The Indian
Population of Through the 19th century there was an overall gradual decrease in Native American populations. However, during a period of twenty-two years populations decreased in ghastly proportions. Between 1834 and 1855, the Native Americans of California witnessed two different encroaching civilizations: Spanish-Mexicans and white Americans. Each of these civilizations brought with them oppression. It is in this period of twenty-two years he focuses his attention. Prior to 1834 the data on Native American
populations was limited to the statistics of Mission Fathers. These
missions were localized in the state along the coast, from Spanish-Mexican rancheros and raiders moved into the Mission Fathers
area in 1834, when the government claimed the Native American land for CLARITY: 4
Nichols, John Benjamin. The Sex-Composition of Human Families. American Anthropologist 1905 Vol. 7: 26-36. This article presents the results of the author’s survey of approximately 3,000 human families comprised of six or more children. Nichols collected his data from S. Judd, D.M. Hoyt, J.O. Austin, W. W. Ingraham, James Savage and his own work. The families studied by Nichols were all derived form a single pair of parents. In instances where one parent was married more than once but had more than five children with both spouses, each family was counted separately. All families in the study were Anglo-Saxon. Of the 3,000 families 12,935 were males as compared to 11,941 females. The average membership of each family was 8.3 – 4.3 sons and 4.0 daughters. The proportion of males to females was 108.3 to 100. Nichols also discusses a fact that may influence the tendency for a family to be arrhenogenic (male producing) or thelygenic (female producing). According to his findings this may be linked to ancestry. A major influence on his work was Arthur Geissler. He also concluded that in general, the sex of the first-born tended to be the sex of the majority of the children. CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Nichols, John Benjamin. The Sex-Composition of Human Families. American Anthropologist 1905. Vol.7: 24-36. In this study Nichols focuses on the probability of male or female births in large families. His hope is to conclude upon the chances of a family having either a son or daughter. By using statistics drawn from records of childbirth within white families of six or larger he tries to conclude upon which sex it is more probable to conceive. Nichols data is drawn from three thousand families from 1600 to 1905. He provides a series of charts to compare the occurrence of male and female births. He toys with the idea of there being an arrhenogenic (male producing substance) and thelygenic (female producing substance) present in men and women. Nichols is unable to conclude as to whether or not these two concepts exist. His data makes it appear that male births are more prevalent, however, even he admits that his data alone is not enough to prove whether his theories hold validity. This article provides an interesting view as to how studies in the early 20th century were conducted, however, the study itself is very biased and inconclusive. Besides the fact that the data is based purely on white families, the lack of knowledge of genes leaves the study rather unhelpful in modern day study of sex probability. Using what information he did have available, Nichols does his best to provide a very concise and scientific reading of a number of charts. CLARITY: 4 Jessica Maley
Peabody and Moorehead make an argument for changing the system of classification and naming system of American archeological artifacts. The authors list fourteen justification for these changes. They are: insufficient names for a growing numbers of classifications; a large group of specimens currently classified as "unknown"; loosely defined classes; "unscientific" names currently in use; the naming of objects for a task even when this task has not been proven and the failure to indicate such by use of quotation marks; terms that are inconsistently applied and the lack of guidelines for the use of compound endings, for example, "-shaped" and "-liked"; the tendency of English names to vary in meaning over time and place; two or more names being used for the same object; one name being used for two or more objects; the need to use a definite nomenclature based on classical differentiation; observation of spelling protocols; a system that allows easy use by foreign scholars; and a formula for the introduction, establishment and use of words in the classification system. According to the authors, the American Anthropological Association should form a committee to design a system for classification and naming of artifacts based on a uniformed standard. They propose that the system should classify each object by the material form that it is made, its size, shape and basic purpose or use. CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
The author’s objective is to explain why the nomenclature of American Archaeology is unsatisfactory and ways it can be improved. The authors point out several areas where the nomenclature has imperfections. Also, the authors give suggestions that may be able to improve the present nomenclature. Some major problems with the nomenclature are that as more specimens develop the system needs to become stricter. That is not happening in the present classification system. Thus, the classification system fails without proper names given to developing specimens. Dr. Holmes states that there are “problematic classes”, which have too many specimens in one class. When classes become too loose, then people can easily get mistaken. For example, in one particular study of stone ornaments there are 91 headings and in Mr. Douglass’s there are 156 headings. Another problem in the present system is that the names given are usually unscientific such as; “star arrangements” and “mineral lumps.” Sometimes English names given to certain objects may vary due to time and space. Lastly, there is the problem that a single name is given for two or more different classes. The authors suggest that there should be a limitation of classes, such that objects can have certain characteristics of Class A and Class B. Thus, giving the reader a mental picture of the object. There needs to be an agreement reached between the English, Latin and Greek names. The authors strongly believe that for any objects to have any type of importance and be used in investigations the American Anthropology Association must be stamped on the objects. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Pepper, George
H. Ceremonial Objects
and Ornaments from George Pepper's article is about a set of artifacts that were uncovered
in a pueblo in The Pueblo Bonito
was the home of "ancient sedentary people," as
Pepper calls it, and their structure was a fortress-like habitation settlement.
At the time of writing this, Pepper says the pueblo was in ruins. It
is 500 by 300 feet in size and semicircular in form. First to mention
this site was Tosiah Gregg in 1844, followed by Gen. James H. Simpson
in 1850, and Mr. William H. Jackson in 1878. Starting in 1896, the archaeology
taking place was mainly a search for artifacts, which would help determine
the length of occupation by people there. In 1897, room number 38 was
given more attention, and revealed ceremonial bone scrapers and many
turquoise birds and pendants. Pepper lists finding two beautifully inlaid
scrapers made of elk or deer bone, resting on a pedestal. Under the pedestal
were five turquoise bird shapes, a turquoise pendant, beads made of jet,
and a slab of jet. This certain Also found were a frog of jet and a buckle of jet, believed to be near
the position of the scrapers. Although not actually a buckle, it is named
as one for Pepper's convenience, probably a head or breast ornament.
He describes the frog to great detail, size and decoration being accounted
for. Pepper notes that the frog or toad is a symbol of water among the In closing, Pepper says these objects are really only important as a
study of the development of art among the ancient CLARITY RANKING: 5
Pepper, George H. Ceremonial Objects and Ornaments from Pepper examines artifacts found at Pueblo Bonito in The excavation mainly took place in Room 38, with the addition of upper rooms, which have since collapsed onto the first floor. Artifacts found at this site include bone scrapers, beads, buttons, a buckle, and shaped forms of birds and a frog. Many bone scrapers are found at Pueblo Bonito, as well as the Southwest region. Scrapers show evidence of further production, beyond that of general use. Therefore, these scrapers are for special purposes, such as religious ceremonies. The jet frog and jet buckle are situated above the scrapers. Both artifacts are well formed and very detailed. This
suggests that the artifacts are for ceremonial objects. The
frog showed evidence of being burned, perhaps for a ritual. In present day Similarly, the jet buttons located below the scrapers may have been
used as clothing ornaments. Jet
pendants served as ornaments, which possibly connected with a necklace
and shell beads. Turquoise birds
may also have served as pendants to necklaces. This
same type of bird is found in Grand Gulche, CLARITY RANKING: 3
Rust, Horatio. The Obsidian Blades of California. American Anthropologist Oct.-Dec. 1905 Vol.7(4):688-695. This article is a description of the obsidian blades Rust came across in the Klamath and Trinity River areas of Northern California. The initial article is written by Rust commenting on his findings. This article is followed by Kroeber’s notes on Rust’s article. Kroeber’s notes mainly go into detail of the dance practices of these tribes and the place for obsidian blades in the rituals. The article included a page of images of these blades. Rust states that the blades were personal objects that held great meaning to their owners. Upon a father’s death the blade would be given to his son. The use of the blades was solely ceremonial. Rust suggests that other obsidian blades found across the country were also used for ceremonial purposes. According to Kroeber’s notes, the ceremony in which the blades were most used was the white deerskin dance, a dance connected only to three tribes in the described region. The dances are a display of wealth. Dances were held in certain villages with many people coming from far distances to participate, creating close ties and friendships among otherwise separated groups. The blades dancers used were never their own. Value of the blades is determined by length, precision of the edges, and quality of the material it was made from. Because blades had such high values, they were sometimes used commercially and therefore would not be inherited. Kroeber disagrees with some of Rust’s statements, such as claiming personal ownership of each blade instead of the idea of overlying tribal ownership. CLARITY: 4 CHRISTINE GEIBEL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Sheldon, A.E. Ancient Indian Fireplaces in In this article,
Sheldon’s purpose is to arrive
at a conclusion concerning the age of several Native American fire
pits that had been
found in a canyon wall in The middle of the article is devoted to a detailed description of the finds. He systematically lists specific features shared by each fire pit such as charcoal deposits, and fragments of pottery, clay, and bone. He reports the measurements of the pits and at what distance from the present surface of the ground they were found. He also describes the levels of strata positioned above the deposits, and their contents. The final section of the article presents Sheldon’s burning question: How old are the fireplaces? He attempts to answer it by first describing the measurements of the canyon and discussing the geological history that would account for the recent exposure of the deposits. With this information he concludes that they are “many centuries” old. At the end, however, he leaves room for discussion by tacking on the opinion of a geologist, who theorizes that they are fairly recent, perhaps less than three hundred years old. This is certainly much less than the age Sheldon seems to assume by the title of the article. CLARITY RANKING: 5 KATIE MCCURDIE
Sparkman, P.
S. Sketch of
the Grammar of the Luiseno Language of Sparkman’s article
is a summary of the components and parts of speech of the Luiseno people
of the San Luis Rey river in In the article, he devotes each paragraph to a part of speech of word function, discusses its existence or lack thereof in the language, and if the part of speech does exist, he discusses its particular use and function. He begins immediately by claiming that "there are no articles in the Luiseno language; instead of ‘a…’ or ‘the man is coming,’ one says, ‘man is coming,’ or, occasionally, ‘one man is coming.’" The article is characterized by straightforward discussions such as the one above. Of numbers he writes that the Luiseno have only five numerals and that "higher amounts are counted chiefly by means of fingers and toes." He also writes that as in many Indian languages, verbs in Luiseno are highly complex. He notes that their formation and structure bear little if any similarity with the construction and use of verbs in English. Of the verb to be, he writes that in Luiseno the meaning more closely translate into "there to be." He also notes that the verb is slightly adverbial. For example, one cannot simply say, "he is," "he was," etc. Instead, one must use the clause to modify something as in "he is ill." He also includes in his discussion of the article-pronoun "a class of suffixes that are oftener affixed to pronouns than to any other part of speech." Sparkman provides a number of examples of this type of pronoun: "Manuel is going to build a house – Manuel-up ke’-cho-lut; So Manuel is going to build a house –Manuel-shil ke’cho’lut." The thing to note above is the manner in which the article-pronoun attaches to the noun. The article concludes with a discussion of the various ways that the article pronoun can be used. CLARITY RANKING: 5 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Swanton, John R. Types of Haida and Tlingit Myths. American Anthropologist January, 1905 Vol.7 (1):94-103. Many myths of the Haida and Tlingit have similar plots, but Swanton, in this article, is describing the myths, which seem to have been formulated from this area. Each of these myths seems to be a lesson with different themes teaching what is considered to be right and wrong through these stories. The first of these themes evident in the myths Swanton describes is the lesson of obedience; disobedience does not pay in the end. Many of these obedience myths end in death for the disobedient. The next theme is that the patient and good will persevere. One example is the myth of the unfortunate man who obtains assistance from a supernatural being and in the end becomes rich and fortunate. Another lesson theme is to not mistreat someone else. In the end, each person gets what he or she deserves, as shown in many of the myths presented by Swanton. Adultery is another theme, which repeatedly shows up in these myths, as does the acquirement of wealth by different ways. One example of this is shown in the myth of a shaman who sickens the child of a wealthy man and then cures him, thus acquiring great wealth. Many of these myths involve animals, such as bears, killer whales, land otters, etc., and these myths also involve supernatural beings, who are used as the pawns in the myths, which revenge a wrong or turns misfortune around. These myths are used to convey what is right and what is considered wrong in the Haida and Tlingit societies. CLARITY 3
Swanton, John R. The Social Organization of American Tribes. American Anthropologist, 1905 Vol.7(4):663-673. In this article, Swanton questions the validity of the totemic clan theory and attempts to determine whether American tribes support this theory. The widely accepted totemic clan theory argues that primitive societies were divided into clans, which substituted for modern day families. These clans are characteristically exogamic, matrilineal, and make use of a totem, an animal, plant, or other article, to which the clan is believed to be related. Swanton also considers an opposing view proposed by Westermarck, suggesting that the monogamous family is the end result of the evolution of sexual relations. Swanton acknowledges that to determine whether American tribes coincide with Westermarck’s or the totemic clan theory is not a clear question, as each theory contains many sub-theories. First, Swanton examines totemic divisions between clans. He looks at the Kutchin tribe, which completely lacks totemic names. He also examines tribes such the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian, which have totemic distinction between the towns they reside in, but not between the clans themselves. He determines that contrary to the totemic clan theory, most tribes do not fully implement totems in clan divisions. Next, Swanton considers the extent to which matrilineal descent is recognized. He
argues that the role of the father’s clan has been traditionally
underemphasized and some paternal descent is recognized in many tribes. Often, a child is viewed as an offspring
of the father’s clan and marrying into the father’s clan
is seen as just as incestuous and taboo as marrying into the mother’s. Swanton lists several patrilineal tribes
which Morgan concluded had traces of matrilineal descent, but he argues
that the evidence is too weak to be conclusive. He
also questions the existence of matrilineal descent within the After examining the organization of the tribes, Swanton is forced to disagree with the totemic clan theory. He then adopts Westermarck’s theory of family evolution, which argues that matrilineal descent is the result of evolution of societies. Swanton suggests that matrilineal descent may have developed in relation to the environment, as many maternal clan systems are found where food is abundant, whereas looser clan systems are found where food is less plentiful. To determine whether a particular clan has evolved a maternal clan system, Swanton believes one should look at several factors. These factors include the proportion of husbands living with the wives’ families and wives living with the husbands’ families, the view on exogamy and endogamy, and the attitude toward other tribes. One should also examine the religious beliefs of the tribe, to determine whether they are totemic or merely use an object as a symbol of their tribe. Finally, Swanton argues that it is necessary to consider the existence of “vestigial characters,” elements which are still present in the society but have lost all meaning, as evidence for the evolution of matrilineal distinction. Swanton also ponders the extent of diffusion of matrilineal descent. He refers to the organization of the Kwakiutl tribe which has borrowed many of its characteristics from neighboring tribes. Although the Kwakiutls lack matrilineal descent, they are surrounded by matrilineal tribes and Swanton expects that in future years they will adopt matrilineal descent. Swanton concludes that there is no substantial evidence from the American tribes that supports the totemic clan theory. Many tribes are not divided into a clan system, of those that are, many lack totemic names, some lack totems completely, and most recognize some sort of patriarchal lineage. Rather, the evidence points to the theory that matrilineal descent evolved and diffused. CLARITY: 4 MARISSA BROSTED
Tooker, William
Wallace. Some
More About This article is
a response to William Gerard, who wrote an article in response to Tooker’s
first article. The original article listed names derived from Native
Americans who resided in Tooker lists a few of the many problems he had with the response article from Gerard. He informs the reader that he need not go through all of them because there were too many; there was not enough space set aside to deal with all of the problems; and he did not feel it was necessary to add any more examples. Tooker points out that Gerard does not seem to be knowledgeable on the subject due to the "elementary" mistakes he makes. Tooker presents evidence for each of the problems he does address. Some of the problems he found with the translations by Gerard were mistranslations of words, disagreements between parts of the words, such as grammar and plurality agreement, and misquoting. He says that he does not appreciate someone unable to think critically enough to translate the Algonquian language telling him the correct translations. Tooker makes it clear to the reader that this article is the final word on the subject. CLARITY: 4
Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Excavation of Indian Graves in Excavations on the Dr. Edward Hitchcock conducted further excavations six miles south of CLARITY: 5 Stephanie Dale
Willoughby, Charles
C. Dress
and Ornaments of the New England Indians’ dress
and ornaments are very similar within all groups, according to the
author. Some of the topics The style of hair a person wears is determined by their age and status. Boys wear their hair short and at puberty they grow their hair out and the hair is then cut in various ways. No facial hair is allowed on most New England Indians. Women wear their hair long with ornaments adorning it. When tattooing is done it is sometimes done on the cheeks with totemic figurine designs of beasts in black or sometimes a blue cross is tattooed on women. Face painting was also done on women and men and included such colors as black, red, yellow, white, and blue. Men painted their faces before going on a raid and women painted their faces black when they were in mourning. Clothing is also similar between the sexes, but male children did not wear a breech-clout, whereas female children did. Clothing was made from doe, seal, beaver, or black tanned skin. Men and boys often wore leggings of deerskin and women sometimes wore these ornamented garments. The Indians also wore moose or deer skin moccasins and robes made of moose, deer, bear, beaver, otter, raccoon, fox, and squirrel. Cloaks were fashioned together covered with wild turkey feathers. A covering is made of cat skin to be used with a cloak because one arm is left unexposed. A pouch was also worn in which fire-making implements and a pipe and tobacco were kept. This article describes very well the general dress and ornaments of the New England Indians, including hairdressing, tattooing, face painting, clothing, headdresses, and other ornaments used to adorn their clothing and bodies. CLARITY RANKING: 5
This article looked at the baskets, bags, matting, and twined woven
cloth of New England Indians. The
condition of these existing artifacts is mentioned and they are compared
to those of other Indian tribes. The In baskets, clothes, and mats the weaving techniques, materials and embroidery is examined. The level of sophistication of the production methods used in creating these artifacts is analyzed. The size of the mats and other artifacts is described as is which tribes used which materials. Hexagonal weaving, found in artifacts that are referred to as rawhide netting, is discussed, and the extent to which the textiles and other artifacts were used is examined. Depictions by early explorers of robes woven of grass and hemp is discussed. Garments made from the iridescent feathers of wild turkey are analyzed. How these garments were made, who made them, what function they served, and the extent to which these beautiful artifacts remain is examined. The distribution of various types of artifacts is mentioned, and the physical characteristics of certain wallets and bags, including their size, are discussed. Where these bags were discovered and the relative quality of all the artifacts are also topics that are discussed. CLARITY RANKING: 4 STEPHEN
Willoughby, Charles C. A Few Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and Clark. American Anthropologist. October 1905 Vol. 7(4):633-641. In this article, The first described articles are raven skin badges, used to denote an
individual in the Teton Okandanda tribe responsible for public control
and safety. This individual was very powerful in that he answered only
to the head chief. CLARITY: 5
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