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Bogoras, W. The Chukchi of Northeastern Asia. American Anthropologist January-March, 1901 Vol. 3(1):80-108 In this article Bogoras conveys his insights into the people known as the Chukchi, inhabitants of the country called Chukotskaya Zemlitsa, present day eastern Russia, Borgoras concentrates predominantly on their relations with the Russians, however there are instances where he describes their present everyday structure as well. Bogoras begins by examining the history of relations between the Russians and Chukchi, which began in the mid-seventeenth century. Here he notes the demeanor of the Chukchi as fierce and aggressive. Traditional stories are recounted in the beginning while the latter part of the article is mainly descriptive. The Chukchi were said to have been overlooked on some maps of the eighteenth century and were portrayed as ransackers of Russian villages who showed little mercy. According to their traditions, the Chukchi decimated entire populations. Bogoras describes a heartless Russian man by the name of Pavlutsky and talks of how his death impacted the lives of the Russians and Chukchi. He was reportedly a crude man and his death led to broken connections between the Russians and Chukchi from 1774 until 1789. Bogoras noted tribal divisions among the Chukchi and found there to
be two groups, the Reindeer Chukchi and the Maritime Chukchi. Both are
said to have the same language yet live in different conditions. The
Reindeer Chukchi herd reindeer and are in charge of trade while maritime
Chukchi subsist by hunting sea-animals and by fishing. The Chukchi pride
themselves in their herding abilities and are viewed as being very fond
of their reindeer. Many instances throughout the article are given to
such stories. Through descriptive passages, Bogoras sheds light on everyday
Chukchi life. Over twenty themes pertaining to everyday life are discussed
ranging from physical characteristics and marriage, to things such as
mortuary customs and shamanism. CLARITY: 4 JEN SLIWA Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Bowditch, Charles P. Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the Books of Chilan Balam. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1):129-138. The author presents evidence for hypotheses for the dates on the Maya Calendars used in the Books of Chilan Balam. A knowledge of Mayan words will help the reader to understand this article because there is no clear explanation by the author about what the words used in the article are equivalent to in the English language. The author also realizes that the hypothesis he presents may be incorrect, but at the very least, more facts and information may come out of the discussion and he will be ready to accept new evidence if it is proved to have substantiation. The Books of Chilan
Balam contain information about the death of Ahpulha. These books,
the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani and
the Book of Chilan
Balam of Tizimin were translated and documented in Dr. Brinton’s book, Maya
Chronicles. The Maya used a long count as well as a month and year
count. Using the method of each calendar to determine the death of Ahpulha
two different hypotheses can be put forth to determine how long This abstract covers information about the Mayan calendars found in
the Books of Chilan Balam. The author is presenting hypotheses to determine
the correct dates of the death of Ahpulha and for the cities of CLARITY RANKING: 1
Bowditch, Charles P. Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the Books of Chilan Balam. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:129-138. Bowditch used the Mayan calendar date given in the Books of Chilan
Balam for the death of Ahpula, the corresponding year of his death
(1536), and dates given on stelae to determine the time ranges that
stelae were erected at the sites of Bowditch begins with passages from the Books of Chilan Balam that state the date for the death of Ahpula according to the Mayan calendar system. Mayan dates consist of a grand cycle number, cycle number, katun, tun, month, and day. A tun is approximately a year. A katun is a period of 20 tuns. There are 20 katuns per cycle, and 13 cycles per grand cycle. The grand cycle and cycle numbers were not given for Ahpula's death. However, it was noted that 6 tuns remained in the katun. According to the Mayan calendar system, a given date (katun, tun,
month, and day) cannot be repeated for 18,720 years. To figure out the
grand cycle and cycle numbers for Ahpula's death, Bowditch found the
years within this period with the same katun and year as Ahpula's
death that had approximately 6 tuns remaining in the katun.
This left three possibilities for the grand cycle and cycle in which
Ahpula died. Stelae markings at CLARITY: 1 KARINA NELSON
Bowditch, Charles P. On The Age of the Maya Ruins. American Anthropologist vol. 3:697-700. Charles P. Bowditch cites an inscription discovered in The date found at CLARITY: 2
Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. Kootenay Group-drawings. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1): 248-256. Chamberlain studied four group-pictures made by living members of the
Kootenay tribe. This Native American tribe is located in southern CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. Kootenay Group-Drawings. American Anthropologist, 1901 Vol.3(1):248-256. The Kootenay were a peaceful tribe found along the Idaho/British Colombia border. They belong to the Amerind linguistic family, differing from their neighbors in terms of language and social structure. Most of the linguistic and ethnographic information available for this group was gathered in the late 1800’s by both Chamberlain and Franz Boas. The focus of this article is the artistic ability of the Kootenay, which had previously been disputed. Chamberlain reviewed several hundred drawings, which he felt proved their artistic abilities. Several drawings were produced for the author by two members of the tribe. One was an elderly man, while the other was a well-respected younger Kootenay member. Chamberlain notes a variety of subjects in the drawings, including gambling games, dances, and hunts. The younger man produced for Chamberlain a drawing of a gambling game
that, at that time, was found only among the The elder man, a member of the CLARITY: 5 DULCE WASSIL
Chamberlain, Alexander F. Significations of Certain Algonquian Animal-Names American Anthropologist 1901 Vol3: 669-683. Alexander Chamberlain
presents a brief dictionary of Algonquian animal names and their translations. The
author references several other researchers, including Baraga, Cuoq,
Lacombe, Maclean,
Tims, Rand, The author lists the animal name in English, designates the Native American language, and provides the animal name in the second language. In addition, the literal meaning of the name is translated into English. Etymology is noted when possible, and the author often provides the animal name and meaning in several Native American languages. The following is a sample entry. EAGLE.-Cree mikisiw, Ojibwa migis, “the barker.” Other names for eagles in Cree are piponasiw, “winterer”; asponasiw, “greedy one.” The etymology of the name for golden eagle, Cree kiyuw, Ojibwa kiniu, is uncertain. The white-headed eagle is called in Ojibwa wabishakwe, “its head is white”; and there are like names in several other dialects. This article is dominated by animal species that would have been important to the Native Americans. Domesticated species, except for the dog, are completely absent from this list. Types of animals represented include large mammals such as moose and bear, medium and small mammals including rodents, birds, fish, and insects. The meaning of most of the animal names are directly related to some feature of the animal, either its physical appearance, characteristic sounds or hunting/feeding patterns. Many of the animal names describe the animal in reference to a similar species. As noted by the author in the last paragraph, this paper “may serve as the suggestion of a dictionary of Amerindian natural history from the standpoint of linguistic psychology.” Although the list of animals is quite thorough, a useful complement would be a list of animals that the Amerindians were exposed to after contact with white people. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Dorsey, George A. Certain Gambling Games of the Klamath Indians. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 14-27. Throughout the history of human existence, men and women have been playing
games for entertainment and to win prizes. In this article, Dorsey describes
five categories for gambling games played by the Klamath tribe, which
may have led to 60 or more games found in The first category of games involves a spear or arrow which is thrown or shot at a circular ring. These games depend on the human’s ability to shoot or hurl a weapon into a certain spot in the center of the ring. A good example of these games is that of "Woskank." In this particular game, the object is to throw an arrow through an 11-inch diameter ring. This sport is usually played by men or boys during winter in order to help them prepare for the hunting season. The second category consists of games which requires the player to have the ability to hit a ball which is thrown at them with a stick. "Tchimmaash" is one of these games. In this pastime, the object was to throw a short willow pole into the opponents goal which are about a hundred feet apart. Two to ten women usually participate in this activity. Games which depend on skills acquired by long and patient practices are put into the third category. In these games, the object is to catch a certain item upon the point of a bodkin or needle. In "Soquoquas," the person tries to catch a ball which is attached to a string on the point of the pin. In the fourth category, the games are played by guessing the location of certain items which are hidden among many other objects. These games depend mostly on a player’s judgement. "Loipas" is a sport which involves regret concentration by a player. The last category mentioned consisted of games in which players throw objects on the ground or in a bowl or basket, and the points that are determined by the side of the object in which it lands on. "Shushash" is played with four sticks marked with certain points. These sticks are thrown up and then land, and the side landed upon determined your points. This is similar to dice games. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Dorsey, George A. Certain Gambling Games of the Klamath Indians. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 14-27. In June of 1900, Dorsey spent a week with the Klamath Indians of Upper
Klamath Lake, Oregon. During this time he obtained some 250 odd ethnological
specimens for the Department of Anthropology of the Field Columbian Museum.
Among these were collected the equipment from more then ten varieties
of games. Dorsey found these games to be of particular interest and importance.
He states that gaming devices were probably more subject to adoption
by other tribes then any other phase of American Aboriginal life. Dorsey
cites the investigations of a Mr. Culin to point out that of the 60 or
more games found in The first class of specimens was noted as ring and javelin games. In this class often times a spear or arrow is hurled at a target, generally a moving ring. This game was popular during winter months to remain sharp and ready for spring hunts. The second group was recognized as ball games. A good example of this variety is a game played solely by women. Two goals are set up about 100 yards apart and the two teams try to drive a “ball,” made of two wooden billets and connected by a cord about six inches long, through the other teams goal using a short willow pole to move the “ball.” The third category is listed as ball and pin games. Varieties of this category are games where the object is to catch some type of object like a ball or a cup shaped bone on the end of a bodkin or needle. These are often referred to by other tribes as matrimonial games. The fourth class of games are called guessing games. These games are associated with judgment. Often times one would have to guess the location of an object or differentiate between two or more concealed objects. The final grouping is referred to as stave and dice games. This grouping utilizes objects that are thrown on the ground or into a basket or bowl. These are compared to games of chance as one side or the other of the object is associated with a certain value and the “count” is determined by the chance of the throw. Dorsey points out that the order of these five categories is arbitrary and based on personal convenience. He does mention that there is some evidence that the second group is the oldest of American games. CLARITY: 4 JAMES C. PETERSON
Dorsey, George A. Recent Progress in Anthropology at The Field Columbian Museum. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 737- . In this article, Dorsey’s purpose is to describe new collections acquired as a result of expeditions as well as to describe progress on the museum’s new installations. Dorsey notes that this article makes an account of the activities of the museum that take place between March and October of 1900. In the first section,
entitled "Accessions",
Dorsey lists the new acquisitions and their origins. He also gives
credit to those
who are responsible for acquiring the artifacts for the museum. For example,
he notes that from the In the The second section of the article – "Installations" – describes various installations on display in the museum, as well as installations in the planning stages. Much attention is given to spatial description and to the actual logistics of the installations in the museum’s various spaces. The descriptions read like the minutes of a meeting. CLARITY: 4 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Dorsey, George A. Recent Progress in Anthropology at the Field Columbian Museum. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3:737-750. Dorsey summarizes activity at the Field Columbian Museum for the previous year (March - October 1900) and the past year (October 1900 - October 1901). For these two time periods he speaks of accessions resulting from expeditions and other new material acquired, and the work of installation into the museum. From March - October 1900, Dorsey believed the most notable gift was
a collection of Swiss-lake relics donated by a private collector. This
collection contained over one thousand artifacts and added to the ability
of illustrating European prehistoric archaeology. Exchanges were made
with the Artifact acquisition was confined exclusively to Arranging and installing artifacts into the museum was difficult, with an attempt being made to keep collections from a geographic area within a single hall or adjoining halls. To make room for non-pueblo Southwestern artifacts, two South American halls were vacated. The South American collections were moved to other halls where exhibits had been recently abandoned due to their lack of anthropological connections. Full and descriptive labels were added to the Etruscan and Roman collections, greatly increasing their value. CLARITY: 5 KARINA NELSON
Farrand, Livingston. Notes
on the Alsea Indians of Livingston Farrand gives a thorough ethnological account on the few
surviving families at the Siletz reservation in The Alsea have been classified under the Yakonan linguistic branch along
with the Yaquina and Siuslaw. Farrand describes their natural habitat
as the coast of Farrand concludes with the suggestion of further comparison of the Alsea with the Athapascan tribes to the south. Farrand gives a thorough, well written, and non-ethnocentric view of the few remaining families of the Alsea. Farrand never says, however, whether or not he believes the Yakonan linguistic branch is independent. CLARITY: 3
Farrand, Livingston. Notes
on the Alsea Indians of This article represents ethnographic data gathered by Farrand on the
Alsea tribe from the Siletz reservation in Farrand determined that the Alsea generally shared the broader CLARITY: 4 DULCE WASSIL
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Lesser New-Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 438-453. For the Walpi and Hano people, the Sumaikoli, also known as the Lesser
New-Fire ceremony, is a fire festival that is rarely seen by outsider
due to its secretive nature. The Walpi people have two types of fire
festivals which they celebrate; the sumaikoli and the Greater New-Fire
ceremony. Unlike the Greater New-Fire ceremony, the Sumaikoli is less
complicated and performed only by a fratenity of priest called Yaya,
which are ancient ones represented by distinct organizations in both
the Hano and Walpi cultures. The author believes that the Sumaikoli may
have originated from a different geographical location than the Greater
New-Fire. He supports this theory by stating that the Tanoan clan of The Sumaikoli is significant in that the priest prays to the Fire Gods to bring magic power which in turn will vanish any diseases or disorders brought upon primitive man. The ceremony lasts only one day and includes a fire kindled by friction, manufacture of prayer offerings, consecration of the prayer-offerings, and couriers carry fire and prayer emblems to four shrines. There are four kinds of prayers the Yaya do to direct the magic powers from the fire. They are: kindling the nerw fire, verbal prayer, song prayer, and pantomimic or symbolic prayer. Each one of these prayers involve certain tasks which must be done in order to achieve magic. For example: in the verbal prayer, the priest must use words to tell the Gods how he wants the magic powers to act. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Lesser New-Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 438-453. The Hopi Indians
of the Southwest consider fire to be a living being. The
fire cult participates in rites of germination and rainmaking, along
with prayers to the Fire-gods. A major festival in honor of the
Fire-gods, the Greater New-fire festival, is celebrated at Walpi in November. This
festival is controlled by four fraternities of male adults. It
is a prayer festival in honor of the male Germ-god, Masauû, and
his female complement, Germ-mother (Talatumsi). It is the
most complicated ceremony performed on the A less complex,
but equally important festival occurs in March and July. While
the meaning, a prayer, is similar to that of the Greater New-fire ceremony,
it differs in several ways. This ceremony, the Lesser New-fire
festival (or Sumaikoli to the Hopi), is a prayer not just to the
Fire-gods, but to the Spider Woman (Kokyan-wüqti), the Sun, Moon,
and the cardinal points. It has different geographical origins,
possibly coming from Tanaon clans of The Yaya is an ancient priesthood represented by distinct organizations in Walpi. The ancient priesthood had extraordinary power over fire, which helped to cure illnesses in humans, and produce positive results in other areas of life such as a successful harvest. Although the power of the Yaya was greater in ancient times, the priesthood observed in 1901 still had shamanistic and disease curing powers. The priests play an important role in the Lesser New-fire ceremony. They alone participate in the rituals, possession of sacred objects (wími), songs, prayers, smoking, and the invocation of Spider Woman. Rituals, such as the symbolic kindling of new fire, influence the gods to assure a good corn harvest. Without the Hopi priests performing these ceremonies, the Tribe’s successfulness in the future would be at risk. CLARITY: 4 NANCY STROUPE
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Owakulti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo. American Anthropologist 1901 vol. 3: 211-226. Fewkes discusses the Hopi wimi's magical, occult powers, and how the wimi is associated with the Owakulti altar of Sichomovi. This alter was ceremonial, and was found in relation with the kiva at Sichomovi. Along with this altar, there were these items: Tiponis, objects that are totemic symbols of food; effigies, or idols of gods or goddesses; and a medicine-bowl and surrounding objects. There were two tiponis, one of the Buli or Butterfly clan, and the other, the Pakab, or Reed clan. There were three effigies at this altar: Sky-god, Coto-kinunwu; Growth-god, Muyinwu; and Owakul-mana, the ancestress of the clans. In front of this altar was the medicine bowl, with sacred meal leading away from it in six directions, with a corresponding butterfly for each direction. The upright portion of this altar is also under strict accordance to Hopi religion. They are constructed of wooden slats, with each slat having symbols of maize and lightning, pictures of birds, insects, the sun, and figures of rain clouds. Fewkes goes into great detail about these wooden slats. Two major ceremonies take place during the Owakulti festival: Making the medicine, which is directly related to the wimi; and, the public dance six months later. Songs, ritual actions, pipe smoking, and medicine preparation occur during the first phase. Fewkes points out that butterfly symbols are present throughout the ceremony, and whistling and smoke blowing into the medicine is also important. The dance happens months later, and is performed by many women. Fewkes uses the abovementioned altar to show how wimi is incorporated through the butterfly, reed, and kokop clan ownership. Fewkes is interested as an ethnographer to find out what the origins of the wimi, altar ownership, and rituals involved have to offer in finding out the origin of the Hopi tribe. His conclusions mention how archaeology has helped in determining some of these questions, and he leaves the article with many lines of evidence towards these questions. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Owakülti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo. American Anthropologist April-June, 1901 Vol.3: 211-226. It is believed that the Hopi Tribe of the southwestern Each Hopi clan possesses one or more ancient sacred object (wími). These objects, similar to the churingas of the Central Australian tribes, were inherited from the distant past. These objects possess occult powers, and serve as protectors to the clan. The chief of each clan takes great care of the wími when it, or they, are not in ceremonial use. When the wími is used in ceremonies, the priests believe it can help the clan obtain certain advantageous results. These results often relate to crop production, but are not necessarily limited to agriculture. When the separate clans came together, it became necessary to organize the assembled wími into a prescribed arrangement. This arrangement is referred to as the poñya, or altar. For a decade prior to Fewkes article, various altars had been reproduced
in paintings or photographed for museum exhibits across the There are two festivals associated with the altar. The more elaborate and lengthy festival occurs in October and lasts for nine days and nights. During the festival, male and female priests perform rituals, namely the “making of the medicine”. The making of the medicine involves placing offerings around the medicine bowl. This ritual, along with others, is meant to encourage the gods to hasten the advent of the season for agriculture-the main form of subsistence for the Hopi. CLARITY: 4 NANCY STROUPE Univeristy
of
Grinnell, George Bird. The Lodges of the Blackfeet. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 650-668. Grinnell gives a thorough ethnographic study of the Piegen tribe lodges of the Blackfeet Native Americans. Grinnell states that his findings are also applicable to the Kainah or Bloods, and to the Sikskau or the Blackfeet Native Americans. Grinnell gives an extensive explanation of the process of making a lodge from the gathering of materials to its erection. He describes the roles that the women in the tribe have to perform in order to construct a new lodge. He gives a comparison of Crow lodges to the Blackfeet or Piegen lodges. Grinnell then goes on to give the history of the Thunder-Bird lodge owned by Iron Pipe. He then explains the different uses for different parts of the buffalo and the importance of the buffalo to the tribe. Each lodge is created through a vision or dream and therefore there is a story or purpose behind each lodge. If a lodge design comes to someone in a dream they paint a butterfly near the smoke hole of the lodge. He recounts the story of the In-is'-Kim (buffalo stone) lodges found by Weasel Heart and Fisher which tells of the Under-water people - Su' ye tuppi. Grinnell talks about the painting on the separate lodges which include: Yellow-painted buffalo lodge, Black Buffalo lodge, the lodge belonging to Head Carrier, Growing Buffalo's lodge, White Dog's lodge, Red Head's lodge, Stingy's lodge, Three Bears lodge as well as the story of its discovery, Single Circle lodge owned by Old Running Rabbit, a shin lodge made at Grinnell's request for the American Museum of Natural History, Yellow-painted or Otter lodge owned by George Starr, Dan Lone Chief's lodge, Short Robe's lodge, and a lodge that Little Plumed dreamed of but no one owns. Grinnell then describes some of the symbolism of the Blackfeet. He suggests that due to their naturalistic renditions the paintings on the lodges, they be referred to as pictures rather than symbols. He even compares aspects of the Blackfeet's religion to Christianity. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Grinnell, George Bird. The Lodges of the Blackfeet. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 650-668. Grinnell offers an extensive look at the manufacture, erection and decoration of the “old-time” skin lodges known generally to prairie tribes, but more specifically here to the Piegan tribe of the Blackfeet. He discusses the process of making a skin lodge from the point of recognizing the need for a new one to the design and painting of the lodges. He discusses the importance of the buffalo to plains or prairie tribes in detail. Grinnell recognizes that these operations will more or less differ between tribes, but he points out that he is unaware of this type of comparative study to date, thus justifying the need for this article. The lodges of the Blackfeet were always made of an even number of skins anywhere between 8 to over 30. These lodges commonly used 20 to 30 poles and contained two or more fires. Lodges were made in spring or early summer and under constant use lasted only about one year. Often, leaking from the spring rains dictated the need for a new one at which time the woman would notify her husband that they would need skins for a new lodge. Once the skins were acquired and tanned, all sinews collected and awls prepared, the woman would converse with her husband and then an old man in the tribe would invite certain women to eat with her. This is how the work was divided among the tribe so all could help. Grinnell takes time to list and discuss the important uses of all of the different parts of the buffalo, for the Blackfeet, and uses this to make a connection to the naming of different lodges, like the buffalo stone lodges, and the creation of design when painting a lodge. Each lodge had a story behind its creation as the designs were formed through a dream or vision. Grinnell lists many aspects of the designs and their significance to the Blackfeet, but recognized that there was no complicated theory needed to explain the paintings. CLARITY: 5 JAMES C. PETERSON
Holmes, William H. Use of Textiles in Pottery Making and Embellishment. American Anthropologist July-September, 1901 Vol.3 (3):397-403 The author’s objective is to address the use of textiles in pottery
made by Native American tribes. He starts with a six paragraph introduction
to textile art and the five classes of textile markings that are found
on pottery. He states that "textile forms and markings are a characteristic
on the initial stages of the ceramic art." However, the author is
unclear about whether textile art is a local development of the He addresses five classes of textile markings. He observes that as one travels farther south, less textile markings are found; also, the five types of textile markings are not evenly distributed throughout the country. The author devotes a section to each type of textile marking. The first class mentioned is the class that involves impressions made by the surface of "rigid forms." An example of this is baskets used for molding and modeling clay. The author has found that contrary to popular belief, the use of baskets as molds for pottery is the exception and not the rule. He says that he believes that some imprints that were taken to be made by baskets were actually made by cords that were pressed into the pottery. The second class is "pliable fabrics as aids in modeling." Sacks, nets, and cloths were used to lift the pottery and to keep it moist and prevent drying and cracking. The third class mentioned was "textiles used in maleating the surfaces of vessels." This is the use of textiles not just for supporting the vessels but also as a way to mold the surface of the clay together. The fourth class is cords wrapped around paddles or rocking tools. Maleating tools and cord-wrapped rocking tools are used to mold the surface of the clay together, smooth irregularities, make the walls of the vessel stronger, and make the object more visually pleasing. The fifth class is impressions of cords or other "textile units" used solely to enhance the beauty of the object. This led to the imitation of textile imprints. The use of the roulette, engraved paddles, and stamps may have arisen from this. Thus, the author argues that the textile art has served in "shaping and modifying ceramic art" and " given rise to varied forms of embellishment" and later phases of cultural development. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, William H. Use of Textiles in Pottery Making and Embellishment American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 396-403. In this article,
William Holmes describes how textiles were used by Native Americans
to decorate their pottery. Holmes
briefly discusses the history and distribution of this practice throughout
the The most important aspect of this article is Holmes’ classification of textile use and descriptions of the pottery produced. The five classes of textile use are: impression from the surface of rigid forms, impressions of pliable fabrics, impressions from textiles used with the hand or other implement, impressions of cords wrapped around a paddle or rocking tool, and cords and other textiles used to produce a textile-like pattern. The author also designates a class of mechanically-imitated textile patterns. Holmes points out that the use of textiles may have served a functional as well as aesthetic purpose. Baskets and other pliable fabrics could provide support for a piece of pottery as it is manufactured, decorated, and dried. Using a textile-wrapped paddle or rocking tool may have functioned to strengthen the clay, making the vessel less likely to break. The replication of a textile pattern using cord or a piece of textile may also have been another mode of displaying art. Despite the fairly thorough description of the five classes designated by the author, there is very little in-depth discussion of the actual distribution of the different classes. Holmes does say that a class may “characterize the wares of a particular region of belong to particular groups of ware,” but does not develop this point further. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Holmes, William H. Aboriginal Copper Mines of Isle Royale, Lake Superior. American Anthropologist October-December, 1901. Vol. 3: 684-696. This article reports on William H. Holmes’ trip to the Isle Royale to explore excavated ancient aboriginal copper mines. The ultimate goal of this trip was to gather information for a museum exhibit. Holmes had previously studied the works of other anthropologists who researched ancient mining techniques and industries but had never seen them first hand. Holmes begins his account by describing aborigine mining methods. The aborigines’ method for extracting copper involved using a rock as a sledge hammer to break up the surrounding rock and then fire to burn the excess away. Holmes expressed surprise that the aborigines, with their “primitive tools,” could efficiently mine as much as they did (688). Modern miners did not find much copper, as most had already been obtained by the aborigines. Holmes determined the intensity with which the aborigines worked by the amount of broken or chipped sledge-hammer rocks found when he performed his own excavation. He was impressed by the quality and precision of the sledge rocks as they were “by no means rude affairs, or mean makeshifts” (693). The aborigines specifically chose the perfectly shaped rocks found only on shores miles away from the site. Holmes ends the article with the argument that a copper trade system between people in the surrounding area had existed. He speculated that after the copper was removed from the mines it was transported elsewhere to be made into functional products. His evidence for this theory was the lack of mining workshops found on the site. He also discovered similar mining techniques used by different populations in the same region and concluded that the Lake Superior region was where copper mining and trade began in the Midwest (696). CLARITY: 4 MARIE WENCEL Loyola University Chicago (Kathleen Adams)
Hrdlicka, Aleš. An Eskimo Brain. American Anthropologist vol. 3:454-500. Aleš Hrdlicka conducted a thorough examination on the brain of Kishu, an adult male Eskimo about 45 years of age, who died of acute general tuberculosis. Measurements of the skull and brain indicate that Kishu was not racially exceptional, meaning that results from the examination of the brain can be applied to Eskimos of the same region. Hrdlicka’s examination included a detailed study of many areas of the brain, with measurements taken at each location studied. Hrdlicka discusses the difficulties that are present in the examination of brains, as the brain can be very yielding when examined, and can become deformed when removed from the skull. It is important to remember that the shape of the brain will vary depending on the individual and their race. The crude measurements of Kishu’s brain are as follows; the length of the brain is approximately 18 cm, and the maximum breadth of the cerebrum is 13.6 cm. The mean of these measurements is 16.5, which is a slightly greater mean than that of whites. Kishu’s brain was heavier and larger than the average brain of a white male with a similar stature. It was determined that there are relatively high frontal and low parietal indices present in Eskimos. There are also relatively great fissure lengths in Eskimos compared to the average white. Previous records of Eskimo brain studies show that there are differences in the brain even among Eskimos, and Hrdlicka contributed these differences to poor study methods or the use of extreme examples of Eskimo brains in the studies. Hrdlicka points out that studies involving brain measurements are not based on a single methodology, but instead vary from researcher to researcher. This should be taken into account when comparisons are made between studies conducted by different researchers. Hrdlicka concludes that further study needs to be conducted in order to have a greater understanding of the differences that are found between the brains of whites and the brains of Eskimos. CLARITY: 2 DENA SEDAR,
Hrdlicka, Ales A
Painted Skeleton from Hrdlicka presents a report and analysis of a skeleton recovered from The skeleton is assumed to belong to the Tepehuane tribe. Although the skeleton could not be dated, Hrdlicka estimates that the individual was a male “in somewhat advanced adult life.” The unusual characteristics of the skeleton include an apparent artificial opening of both the spinal canal and foramen magnum, and the presence of red paint, or ochre, on most of the bones. Hrdlicka comments that the most distinctive characteristic is the low (1300 cc) cranial capacity of this individual, and the prominent, high temporal crests exhibited by the individual. The remainder of the article discusses the use of paint in mortuary practices of Native Americans. Hrdlicka divides the painting or staining of bones into five main categories: stains resulting from the soil a skeleton is buried in, green stains on skulls from copper ornaments, stains resulting from pigments being buried with the body, hand-painted skulls, and skulls with designs in color. Hrdlicka focuses on the last three categories as he feels they most closely represent the customs of Native Americans. Hrdlicka discusses
the practices of several tribes, including the Huron, Iroquois, and
Navajo tribes. He points out that although their
practices do vary, most mortuary rituals utilize red ochre. The
ochre is applied to the corpse or skeleton, or buried with the individual. The
use of red ochre is found across North America, South and Central America, Finally, Hrdlicka addresses the significance of the paint, arguing that painting the skeleton or corpse is merely an extension of painting the living. The color red seems to be significant, a mark of bravery and valor to many tribes. The ochre may have been considered a prerequisite for the afterlife, to disguise the look of the deceased individual, or have even functioned to help preserve the body. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Johnston, W. W. The Ill Health of Charles Darwin: Its Nature and its Relation to his Work. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 129-139. The author, taking into account the awesome and consistent nature of Darwin’s illness, wants to give " a name" to its "assemblage of sufferings". We first learn that CLARITY RANKING: 5 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Charles Darwin was an important figure in modern science, having contributed
information on a variety of topics in multiple fields. He wrote numerous
books and articles, and either edited or superintended several other
publications. Though the exact
nature of Darwin’s disease remains unknown, CLARITY: 5 DULCE WASSIL
Kroeber, A. L. Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho. American Anthropologist 1901. Vol 3: 308-336. Kroeber uses the decorative and symbolic tendencies in Arapaho traditional art to illustrate that the origins of a culture can never be certain. By examining beadwork and paintings on Arapaho moccasins, hides, par fleches and paint pouches, Kroeber questions whether it was the symbolic or the decorative aspect of the art that the Arapaho first implemented. The realistic-symbolic approach dictates the Arapaho worked actual life forms around them into art, which evolved through repetition into conventional decoration. The decorative-technical approach asserts that the Arapaho began with mere ornaments that accidentally resembled an object, and the ornaments were modified to resemble objects increasingly until a system of symbolism emerged. Kroeber concludes that symbolism and decoration exist in each other, and that because man has a natural need to symbolize and decorate, neither element came first. Kroeber applies this coexistence to examine if origins of a culture can be known, because the Indians are without a sense of historical knowledge and are largely influenced by native mythology. A poignant event may be remembered for a time but on the whole whatever bit of truth retained in the tale is inextricably blended with mythic elements. Every man idea of origin is built upon knowledge he has gained from factors around him that existed before him. Thus every new thought can be traced back to the beginning of thinking, every new word to the beginning of speech, etc. Any explanation of a cause is based on three deductions. The first is that before the beginning of the phenomena explained (such as why there are stripes on a chipmunk back), itself and its cause were absent. The second is that a suddenly-arising cause singly produced the phenomenon. The third is that this cause completely ceased just as suddenly as it had sprung up and that its product remains unaltered until the present. Because origins are subjective according to the person who perceives them and therefore are subject to time and distortion, the author asserts tha "all search for origins in anthropology can lead to nothing but false results." However, the fact that all cultures have explanations of origins and that explanations fall into a process is a worthy study in itself. Kroeber concludes that all ethnic phenomena only exist in a cultural context. One cannot separate mythology from what actually occurred. Thus anthropologists can only understand causes and origins in relation to the culture's understanding of itself. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Kroeber, A. L. Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol.3: 308-336. Through the analysis of Arapaho art, particularly that which occurs on moccasins, parfleches, and bags, A. L. Kroeber addresses the larger anthropological question of origin studies. There are two main characteristics of Arapaho art- symbolic representation (where symbols are used to represent something else) and conventionalized decoration. He argues that determining which characteristic came first is a biased and impossible endeavor. Symbolic representation and decoration are two tendencies of Arapaho art that cannot be studied apart from each other. Both forms of art are well-established, intertwined, and quite old. They do not exist side by side, but instead are part of each other. The coexistence of these tendencies, Kroeber believes, is a necessary one. It has to occur because the need to represent and the need for decoration are rooted in the human mind. These general tendencies are everlasting, though they do change and vary in their combinations. Since they are products of the mind, they are beginningless. Kroeber argues that art, being the product of the human mind, has no distinguishable original tendencies. The study of phenomena such as art and mythology has been flawed in anthropology. Biases run rampant and there are false presumptions made about cause and effect. Anthropologists tend to look at cause as an isolated incident. Kroeber believes this is a mistake because cause is a combination of innate tendencies that exist together. Humans act for a variety of reasons, not a single cause. Cultural phenomena, like art, do not exist separately: they have their being only in culture. Tendencies such as the desire to represent and the desire for decoration can never be separated from culture and studied in isolation. They can only be studied in their relation to the “whole of life” for a particular culture, or as we call it “world view”. The study of separate origins for different artistic tendencies in Arapaho, and all cultures, is impossible due to their interconnected nature. CLARITY: 3 NANCY STROUPE
Lamb, D.S. Mummification, Especially of the Brain. American Anthropologist. January, 1901. Vol. 3(1): 294-307. Mummification has
been practiced all over the world, at different times. Lamb’s article focuses not on his own studies, but a synthesis of others’ work.
He describes the mummification practices, particularly describing those
of the brain, primarily in CLARITY: 4
Lamb, D.S. Mummification, Especially Of The Brain. American Anthropologist vol. 3(1):294-307. D.S. Lamb analyzes the works of other scholars to understand the mummification process of cultures found throughout the world. He emphasizes Egyptian mummification, especially of the brain. Mummification was practiced throughout the world with a religious motivation, it was done ensure that the body and the spirit could be reunited in case disaster occurred in the afterlife. The Egyptians practiced embalming on people of all social levels from about 4000 B.C. to about 700 A.D. The brain was usually removed, but it wasn’t a requirement of mummification. The brain was typically removed by hooking an iron rod through the nose and pulling out the brain in fragments. Preservatives and bandages were then inserted into the brain. It is unlikely that the brain was removed through the spinal canal or foremen magnum. If the extraction of the brain was not through the nose, the other method used was to perforate the ethmoid bone and the brain was then washed out with water. The usual method employed by the Egyptians to preserve the body was to make an incision in the left side of the abdomen, and in most cases, removing the organs. Both the abdominal cavity and the organs would be treated with preservatives, with the organs either being replaced or stored in vessels near the body. The body was then wrapped in bandages intermingled with preservative substances. The process of mummification took around seventy days, while the cost varied from inexpensive to twelve hundred dollars. Lamb then describes the varying mummification practices in different
world locations. The Guanches of the CLARITY: 4
Mason, Otis T. The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry. American Anthropologist 1901 Vol. 3: 109-129. In this article, Mason simply explains how baskets are made. Basketry is a textile industry that uses both flexible and rigid materials. Basketry forms fall into five general classifications: (1) flat and generally flexible; (2) slightly concave, such as a food plate; (3) generally hemispherical, such as a bowl; (4) rounded sides and bottoms, such as a cooking pot; (5) having a constricted mouth, sometimes with a lid. There are two main types of basketry, hand-woven and coiled. Hand-woven basketry is done on a warp setup, while coiled basketry is sewn in a coil fashion around rods or splints. Although the terms warp (vertical) and weft (horizontal) are used, hand-woven basketry is not made on a loom. All of the weft materials are plaited between the warp by hand, somewhat like braiding. Hand-woven basketry can be divided into four subgroups: Checkerwork; warp and weft are alike in thickness, and pliability, making it impossible to tell which is which by looking at the finished product. Diagonal or twilled; each weft is woven around two or more warp materials, producing a diagonal effect. Using different colored materials can produce beautiful designs and geometric patterns. Wickerwork; different from checkerwork only that the warp is wide and rigid, while the weft is slender and flexible. The outer appearance is that of a series of ridges. This method can also create a diagonal effect. Twined or wattled; the warp is rigid and the weft materials are soft. The difference is that the weft products are woven in pairs, and sometimes threes. Between each warp rod the weft materials are twisted, creating a two or three-ply twine. Coiled basketry is made by sewing with an ‘over-and-over’ stitch around a flexible foundation material. Each stitch interlocks with the previous one. This type of basketry is divided into six subgroups, depending on the foundation used: Single-rod; the foundation is a single rod of material, being more or less uniform in diameter. Each stitch encloses two rods, the ‘new’ rod, and the one previous. Two-rod; the two rods lie next to each other, one on top of the other. Each stitch encloses three rods, the two next to each other, and the one on top of the previous pair. Rod and welt; a single rod is paired with a single strip of tough fiber. Stitches take in the rod and welt, as well as the welt only from the previous stitch. Three-rod; three or four small willow stems act as the foundation. The stitches take in the entire coil, or rod, and one of the stems from the stitch before. Splint; the foundation is made up of a coil of longer and shorter splints massed together. Stitches take in the entire coil, and some of the coil from the previous stitch. Grass; the foundation coil is made up of grass or small straws. CLARITY: 5 JAMES C. PETERSON
Mason, Otis. The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry. American Anthropologist January-March, 1901 Vol.3(1):109-128. The complex and variable methods of basket making among American Indians are Mason’s focus in this article. Mason outlines the basic nature of baskets and their place in the textile industry as a pretext to his analysis of the two different styles, weaving and coiling, that constitute basket making. Mason demonstrates that these two styles constitute the foundation of the many complex and simple forms of basket making that pervade the American continent. By beginning each description by noting the regional origin and commonality of the specific styles Mason provides helpful anthropological context to the examinations of specific techniques. The brief analyses of patterns and/or designs used (if any) on baskets likewise illuminate the cultural context of a seemingly mundane object in American Indian life. Although relying somewhat on a basic understanding of the concepts of weaving, such as weft, warp, lattice and ply, Mason succeeds through clear descriptions and diagrams in making the complex art of basket making understandable even to someone who has not attempted weaving or basket making. One should note however, that in order to actually attempt making a basket utilizing the patterns Mason describes it would be necessary to have additional understanding of such details as exactly how to acquire the materials needed and how to begin the process of making a basket. Mason shows the techniques of weaving, but clearly does not intend to use this essay to teach people how to make baskets. Rather, Mason provides complex descriptions with cultural context of materials, designs, and uses to show how societies actually create and utilize different styles of weaving to achieve specific purposes and meanings. For example, Mason describes how Hopi weavers dye stems and weave them into the warp of a basket frame to create patterns of color on the basket that depict birds, clouds, and other sacred symbols. More practical applications of weaving are also described, such as the way in which the style known as plain twined weaving was used to build fish traps in streams. Mason’s detailed description of the varieties, materials and processes that go into basket making is simultaneously simple, easy to understand and strikingly in depth. CLARITY: 5 LEWIS HINNANT
Mathews, R.H. Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes. American Anthropologist January, 1901 Vol. 3 (1): 337-341. Mathews describes the ceremonial ground used during the Burbung (initiation)
ceremony of two young men of the Wiradjuri tribe. The tribe is native
to CLARITY RANKING: 4 ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Mathews, R. H. Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes. American Anthropologist vol. 3(1):337-341. R.H. Mathews describes the social rites of the native tribes composing
the Wiradjuri community in Mathews begins describing the Burbung ground by discussing the boorbung, a circular enclosure that is approximately 23 paces in diameter, and was created by forming an embankment about a foot wide. A narrow opening in the embankment leads to a pathway that leads to the goombo, which consists of four elongated heaps of earth and a gareel, or fence. Mathews includes descriptions of representations that are created near the goombo. The largest representation is of a serpent-like monster called a kurrea, which was outlined in the soil. The representation was about 130 feet in length and 15 to 18 inches in width. Near the kurrea’s head was the representation of an emu’s egg, |
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