American Anthropologist
1900

Boas, Franz.    Sketch of the Kwakiutl Language. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 708-721.

Boas’ article discusses language of the Kwakiutl Indians, whom he had encountered during his Jesup North Pacific Expedition. The Kwakiutl Indians inhabit northeastern Vancouver Island and the adjacent coast of British Columbia. A year prior, in 1899, Reverend Alfred J. Hall published a treatise on the grammar of this language. Boas argues that Hall did not succeed in understanding the language structure of the Kwakiutl Indians.

Boas describes the Kwakiutl phonic system as being very rich, and as frequently using sounds in the K and L series. The system of consonants is composed of velars, palatals, anterior palatals, alveolars, and labials. Most of these groups contain sonans, surds, fortis, and spirans. Combinations of consonants do not occur at the beginning of words. The vowels are quite variable, with E being the most frequent. The Kwakiutl language consists of a number of rules of euphony which regulate the sequence of sounds.

Grammatical relations are expressed through suffixes and reduplication. Suffixes can have a multitude of effects upon stem words. Suffixes are used to harden or soften the terminal sound of stems. Some suffixes are attached, and do not cause any modifications to the meaning, except for that which is required by the rules of euphony. Reduplication varies according to the grammatical function it is performing. It is not uncommon for double or triple reduplication to occur within a single word. Four temporal suffixes are used to distinguish the remote past, the recent past, the transition from present to past, and an historic tense that is indefinite as to time. The future is expressed through the suffix L. These temporal suffixes are used with nouns and verbs. Numerals are based upon a decimal system. He concludes his article with a paragraph written in the Kwakiutl language, and then its translation into English.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Boas, Franz.  Sketch of the Kwakiutl Language.  American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 708-720.

As indicated by the title, this article is a detailed yet brief outline of the Kwakiutl language.  It seems that Boas spent a great deal of time with these people, learning and understanding the language and its grammatical structure.  What follows are brief examples, taken from the article, of the Kwakiutl language structure and how it works.

According to Boas, “the phonetic system of the Kwakiutl is very rich” (708).  It is stated that the main sounds of the language are derived from the k and l series.  Included with the k series are a “sonans, surd, fortis, and spirans” (708).  Associated with the l series are “the laryngeal catch; h; y, and w” (708).  Incorporated throughout the article are cahrts and numerous examples of the language, how its use changes, and different situations that may cause it to do so.  On page 709, there is a chart that explains the k and l series.

Next Boas covers consonants.  He states that large clusters of them never occur together but they are generally restricted to two, and they do not generally occur at the beginning of words.  Immediately following are explanations of pronominal relations, personal pronouns, verb forms, nouns, and suffixes.  “Numerals are formed on the decimal system,” and are especially important when “designating human beings, round objects, long objects, and flat objects” (720).  With this, Boas has covered every aspect of the Kwakiutl language.

In closing, this language is compared briefly to several others such as Kootenay, Chinook, and Sioux.  The article states that these languages are very similar, with a few differences, including ways that affixes and pronouns are used.

CLARITY:  3

LACEY CULPEPPER    Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Bowditch, Charles P.     The Lords of the Night and the Tonalamatl of the Codex Borbonicus. American Anthropologist Vol 2, 1900: 145-154

The author has been very much involved in studying the Mayan calendar, often being of a different opinion than the majority of scholars. Among other things, he believed that the Tonalamatls did not represent a particular part of the solar year, but were actually a cycle that existed above and beyond the regular 365-day calendar. Each Tonalamatl was 260 days long, divided into 28 9-day periods, each day symbolized by a Lord of the Night (i.e. god) starting with the fifth lord, Miquiztli. There are nine lords in all, yet the Tonalamatl is not divisible by 9, leaving the last lord out at the end of each cycle. Since previous scholars had thought that the symbolic representation of the Lords of the Night in the Tonalamatl was of great importance, and did not think that it was possible for the Mayans to formulate a calendar where the last lord, Quiahuitl, was left out, they devised numerous explanations for this apparent irregularity. But Bowditch calculates that if one Tonalamatl came to an end in the course of a year, one would be added to the sequence of Lords, and if two Tonalamatls ended in one solar year, two would be added. He notes that this is in fact the case, thus he proves that 1) the Tonalamatl was indeed cyclic within a regular solar year, and 2) each cycle began with the same lord, leaving out the ninth. The latter is very important, because had the Mayans allowed the 9-lord sequence to run over, they could possibly differentiate the days of nine calendar rounds of fifty-two years, thus having a calendar cycle of 170,820 days. Since this was not so, Bowditch concluded that the significance of the Lords of the Night in the Tonalamatl has previously been exaggerated.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Burnett, Swan M.     Giuseppe Mazzini – Idealist. A Chapter in the Evolution of Social Science. American Anthropologist 1900. Vol. 1: 501-526.

The subject of this essay is Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872). Burnett describes the life and work of Mazzini, who was born in Genoa, Italy, throughout continental Europe and England. According to the author, Mazzini should be considered with the likes of Darwin and Spencer as a founder of social evolution. Mazzini’s major written works were his essay, The Duties of Man and the newspaper publication Le Giovane. Burnett portrays Mazzini, a social reformer and lawyer, as an advocate for the poor who continued his idealistic work in spite of being jailed and exiled. Mazzini worked with the Carbonari, Giovine Italia, Young Italy and Young Europe.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Cook, Alice Carter.     The Aborigines of the Canary Islands. American Anthropologist July-September, 1900 Vol. 2(3): 451-493.

This article offers a descriptive analysis of the people who inhabit the Canary Islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro. Cook organizes anecdotal and contemporary information on many cultural characteristics of the Guanches, the indigenous peoples of the Canary Islands. She covers the topics of: early history and tradition, `racial’ characteristics, language, physical characteristics and feats of skill, food and cooking utensils, clothing, habitations and furniture, hunting and stock-raising, agriculture and land tenure, esthetics, festivals and dances, war customs, marriage and kinship customs, medicine, mortuary customs, cosmogony and creation myths, government and social organization, and religion. She also includes a table of "Comparative Vocabulary of Canary Dialects" and several photographs.

Cook begins with origin myths and stories associated with the Canary Islands. They have been described by various early authors as the location of the Elysian Fields, the remnants of the Atlantis continent, Eden, and the "Fortunate" islands of Roman lore. The islands’ location in the path of Spanish and Portuguese ships made them early targets of raids and conquest. Cook uses Spanish chronicles and reports for much of her information, including stories and anecdotes about the inhabitants of the islands. Her overall lack of dates and time frames renders parts of her descriptions unclear. While the majority of her information comes from chronicles written at the time of Spanish occupation, there are other reports and journals mentioned also.

Theories concerning the `racial origins’ of the early inhabitants are based on comparison of skulls, which places them in similar categories as the Basques, the Landes of southern France, and Africans. Cook mentions the similarities and differences between the "troglodytes" of the Canary Islands and other ancient people, including those of Cromagnon, Dolman, and Neolithic cultures. According to Cook, the Spanish "so completely destroyed or assimilated" the indigenous peoples that anthropologists have not been able to trace their exact origins or determine their ethnic associations.

Despite isolation from one another at the time of European contact, there were similarities reported among the inhabitants of the islands in terms of language, "racial" characteristics, physical strength and prowess. Cook argues that some cultural characteristics, such as the absence of cereal cultivation on Palma, support a "cataclysmal theory of their origin", since migration over water would have likely meant the transmission of food knowledge as well.

Cook differentiates the "house dwellers" from the people she describes as "troglodytes," who live in caves in the mountainsides, and exhibit differences in dress and hairstyles. She describes many activities on the islands, and distinguishes certain activities or practices that occur on one island or islands and not on others. For example, one characteristic common among all the islanders, with the exception of those on Hierro, was a love of fighting. Cook posits that the fighting reduced their numbers and allowed the Spanish an easier conquest.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

DEBRA STAYNER University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Cook, Alice Carter.   The Aborigines of the Canary Islands. American Anthropologist 1900  Vol. 2: 451-493.

Cook discusses the inhabitants of the Canary Islands beginning with a brief description of myth and anecdote surrounding the islands.  These include descriptions of both a supposed pygmy and giant race of inhabitants.  There are seven inhabited islands discussed: Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, Teneriffe, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro.  The rest of the article focuses on the indigenous people known as the Guanches.  Cook breaks the article into various sub-topics.  These include racial characteristics, language, physical characteristics, food, clothing, habitations and furniture, hunting, agriculture, esthetics, war customs, marriage, medicine, mortuary customs, cosmogony, government and social organization, and religion.

The racial characteristics of these people lead to two theories based on cranial studies.  It is debatable whether the Guanches were of two distinct races or of one race preserving some degree of purity even after conquest.  The Guanches probably did not have a system of writing. However, hieroglyphic cuttings have been found on the islands but it is disputed whether the indigenous people were responsible for them.  Language provides evident that population origin was the same for all the islands although there are noticeable differences evident from island to island.  The physical characteristics of the Guanches are those of a tall, strong people.  Their feats of strength and agility are unmatched.

Staple foods of the Guanch diet include parched grain, milk, meat, and fish.  However, diet differed from island to island with the Fuerteventura inhabitants subsisting mainly on hunted meat and those of Teneriffe eating small dogs.  Further coverage of cooking and food-gathering techniques follows.  Clothing was made of skin and produced by specialist tailors.  Headdresses were of great importance; they consisted of bonnets with varying degrees of ornamentation.  Most indigenous people preferred cave dwelling to houses.  A description of materials used in house building is given.

The Guanches had little variety of game to hunt but were skilled in their efforts.  Their field of expertise was farming.  Fertile ground led to large harvests that were celebrated at feasts.  Arts on the islands include portraits, pottery, and tattooing; the natives also were fond of perfume.  Fighting was a popular activity among most of the Canary Islands inhabitants, which caused a decline in their numbers.  This was a main cause of their ultimate demise due to Spanish conquest.  The Guanches were monogamous in marriage, but means of separation existed. 

Medicine was from herbs and bleeding of wounds was practiced.  The mortuary customs of the Guanches included mummification of the dead.  The bodies were well preserved and placed in caves.  The social stratification present on the islands can be explained by the Guanch belief that God created a certain number of people who have things necessary for survival and that others are required to serve to receive a share.  The natives lived under a monarchy governed by a living and a dead king.  Class distinctions were strictly preserved.  The natives were also a very religious people.  They were monotheistic and believed in the existence of the devil.  Differences in worship can be noted between inhabitants of the different islands.

CLARITY: 3

LAUREN MILLER    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Culin, Stewart.      Philippine Games. American Anthropologist October, 1900 Vol.2(4):643-656.

Alexander R. Webb collected ethnological objects for the United States National Museum in the Philippines, which included many game pieces. In this article, Culin outlines the equipment needed to play sixteen Philippine games and the objective of each. Many of these objects and games are believed to be from Spanish, Chinese, Malay, and Hindu origin. There are several of these games, which seem to parallel games found in England, the United States, and other parts of the world.

The first of these games to be described by Culin is called pungitan, which resembles marbles. The object of the game is to shoot a small white shell into a large ring, where another small shell is in a very small ring in the center; if the shell in the middle in knocked out of the large ring, then the shooter wins. Another game mentioned, which is identical to a Chinese game called lut tsut k’t, is the Philippine game of tapatan. The Chinese game, fdn t’dn, is also identical to the capona game of the Philippines, and the game of dama is also played in the Hawaiian Islands, but the game is called moo. The game of chungeojon is also found to be the same game, with different names, played in Arab influenced areas of Asia and Africa. Several games use cut Spanish cards in the game. These games include chabiqui, and ripa. Billar de barimbao is similar to the European game of billiards, but the table is four feet long, not covered, and without pockets. Ivory and wooden balls are used, and the object is to knock over pins in the middle of the table with sticks. Another game played in the Philippines and elsewhere is football, and it is also played the same way in Siam, Java, Borneo, and the Malay peninsula. Saharanpore, India and the Indians of Guiana also play a game, which is called puzzle in the Philippines.

As the reader can see, there are many similar games played around the world, and the cultural influences of many countries have influenced the games of the Philippines.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

KATIE EPPS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Culin, Stewart.  Phillipine Games. American Anthropologist 1900 2: 643-655.

This is a fairly straightforward account of a collection of gaming objects assembled by Alexander R. Webb, the American Consul at Manila in 1892.  Descriptions of sixteen different games, including illustrations and the rules of play, comprise the bulk of the paper.  In some cases, the author provides descriptions of the social context in which a game may be played and within what sectors of society a particular game is popular.  The origins of a few gaming objects are assigned as “Spanish, Chinese, Malay,” or “Hindu” based upon their names, descriptions, or similarities to other games or objects found in these areas.

The games are pungitan, tablita, cara-cruz, birachapa, prinola, puti-puta-itim, tapatan, dama, capona, ripa, chabiqui, chugcajon, billar de barimbao, football, lan-sè, and a bamboo bead puzzle.  Because these objects make up a private collection, it is difficult to extract that much anthropological information from them. For example, no name is given for the bead puzzle. Do the practitioners of this game have no specific term for it, or did Mr. Alexander R. Webb simply fail to record it?  Removed from cultural context, the information available concerning where, when, and by whom these games are played is incomplete and anecdotal.

CLARITY: 5

AGNES AUSBORN    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Cushing, Frank Hamiltion.  In Memoriam. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 354-379

Frank Hamilton Cushing was a brilliant man who helped pave the way for modern archaeology. This article offers a brief summary of his extensive work, including childhood stories where he made his own Indian costume, and his breakthrough work in the Salado valley. His research methods were groundbreaking and started a new trend in anthropology.

Born on July 22, 1857, Cushing was a small delicate baby that grew into a small frail boy. This caused him to be an outcast, even from his own family. At this point he turned to books and nature for companionship. He made an Indian costume at age ten and would wander through the woods for hours talking to plants, always balancing his beloved dictionary on his head. Early on he started to find and collect native artifacts, and when he was eighteen he brought his collection to Cornell University where he began a special course of study.

Cushing was the forerunner of experimental reproductive technology, which is now used widely throughout the whole field of anthropology. At nineteen, he built a wigwam to house his extensive collection of artifacts and by this time he was very skilled at a number of Native American tasks such as weaving, point making, constructing tools, and canoe building. The Zuni people were the first society he intimately studied, and he became one of the first non-native people to learn the language and totally immersed himself within their culture. Cushing was part of the Zuni society for five years, in which time he became a leader within the government and religion. He participated in religious ceremonies and knew more about the myths and ceremonies than the head priest.

His work in the Salado valley in Arizona was focused on the excavation of many well-known sites, none of which had been excavated, only photographed. The ruins are scattered throughout the area southwest of Zuni. He made many new discoveries about the Saladoans, but none so remarkable as their irrigation system, which made it possible for them to sustain crops in a hot desert flood plain. Unfortunately much of what Cushing learned was buried with him because he did not record all his findings properly.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

MEGAN M. MULCAHY University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Dixon, Roland B.  Basketry Designs of the Maidu Indians of California.  American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 266-276.

Basket weaving is a crucial part of the culture of many Indian tribes through the Americas.  At one time, the diversity and abundance of cultures in California were equaled by no other region in North America.  The Indians who inhabited this area were highly skilled in the craft of basketry.  Roland B. Dixon’s essay breaks down the art into categories and emphasizes the importance of anthropological study of basketry.

Dixon impresses one with the abundance of designs among the populations living in California.  Anthropologists consider the shape, size, medium, and designs incorporated into the basket to decipher baskets made by varying peoples.  Large baskets composed of twigs, stems, or roots from maple, willow, yellow pine, and Pteris aquilina are usually produced to hold large quantities of a substance valued by the maker.  Smaller soup baskets are usually made of materials that are capable of holding semi-liquid to liquid substances.  For this reason, the baskets are made from maple, redbud, and a grass-like plant, tsi takim, all of which are much finer in texture than the materials used in “bushel” baskets.  Due to differences in abundance, materials for basket construction vary greatly from region to region.

There are basically three categories that all Indian basketry decoration fits into—animal designs, plant designs, and those that interpret objects.  Dixon gives many examples of the differing designs used by the Maidu Indians and peoples of the surrounding area.  He illustrates the article with pictures representing baskets from each of the categories and explains how different symbols referred to the items the Indians were representing in their baskets.  These included the teeth of fish, the quail, the “thousand-legged worm” (millipede), the wings of ducks, the flowers of various plants, and vines.  He also shows that many designs could be placed on one basket, such as the flint arrow and feather markings on one.

The basket decorations, although divided into three categories, was greatly dominated by animal designs.  The other two categories were basically produced equally; therefore, together they were equivalent in frequency to the animal markings.  The amount of differentiation depended on the people making the basketry.  Dixon stated, “comparing the people of Sacramento valley and the lower foot-hills with those of the higher Sierra, there is possibly a little greater frequency of animal designs among the former” (275).  Many basket designs were limited to either the higher Sierra or the lower foot-hills due to some species, be it plant or animal, living in only one of the two areas.  In addition to these large differences, even the baskets obtained in one region contrast due to local design.  There seem to have been about twenty different basket designs in the California area, but Dixon believes that as many as fifty possibly existed at a given time.  The ancient art form is slowly becoming extinct due to the fact that only older women are knowledgeable in basketry making.  The craft will probably die with the women unless data can be preserved by anthropologists and “basket cravers.”

CLARITY:

RUSS REED    Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Dixon, Roland B.  Basketry Designs of the Maidu Indians of California.  American Anthropologist April-June, 1900 Vol. 2 (2): 266-276.    

In this article, Dixon gives an account of the varying designs of the Maidu Indian baskets he collected during the summer of 1899.  During his fieldwork, Dixon discovered that the many basket patterns have representative meanings.  Dixon claims that the meanings of these symbolic patterns are known only to the older Maidu women, so he has written this article to preserve the varying basket patterns he encountered and to link them with their symbolic meanings.  For ease of discussion, Dixon divides the patterns into three categories.  Animal designs include the raccoon, duck’s wing, and grasshopper leg.  Plant designs are the flower, vine, and pine cone.  A third category encompasses the baskets representing nonliving objects like arrowpoints and mountains. 

Each page includes clear visual representations of several basket designs.  Each design (of which there are over twenty) is also meticulously described in words.  He also analyzes the patterns in terms of the category with the greatest number of associated designs (animals) and the pattern that is executed most frequently (the feather design).  Dixon notes that some patterns are restricted to certain regions, while others are found among all the communities he has visited.  He also briefly compares the Maidu designs to the basket designs of neighboring tribes, including the Pitt River, McCloud River, and Ute Indians.  Dixon encourages further work on the Maidu Indian basketry designs, estimating that his list could be doubled.

CLARITY: 5

CHARLOTTE LONG    University of North Carolina Chapel Hill  (Margaret Wiener)

Fewkes, J. Walter.     The New Fire Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist 1900, Vol. 2: 80-138.

Fewkes article discusses the Hopi Indians collection of rites, called Wuwutcimti, which is a religious ceremony in which new fire is made. This ritual takes places every November, and every four years a Naacnaiya is performed, which is an eloborate version of this ceremony which signifies the initiation of novices into priesthood. Fewkes believes that the ceremonial rites conducted by the Walip were adopted from clans that originated in the Gila valley.

New-fire ceremony ceremony consisted of four united societies of priests named, Tataukyamu, Wuwutcimtu, Aaltu, and Kwakwantu. The Tataukyamu and Wuwutcimtu engage in dances of a hallic nature, while the Aaltu, and Kwakwantu kindle the new flame that the ceremony produces. The fire is kindled through the use of rotating fire-drills. Four sacred rooms within a kiva was used during this ceremony. The entrances of these kivas were decorated with nantics, which are feathers attached to sticks to symbolize that the ceremony was in progress within the kiva. Objects, such as helmets, agave stalks, and elkhorns are hung on the western wall of the kiva, which is regarded as an altar. Medicine bowls are placed on the floor by chiefs of the societies in a prescribed manner.

Several days prior to the commencement of the New-fire ceremony, wood was collected and stacked near the kiva hatches. An elder of the tribe was responsible for the distribution of this firewood to the four rooms during this ceremony. The flames of the new fire were sacred and no one was allowed to use it during the ceremony, such as lighting a cigarette from it. The remainder of Fewkes article discusses in detail the numerous dances and elaborate ceremonies that take place within the four rooms. Each room was occupied by a different society of priest, and each had their own unique set of rites. Following the new-fire purification ceremony, elaborate rabbit hunts are organized by the four societies. Each society has its own hunt, which is the only hunt of that day. The meat obtained during the hunt is cooked and eaten in the room where the fire ceremony took place.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fewkes, J. Walter. The New Fire Ceremony at Walpi.  American Anthropologist 1900  Vol. 2:80-138.

The author observed the ceremony for the creation of the new fire among the Hopi in November, 1898.  The rites observed by the author are the abbreviated form as the more elaborate form is only practiced once every four years.     

The New-fire ceremony begins with five days of continuous rites.  The first of these days, November 13, is Yuñya, or Assembly day.  On this day the priesthoods assembled in their kivas, each bringing ears of white corn.   Six direction altars were set up in two kivas and blessed with ceremonial artifacts.  The new fire was kindled in the Moñ-kiva by designated fire-makers while more than one hundred spectators from all the societies watched.  The fire-makers spun their drills on the fire board, which had been sprinkled with sacred corn pollen.  When the fire was ignited, special offerings of sacred pine needles were thrown into it by the chiefs of all the societies.  After the sacrifices and prayers over the new fire, the men left the kiva and visited sacred shrines. 

During the second day twenty men of the Wüwütcimtû society performed public dances.  They whitened their faces with paints and formed two groups facing each other.  The men were completely naked with their thighs and abdomens covered in yellow paints.  They danced and sang songs, directing obscene remarks to the women of the Mamzrautû society.  During the night of the second day of ceremonies, novices were initiated into the societies, first by being run through the pueblo by older priests and secondly by running patrols of the shrines during the late hours.

On the morning of the third day the Wüwütcimtû society once again began their dancing.  They were, however, accompanied by two naked Horn priests and the senior chief Suñoitiwa, who stood on the right side holding a rod with hawk feathers.  The dancers again formed two lines and danced down the length of the pueblo and back again, followed by a drummer between the two groups, and again they directed obscene comments to women observers, who poured cold water onto them from housetops.  There were no further ceremonies in the kivas on this day, and all the men rested after mid-night.

The fourth day of ceremonies is one of the most important to the Hopi and is called Totokya or Feast.  It begins with purification of all kivas, which is followed by public dances by men of the Wüwütcimtû and Tatukyamû societies.  These dances occurred at differing intervals throughout the day and took on the same form as the dances of the previous days, the only exception being that the Tatukyamû danced as a single group.  When the public dances were completed, a pair of men from each of the three societies, Kwakwantû, Aaltû, and Tatukyamû walked along the streets of the pueblo begging for corn meal.  Each wore the distinctive dress of their society and carried a basket-tray for the collection of the corn meal.  They would pause at the ladder of each house and call up for the women to bring out the meal.  Each basket contained a prayer stick, and the prayer-meal was later used to make trails from the kivas to the shrines.  Late in the afternoon of the fifth day, all the women of the pueblo brought large quantities of food to the men in the kivas.  The food included the ceremonial pudding, pigumi, and every other dish known to the Hopi.  The feast lasted until well after sunset.  After the great feasting, the men in each kiva passed the night by singing their songs.

On the fifth day all the inhabitants of the pueblo purified themselves by washing their heads in amole.  Then six young men of the Aaltû visited each kiva and obtained prayer objects which they placed at several shrines.  The disposal of the embers of the sacred fire followed this and is one of the most important ceremonies to the Hopi.  Each man collected some embers of the fire in a piece of watermelon rind.  After carrying the embers and a handful of sacred corn meal to a cliff overlooking the site of the old pueblo, the men first sprinkled some of the sacred meal onto the embers.  They then threw the rest of the meal into the wind and dropped the melon rinds and embers down into the old pueblo.  The priests then vomited over the cliff and returned to their kivas for purification.  After the completion of the New-fire ceremonies, each society held a rabbit hunt on differing days and ate the game in their respective kivas.

The author follows the descriptions of the ceremonies with a description of each society involved.  The main focus is on the members, which were comprised of almost all the adult males of the pueblo.  He concludes the article by calling for further research into the fire rites of other Hopi pueblos and their cultural neighbors so that comparisons can be made.

CLARITY:  4

JASON EDMONDS    Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Fewkes, Walter J.     Property-Right in Eagles Among the Hopi. American Anthropologist 1900:690-707

Because of the bones found in the Southeast, there are disputes as to whether or not the eagles were used for food whistles and the like. Some domesticated birds such as turkeys were prized possessions of the Hopi Indians. Few people feel that this is a logical conclusion because today turkeys are not killed but their feathers are used as décor.

The only difference between turkey feathers and eagle and parrot feathers were that eagles were used solely for their feathers and parrot and turkey were used both for food and feathers. Eagle feathers were just as prized as the turkey feathers. They were used for prayer sticks and other religious purposes. The question becomes to which clan do the free-ranging eagles belong. The eagles are not nomadic. They are born and raised and they live in the same nest. So the question of whom has the right to own which eagle is important. The eagles are not kept in cages but caught in kwamaki, eagle hut house and taken to the pueblo. After the capture they are killed and buried. Clans lived miles away from the actual bird’s nests, causing confusion among the Indians and no-Indians because the only rightful clans can hunt the birds. White men or the Navaho Indians didn’t understand how the Hopi Indians could claim a nest that was many miles away from their pueblo. So they hunted in the Hopi territory. Ownership of the eagle-nests can be determined by following the migration of ancestral tribal clans. Clan members from New Mexico lived together and moved often which confused the lines of ownership. Sickness or conquest decides which land was owned by which clan. A clan can move because of an illness causing the eagles nests to be further away and eventually abandon it. This ultimately decides the rights of the eagle’s nests.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

REBEKAH BLACK University of South Carolina (Alice Kassakoff)

Fewkes, J. Walter.     Pueblo Ruins Near Flagstaff, Arizona. A Preliminary Notice. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 422-450.

The author documents the Native American ruins that exist near the Back falls of the Little Colorado River. He divides these structures into three different classes: cavate rooms, pueblos, and cliff-houses.

The author chose to label each of these classes of ruins as A, B, and C. Class A consists of the cavate, or cave, room ruins, of which there are thirteen labeled a to m. These rooms were basically cubical. Some of the cavate rooms have an entry way from above and were dug out of the volcanic formation. Group B consists of pueblos and Group C are the cliff dwellings. Each of the ruins is documented in great detail, including environmental and physical dimensions, artifacts attributed to each room, and mortuary customs.

Although the author does an admirable job of documenting the ruins of the Black Falls area, the classification system used to organize these numerous ruins makes communicating about the data very problematic. Within each group of structures, labeled A, B, or C, there are also ruins labeled A, B, C, etc., and within each ruin there are rooms that have then been similarly labeled. Therefore, one can discuss ruin group A, ruin J, room A, for example. Because the other information is organized by room and there is no overall discussion of the artifacts or mortuary customs, it is difficult for the reader to compare and contrast the cultural information. Mr. Fewkes does state in his conclusion that such further comparison will be done in future work.

In his findings, the author discusses his conclusion that the people who inhabited these remains were of the pueblo culture, but not directly related to the nearby Homolobi pueblo.

CLARITY RANKING: 2

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Fowke, Gerard.     Points of Difference Between Norse Remains and Indian Works Most Closely Resembling Them. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 550-562.

Gerard Fowke begins by defining ruins found around Massachusetts as being either of Norse origin, or Native American. He points out that some stonewalls and/or stone ruins cannot be Native American, since they did not need to build or use such things; however, Fowke does not explain why. He says that there are earthen mounds and that stones related with them are clearly Native American artifacts, yet very different from the supposed Norse ruins.

His first comparison between the two cultures starts with a stone foundation, similar to one that would be used or built in "the Old Scandinavian fashion" (552). The long-houses of the Iroquois are similar, but made of wood instead, constructed with posts. He also says that Norse houses are usually always square, Indian houses are round. Fowke goes into describing funnel-shape structures, somewhat subterranean, and also terraced land. The use of the terraces was unknown to people during Fowke's time. However, Fowke firmly believes they are not Native American. Burial customs related to mounds, which are uncharacteristic of Norse graves, seem to relate more to Indians. Other stone piles or mounds, much smaller, he thinks may be graves, and are claimed by Native Americans in the area. He closes with a brief description of Norse graves and how they differ internally more than Indian graves. He ends abruptly, with very little supporting Norse evidence. Instead, he only claims how thorough his research into Indian remains east of the Mississippi River was. This article has a poor argument with no conclusions.

CLARITY RANKING: 1

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Gatschet, Albert S.  Grammatic Sketch of the Catawba Language.  American Anthropologist Jul-Sept, 1900   Vol.2 (3):527-549

In this descriptive article, Gatschet begins by explaining that the Catawba Indians, who live primarily in North and South Carolina, have a quickly fading language which is part of the Sioux family.  The author notes that this is quite unique, as the Catawba language is the first instance of a Siouan language east of the Mississippi River.  After noting this fact, Gatschet compares Catawba to other Native American languages by explaining, in depth, how it is structured.  Gatschet uses phonetics to describe the inner workings of the Catawba language.

To assist him, he breaks his description into several sections.  First, he provides a technical discussion of accentuation, where he explains that the accent is placed on the radical syllable above all others. From there, Gatschet explains that most Catawba words are formed by taking a root and adding a suffix.  Adjectives are discussed next in the essay, with the author going in depth about colors and numbers.  One important point from this section is the criticism Gatschet makes of the claim that primitive people make fewer distinctions between colors; instead, Gatschet discovered that the Catawba have a plethora of names for each color, making distinctions between dark and light and so on.  After this, Gatschet moves to a lengthy discussion of pronouns, illustrating how gender and case are not relevant in the Catawba language. Deictic words are then discussed and Gatschet explains that in many Native American languages special emphasis is placed on them. This is precisely the case with Catawba.  Intensity particles and oral particles are the next subheading, where the author explains that both are emphasized strongly.  His discussion of oral particles is particularly intriguing, as he explains that the Catawba are very concerned with how one knows something.  For example; if one knows that a man was shot, one is likely to include how one knows this information (i.e., one heard it or saw it.).  Gatschet continues to explain derivatives and concludes his piece with a discussion of compound noun formation.

CLARITY: 4

RACHAEL A.GEEDEY    University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Gatschet, Albert S.   Grammatic Sketch of the Catawba Language. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 527-549.

The Catawba Indians were once a warlike tribe who belonged to a confederacy composed of more than twenty different tribes.  Their native lands were in and around York County, South Carolina.  Over 150 years ago their land was approximately 15 square miles, but over time their numbers declined as well as their land size.  At the time of the Gatschet’s article, their land comprised only one square mile and was inhabited by about 85 Catawba members. 

The use and understanding of the Catawba language had been declining because they had adopted the white man’s language and customs.  The influence of the white man was so great on the Catawba that only one third of the members had a knowledge of their original tongue.  Gatschet’s extensive research on the dying language was done to understand it and in the hope that this might help to keep the language alive.  The language has been broken down by its parts, e.g.) nouns, verbs, gender, etc.

The Catawba language has some similarities to other languages, but it also has its own peculiar rules.  The phonetics of the language are simple. The vowels are a, e, i, o, and u.  Certain letters have specific articulations, just as in English.  Also, certain sounds that are produced in the same manner can interchange.  There is also accentuation of certain sounds, usually at the end of the words. 

The base of most words is monosyllabic and usually ends in a vowel.  Verbs and nouns are formed by putting syllables together.  This results in compound words.  Gatschet gives multiple examples of verbs and nouns.  Unlike English and other languages, Catawba does not make gender, number, or case distinctions.  Adjectives are placed at the end of its noun.  This even applies to color adjectives.  Demonstrative pronouns depend on the distance of the object from the speaker.  Possessive pronouns are placed at the end of the noun.  The way to form a negation is to add in their word for it, either ha, ha’ or a, a’. These words are equivalent to the universal negative particle “not”.

The numbering system is based on a kind of decimal system.  Once ten is reached, a shortened word for ten is added to the word for one to make eleven.  This holds true for twenty also.  Once nineteen is reached, a shortened form of two is added before one to make twenty-one.  This repeats continuously.

Gatschet gives numerous examples of the different classes of words and types of words.  These words are very difficult to pronounce, but it is easy to understand their place in a sentence.  Some examples given can be applied to many instances, but some can only be applied by understanding Catawba culture and the time the Catawba lived.

CLARITY: 4

JASON LEE PARRISH    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Holmes, W.H.     The Obsidian Mines of Hidalgo, Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol.2: 405-416

The author details his recent visit to the ancient obsidian mines near Hidalgo. This is a topical account only, as no real excavation was done. Holmes first examines the history of obsidian-mining in the Americas, noting its uses and trying to account for its demand. He hints that there were apparently very high standards for obsidian, and that it was either cheaper or more practical to mine new obsidian tools than to reshape or sharpen old ones. The rest of the article is a topical description of a mountainside at the Hidalgo site, which is littered with broken or chipped obsidian flakes. One pile comprises some 30,000 cubic feet of flakage! The mountain has numerous pits, which were the original mine shafts. They are of various depths, though many had been partially filled with refuse. The heaps of obsidian flakes are usually piled up in the shape of a horseshoe around each shaft, allowing for access to the mine.

The only tools found at the site are hammer-stones, used to chip away the obsidian. There were also remains of several stone buildings, noted by the author as ‘unimportant’ due to their irregular shape and small size. There were also numerous pieces of pottery, of a type ‘identical in paste, shape, color, and decoration with the ancient ware of Tenochtitlan’, which Holmes takes to mean that the miners at Hidalgo were Aztecs. No real details are given, except for some drawings of how obsidian cores were probably shaped into tools. Of some usefulness is the fact that no actual obsidian tools were found on-site, which suggests that the unfinished obsidian was carted off somewhere else before it was shaped into arrowheads, knives, etc.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hough, Walter.     Oriental Influences in Mexico. American Anthropologist January 1900 Vol. 2 (1): 66-74.

The purpose of this article was to examine the influence of "oriental" culture on Mexico. Hough examined historical documents to determine the transfer of information, ideas, goods and people between the two regions. Specifically he looked at the historic movement of Mexicans to the Philippines at the time of the Spanish conquest and later colonization, and how their cultural exchange with the Chinese and other natives of the Orient. According to him, there were several distinct instances of influence among them: flora, livestock, fashion, technology (household, mechanical, musical), architecture, games and marriage. The author suggested that these influences moved in both directions with elements of Mexican culture influencing the Orient. "Orientals", Hough maintains, influenced not just Spanish-Mexicans but their influence extended to "native tribes" and African slaves in Mexico.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Hough, Walter.   Oriental Influences in Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 66-74.

Walter Hough talks about the beginnings of trade between Mexico and China and Manila. Hough begins with a brief history of the Spaniards’ governing over the Philippines.  When Spaniard Guido de Labarzarries became governor of the Philippines in 1575, trade was firmly established between China and Manila.  Products from these two countries were adopted into Mexican culture, and vice versa.  Hough says that the most obvious introduction is plants, which have become thought of as indigenous to Mexico.  Trade was so popular that it became a hindrance to Mexican trade with Spain.  According to Hough, laws were passed that limited the amount of Mexican money used in the Philippines.

Manila’s population was greatly mixed, though the majority was Chinese.  Japanese were even sent back to Japan, because the Chinese had such a strong hold in Manila.  A new race of mixed native and Chinese bloods, known as “mestizos,” was also established in the area.

The remainder of the article dwells on the topic of introduced objects from the East into Mexico.  Hough states:  “The first marked intrusion of the East into Mexico is to be found in the flora of the country” (69).  The Chinese brought many different plants with them to Mexico: water chestnuts, lilies, gourds, the umbrella tree and pepper tree.  The banana came from Manila, while the popular fruit mango originated from the Philippines.  Pomegranates and grapes were introduced from Spain into Mexico. 

Next Hough looks at the “arts” of Mexico in search of Oriental influence.  From raincoats to wine, he sees influence from the Philippines, as well as China and Japan.  Here, though, Hough appears to abandon his original focus on the influence of the Eastern Oriental countries by naming products originating in Polynesia, as well as Africa.  Some products appear to be from a multitude of different countries.  He discusses at some length the introduction of the musical bow, whose origin lies in Africa.  Hough says that the musical bow is also found in the Malays, but it did not originate there.  Circular homes in some places in Mexico are also attributed to African influence.

  The influence of the Spanish is throughout Mexico.  The most diverse area, though, is the tropical region, where Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, and others can be found living amongst the natives.  Hough then makes a statement that shows a popular belief of his time:  “The writer has observed a number of mestizos of Chinese and Mexican Indians, finding the cross virile and healthy, quite different from the Eurasians, and partaking mush less of Chinese than of Mexican characteristics” (74). 

All in all, Hough provided a good background for the development of trade between the Eastern countries and Mexico.  His examples were well illustrated, and the information he offered was complete. 

CLARITY:  4

PAULA ANDRAS    Mississippi State University   (Janet Rafferty)

Hrdlicka, Ales.     Physical and Physiological Observations on the Navaho. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 339-345

The Navaho are extremely diverse within their own group. This tribe of Indians, living in the Athabascan, is as diverse as Americans are across the country. The article focuses on the physical and physiological differences among the Navaho as compared with the "white man."

The article looks at aspects of physical development by comparing the following physical traits: face shape, variations in skin and hair color, prevalent signs in aging. The research also looks at physiological characteristics examined through low pulse and respiration rates. There are differences in body temperature between Navaho men and women, with women having a higher normal body temperature. Their ability to endure prolonged loss of sleep and extremes in diet are compared to that of "white man." There is a low occurrence of mental problems for the Navaho, but other medical disorders are prevalent.

Lastly, the article examines the skepticism of Navahos’ beliefs about their origins. The article is well organized, with data taken from Navaho men and women.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

MISTI BOONE University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Hrdlicka, Ales.   Physical and Physiological Observations on the Navaho.   American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 339-345.

Hrdlicka spent three weeks among the Navaho, observing and measuring them. He was also interested in the psychology of the Navaho, especially concerning relations with the white man. The Navaho in question live on a 12,000 acre reservation in the Southwest U.S., with emphasis placed upon the Navaho living in Chaco Canyon. Hrdlicka found that the Navaho are short-headed (brachycephalic) and are more than likely related to the ancient Pueblos, and others in present New Mexico, Arizona, and old Mexico. Fifty adult males and thirty adult females were studied. The average measurements are typically near the averages of the whites. Some notable differences include the smaller hands, feet, and legs of the Navaho, and the unintentional cranial deformation of the Navaho. The cranial deformation is caused by the headrest of the baby board. The Navaho are in excellent health, somewhat better than white settlers in the same region. The pulse is low, the most common ailment is in the digestive system, and is due to the cycle of fasting and gorging of food. Puberty is reached earlier in the Navaho, who are not adversely affected by this. Longevity is common, with the oldest observed at eighty. The Navaho are portrayed as harmless, good, and modest people with no head for business. There is supposedly no crime except for that caused by alcohol and drugs. Jealousy is common, but vengefulness is rare. Vices include gambling and racing. The women are expert weavers, while the men are outdoorsmen and laborers. To the whites, they make excellent and trustworthy guides. Material possessions are of importance. The Navaho live in a variety of houses, some being temporary huts and others adobe houses. Corn is important, while the main livestock are sheep, goats, and horses.

An attitude of “superiority” over the Navaho is evident, even from Hrdlicka, who is himself an immigrant. The reader gets the impression that the Navaho are harmless, jolly types, who do not understand the political and social world in which they live.

CLARITY:  5

EVELYN BROWN    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Jenks, Albert Ernest.     Faith as a Factor in the Economic Life of the Amerind. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 676-689.

Faith had a strong affect on the economic life of the Amerind. There was a significant affect on the production, the distribution, and the consumption of food. These beliefs would keep certain tribes from eating certain animals, or growing certain crops. They helped the people survive, but in a way also hindered them.

An economic man is one who produces goods for future use, whereas a natural man produces goods to satisfy immediate needs. The faith and beliefs of the Amerinds will never let them fully be an economic man. This article gives a mention to the Iroquois, Menomini tribe, Crow Indians, the Ojibwa (brothers of the Menomini), the Cowitchin tribe, Omaha tribe, Navajo, Round Valley tribe of California, the Tolktins of Oregon, the Cheyenne, and the Algonkin tribes.

The Iroquois believe that no man should cultivate soil for it is a woman’s job. To do this would lessen their rank from man to woman. The Menomini have a belief that has kept them from ever sowing its fields of wild rice. They believe that it their god wanted them to have it, he would provide it for them. This makes them less productive in terms of future storage, and therefore, not an economic man. With distribution, no man possesses more wealth than another. If one accumulates goods, he shares with everyone. If he decides to keep them for himself, he is looked down upon. When a good hunter kills an animal, the food is divided between all who hunted. As before, these are not the ideas of an economic man. In our economic society, one produces for themselves, not for the good of the group. Ideas on consumption are similar. Certain animals cannot be touched, killed, or eaten by certain tribes. This is due to beliefs that the animals contain spirits of ancestors, or due to beliefs of illness. These beliefs keep these people sustained, but do not allow them to progress.

Finally, they have one more idea of faith that stops the transition. When a member dies, a person never uses their home again. The body is often burned in the house. This is due to a belief that the spirit of the deceased remains in the home. This uses up resources, which does not lead to a stronger economy.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

KELLEY DYKES University of South Carolina (Alice Bee Kasakoff)

Jenks, Albert Ernest. Faith as a Factor in the Economic Life of the Amerind.  American Anthropologist 1900 2: 676-689.

An example of “armchair anthropology,” Jenks’ paper presents a unilinear evolutionary perspective on religious impediments to Native American economic progress.  He relies heavily on second-hand information gleaned from the writings of missionaries, travelers, artists, and ethnographers.  Here the many and diverse North American Indian cultures are treated as one group, the “Amerind” or “Amerindian,” and are characterized by belief systems that “defy scientific or logical classification, or rational explanation” (677).  These beliefs are seen as obstacles to be overcome if the Amerind is to evolve from “natural man who produces or traffics simply to supply immediate wants” to “economic man . . . who for future gain produces or traffics in desirable goods” (676).  These beliefs are presented as affecting production, distribution, and consumption of goods.

Beliefs or practices affecting production are twofold: first, those concerning the sexual division of labor; and, secondly, religious prohibitions concerning cultivation and hunting.  As long as agricultural production remains in the hands of women, the Amerind cannot hope to progress, for “no race has become an economic one (a vast aggregate made up of the individual economic man) while it depended on the productive efforts of its women” (677).  Distribution is impeded by a “social philosophy” that discourages the individual accumulation of wealth.  And, finally, taboos against eating particular foods and mortuary practices calling for the destruction of property upon the owner’s death pervert economic consumption.

The author concludes that religious factors are powerful obstructions to cultural progress for the Amerindian.  Furthermore, because culture must progress along a single evolutionary path, the “primitive American” can be seen as an example of an earlier evolutionary stage for “present-day” economics.

CLARITY: 3

AGNES AUSBORN    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Jenks, Albert E.     A Remarkable Counterfeiter. American Anthropologist 1900 vol. 2: 292-296.

Jenks wrote this article with the intention of informing interested parties of a certain counterfeiting "flint knapper". The man was named Lewis Erickson, born in the spring of 1873. Through experimentation, he taught himself non-traditional ways of creating stone implements out of unfinished Native American bifaces and old shatter and flakes. Growing up in Wisconsin, Erickson began biting old flint arrowheads, and chipping their edges with his teeth. He then filed and custom modified a pair of steel pinchers for specifically modifying and creating arrowheads, fishhooks, and other bizarre tools that were not authentic Native American stonework at all. He sold these pieces to collectors and archaeologists alike, for rates of two to six dollars apiece. Jenks explains what to look for to see if it is indeed a modern creation. Prehistoric stone implements, were/are plentiful in Dane county, Wisconsin, and Erickson had lots of raw material to alter. This article is really an attempt to tell Lewis Erickson's story.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

ANDREW AGHA University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Jenks, Albert Earnest.   A Remarkable Counterfeiter.   American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 292-296.

Born the son of two Norwegian immigrants in 1873, Mr. Lewis Erickson was one of the best counterfeiters of prehistoric stone tools in the United States.  Mr. Erickson grew up in Medina, Wisconsin, on his family’s farm.  His family was well known and respected in the area.  Most people of the community considered the family honest and hard working.  He and his brothers saved the family farm and built a new house upon it after the death of their father.  Erickson did not receive an advanced education, but was considered intelligent by the people of his area.  

Around the age of 20, while suffering from an illness, Erickson discovered something that would lead to his remarkable counterfeiting ability.  He found out that by biting on the edges of broken arrowheads, with his teeth, he could rework them and make them look new and original.  After doing this a few times, Erickson changed his technique to the use of pliers/pinchers that had been filed down.

By pinching original stone tools with the steel pliers, certain desired breaks and flakes could be achieved.  Erickson’s process was so good that, by constant work, within half an hour a broken point could be completely reworked to resemble an original.  In essence, he was turning prehistoric art into modern art that resembles prehistoric art.  The work was so good that originals could not always be distinguished from Erickson’s products.  The only way to tell the difference was to compare the new shiny surface of the tool with the old dull surface. Also, the productions sometimes exhibited black marks from the pliers that were used. 

While the distribution of Erickson’s artwork is not entirely known, at least 1,000 pieces were sold to collectors and others.  A group of visiting collectors, who had come to see the tools that were making the small rural town famous, discovered Erickson’s method.  Erickson not being home at the time, the collectors gained entrance to his shop and found his lithic modification plant.

During an interview with Erickson, Jenks was told the truth about the stone tools.  Erickson did not claim that the “artifacts” were original; instead he stated that, through modification, they were his own works.  He claimed never to have read any scientific writing or seen any archaeological exhibitions that would have given a motive for his production.  His knowledge of Native American lithic production was close to non-existent.  This seemed doubtful certain tools were examined.  For someone who claimed to know so little about flaked stone tools, Erickson certainly was able to modify tools to closely mirror originals.

CLARITY: 4

JASON LEE PARRISH   Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Lamb, D.S.     Mythical Monsters American Anthropologist vol 2, 1900: 277-291

The author makes the claim that most natural occurrences of deformities were the basis for mythical monsters. Being employed by an unspecified museum, he supposedly has access to a number of strange freaks of nature: animals with multiple or missing limbs or other organs, some, due to their deformity, resembling a mix of two species. Mr. Lamb lists an example of how some modern civilized people associate deformed animals with supernatural creatures, and is thus quite certain that "primitive" persons who live/lived in "so-called heathen lands" would doubtless go one step further and make demons out of them. Stories of such beings would proliferate and become exaggerated, leading to a whole host of mythical gods and creatures. A list of them, taken almost exclusively from Greek mythology, is provided, and includes such malformations as the Centaur, Chimera, Sirens, Cyclops, and Satyr. The author suggests that most, if not all, such creatures were based on real deformities, leaving nothing to imagination or religion as other alternatives. Indeed, the tone of the article suggests that he thinks that "primitive man" is incapable of coming up with multi-headed creatures. Unfortunately, nowhere does he define what he means by "primitive man", and uses only examples from Classical Greek, Egyptian, and Hindu civilizations. The article includes a brief discussion by F.O. Hall and F.A. Lucas, who provide a few comments at the end, among which is an interesting observation by Miss Hall that associating malformations with demons implies that the "primitives" already possess a concept of what a demon is (or should be).

CLARITY RATING: 4

BART BRODOWSKI University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Laufer, Berthold.     Preliminary Notes on Explorations Among the Amoor Tribes. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 297-338.

Berthold Laufer’s notes are published here which depict aspects of his Jesup North Pacific Expedition during 1898-1899. He does not specify where this expedition took place. He discusses several Amoor tribes which he encountered on that journey: the Ainu, the Gilyak, the Olcha, the Tongus, the Tungusian, and the Gold. All of these tribes are hunters and fishermen, using salmon as their staple food. None of them are exclusively nomadic tribes, they all conduct some form of animal domestication (taming reindeer and dogs) or agricultural practice (growing potatoes, leeks, cucumbers, tobacco, and millet). None of these tribes can be understood on their own without understanding their neighbors since interaction and influence between these tribes are evident in their material culture. Laufer claims that the main differences between these tribes is their "physical types and intellectual life."

Laufer notes that the art of the Amoor tribes is lacking in original, realistic representations. He states that they all borrow from foreign symbols. The cock plays a predominant figure in Amoor ornamental art. It is not native to the area, and was introduced from China and Russia. He is also surprised to observe that the salmon, sturgeon, and other animals which are crucial elements to the Amoor economy are absent from the art forms of some of the tribes, in particular, the Gold. Instead, Chinese mythological creatures, such as dragons, are used in ornamental artworks.

Laufer next focuses on the social organization of the Gold tribe, stating that it is similar to other people of Siberia. The tribe is divided into patrolineal "rodys" or clans. They practices exogamous marriage. Men are permitted to take as many wives as they can afford, but it is rare to have more than three. Men believe that more wives will equate to more work around the household. Men are responsible for hunting and fishing while women tend to chores concerning the household. Wives are treated as slaves to the husband. They are not permitted to address their husband by his name, even though other women may. Husbands do not need to be faithful to their wives, but wives must be faithful. Husbands sleep with other women and often solicit prostitutes, which leads to high rates of sexually transmitted diseases, such as syphilis. Divorce is common in the Gold tribe, but it is the husband’s exclusive privilege to part from his wife; she cannot make this decision. "Disobedience, barrenness, lewd conduct, and foul and incurable disease" are grounds on which men may divorce their wives. Interaction with the Chinese is common, and Amoor wives are often sought out by Chinese traders.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Leon, Nicholas. Translated by F.F. Hilder.     A Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 722-740.

This article documents the development and the use of iconographic representations developed by Father Jacobo de Testera, at the suggestion and with the assistance of his `native’ translators, to communicate the doctrines of the Catholic Church to the native population in Mexico. These icons were painted on linen cloths and hung near the priest at the front of the church, and consisted of topics such as the Articles of Faith, the Ten Commandments, and the Seven Sacraments. Other missionaries who were evangelizing in Mexico adopted this method.

An alternative approach was to reproduce an icon that sounded like the words to be translated, rather than reproducing the meaning of the word. Many Indian cultures whose languages lent themselves to alphabetic writing soon abandoned this hieroglyphic system, but it did remain in use among some groups. One such group that used this method later than others was the Otomi, from whom a sample of one of these iconographs was reproduced for this article.

The author provides a sample of Catholic catechism, along with descriptions, or translations, of the various icons used to illustrate it. It should be noted that this article was translated from French and that there are several phrases that were left in the original French, as well as several phrases in Spanish.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

ELIZABETH COLLINS University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

Leon, Nicholas.  A Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics.  American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 722-740.

Through a review of historical documentation and linguistic analysis, Leon attempts to translate the writing of a lost language.  He begins by examining historical documentation in order to find the origins of a type of pictorial writing instituted by Father Jacobo de Testera.  Evidence was found in the application of iconographic mnemonics taught to the Nahuas for the purpose of learning Christian doctrine.

The literature documented how the local missionaries began to print Catholic doctrine on sheets of linen.  Translators from the local tribes would then translate the doctrine into a written system the others could easily understand.  The method was detailed in a book called Rhetorica Christiana, which was accepted by missionaries in various societies.  Examples of the writings range from pictures of natives sailing in boats to hell while drinking wine to pictures of other quarreling or killing each other.  Leon’s linguistic analysis concludes that the pictures were a derivative of both the American Indian and Testera writing styles.

I found Leon’s explanations to be a somewhat cumbersome read.  Although some of the aspects of how the native glyphs changed with contact were fairly understandable, the article as a whole was not.  The bulk of it was made up of the hieroglyphs themselves.  A more concise presentation would be preferred.

CLARITY:  2

DANIEL MCCALLISTER    Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

MacCurdy, George Grant.     The Obsidian Razor of the Aztecs. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 1: 417-421.

MacCurdy’s article examines the obsidian razor of the Aztecs and notes similarities between it and the flint flakes from the European Prehistoric era. In particular, the flaking or fractures of the two materials break in a conchodial fracture. He describes obsidian tool making manufacture and emphasizes its excellence in quality for making razors and knives. He compares this to steel razors stating that both have similar ‘feather edges.’ This was the most efficient tool throughout the Stone Age with the same uses as modern scissors, knives, and razors. Although the obsidian razor is sharper than cutting edges from the Bronze Age and the early Iron Age, it is at a disadvantage in terms of tool longevity. This instrument could not resharpened indefinitely like those from the Bronze and Iron Ages.

MacCurdy used a razor to cut a number of items, such as wool, linen, cotton cloth, paper, hair, and beards. Minimal force was needed when cutting these items. In Cortes’s accounts, razors like these were used in ‘barber shops’ that were in the grand bazaar of Mexico City. The Mexicans called these razors made of obsidian itztli. This group would have used these razors not for beard shaving but for head shaving, with the exception of a small tuft of hair located near the crown.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ALEX SWEENEY University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)

MacCurdy, George Grant.   The Obsidian Razor of the Aztecs.   American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 417-421.     

The author wrote this article in response to a report claiming that obsidian and flint were similar.  He then goes on to describe the unique characteristics of the obsidian flake. 

Firstly, obsidian is much finer and more easily fractured than flint.  The curving of an obsidian flake is much more graceful than the abrupt curves of the flint flake.  Additionally, obsidian flakes are observed to have fine, parallel lines radiating out from the center of the flake in the direction of the percussion that dislodged the flake from the core.  These lines meet along the edges of the flake.

The author then makes note of the fine quality of the edge of obsidian.  It is much finer and sharper than razors of the bronze and iron ages.  However, the obsidian razor is easily dulled, whereas those of the bronze and iron ages could be perpetually re-sharpened.  The author relates his testing of an obsidian razor on multiple materials with very satisfying results.  He then discusses historical accounts of the Aztecs using such razors in shaving their heads, as long hair among men was a privilege reserved for priests and the elite.

CLARITY: 4

JASON L. EDMONDS    Mississippi State University  (Janet Rafferty)

Mason Otis T.     Linguistic Families of Mexico. American Anthropologist 1900 : 63-65

Mason reviewed three books written about indigenous American linguistic families. The books were: Catalogo de la Coleccion de Anthropologia del Museo Nacional (1895) by Alfonso L. Herrera and Richardo E. Cicero; American Race (1891) by Dr. Brinton; and Linguistic Families of North America (1891) by Major Powell. According to Mason, all these books are important aids to the study of languages in North America. However, he suggests that certain revisions be made to Pimentel’s table in order to provide more accurate information. Working with Dr. A. S. Gatschet, Mason proposed changes that would used standardized spelling and naming conventions. These name changes would allow a person to distinguish between tribes, speech and linguistic families.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

ALISON MC LETCHIE University of South Carolina (Ann E. Kingsolver)

Mason, Otis T.  The Hudson Collection of Basketry.  American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 346-353.

In this article, Otis T. Mason presents the reader with a detailed description of a  particular basketry collection, residing at the United States National Museum.  The vast majority of the collection comes from the Pomo Indians of California.  Along with these descriptions are in depth lists of plants, minerals, and techniques used in the creation of these baskets.  This article is carefully organized into sections covering the two main types of weaving and the ornamentation styles used.

The two types of weaving seen in this collection are twined and coiled.  The

twined weaving is divided into seven groups.  They are as follows:  Fish-weir, Pshu-tsin, Bam-tush, Shu-set, Ti, Three-ply twine, and Three-ply braid.  The coiled baskets are divided into four varieties.  In the first kind, “a single stem of rattan forms the foundation” while “the sewing is done with a split stem” (351).  In the second, the “foundation is a bundle of splints” and the sewing is completed with bunched stems.  In the third variety, three rods are used with interlocking stitches.  Finally, in the fourth groups, “threadlike filaments” make the foundation.  These this filaments also make up the coils.

In the final section of the article, ornamentation patterns are discussed.  There are six styles listed.  In the first, a different color line is stitched, in the same style as the body of the basket.  In the second, a different style of stitching is incorporated.  Thirdly, bands of patterns are added around the body.  These are said to resemble lace-work.  The fourth style include repeating geometric patterns, while the fifth has raised spiral patterns.  The sixth and final style has feathers or shell pieces added.

CLARITY:  5

LACEY CULPEPPER    Mississippi State University (Janet Rafferty)

Mason, Otis T.   The Hudson Collection of Basketry.  American Anthropologist   1900   Vol.2(2):346-353

This article describes Dr. J. W. Hudson’s collection of baskets from a group of Indians referred to as the Pomo and their linguistic family sub-divisions living near Russian River, California.  The United States National Museum procured this collection from Dr. Hudson in August, 1899. 

In this article, Mason outlines the various plants used for making baskets, as well as the numerous minerals and plant materials used to decorate them.  Roots constituted the major plant material used, while feathers and shells were the most common animal material used.  Magnetite was the only mineral identified by Mason.  Mason provides both the scientific and Indian names for all materials used and identifies the particular part used in the production of the baskets.  He also details specific procedures the Pomo undertook to design their baskets.

After discussing both materials and basic procedures, Mason then describes two different types of weaving in detail.  Twined and coiled weaving were the two major methods employed by the Pomo.  Sub-divisions are also identified according to the different combinations of plants, animals, and minerals used.

Finally, Mason explains the diverse ornamentations incorporated by the Pomo in the decoration of their baskets.  Such ornamentation includes bands of twining or coiling in a different stitch, geometric patterns, and even the addition of feathers and shells to the baskets.

CLARITY:  5

TROY WOOD    University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener) 

Mason, Otis T.   The Hudson Collection of Basketry. American Anthropologist April-June, 1900   Vol.2(2):346-353.

In this article, Mason provides a detailed description of Dr. J. W. Hudson’s collection of Pomo basketry.  The Pomo were a Native American group of people living in California at the time of Hudson’s study.  Mason lists and describes the plant materials that were used in basket making and the mineral and animal materials that were used in the decoration of the baskets. 

One prominent technique of Pomo weaving was twined weaving.  Hudson divided the twined types as follows: Pshu-kan; Pshu-tsin, which was used in granaries, sheath-making, and game fences rather than in basket making; Bam-tush; Shu-set, the most decorative type of twined weaving; and Ti, the most difficult and prized type of twined weaving.  Another common weaving technique employed by the Pomo was coiled weaving.

With regard to ornamentation, the Pomo only implemented weaving styles, rather than techniques such as embroidery and overlaying.  Hudson noted six patterns of ornamentation, including geometric weaving patterns and bands of patterns that had a lacey appearance.

Mason ends the article with Hudson’s observation that the basket patterns and shapes make reference to Pomo cosmogony and totemism. 

CLARITY: 4

EMILY RICHARDS     University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Margaret Wiener)

Mason, Otis T.     Traps of the Amerind-A Study in Psychology and Invention. American Anthropologist 1900 Vol. 2: 657-675.

The study of the traps of the Amerinds (American Indians) shows the intellect they possessed as they dealt with early problems in mechanics and engineering. The early Amerinds faced many challenges in catching and trapping animals for food. With this problem, they came up with many useful ways to trap animals for consumption that had a similar basis throughout the Americas. Groups mentioned in the article includes: the Hopi, Aleuts, Eskimo, Cree, Concow, Achomawi (or Pit River Indians), Athapascan, Tarahumari, Autiamgue, and Zuni.

Mason is trying to show us the strategy behind each of the traps the Amerinds used and the deceit and temptation that it bestowed on the animal. The Amerinds had a vast knowledge of all the animals they were trying to capture. They understood their foods and smells, how to send them into traps, and how to lure them into a different direction. They knew how the animals acted to the trap