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American
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Babcock, William H. The There are only two remaining Indian populations in eastern As a result of this migration, the The In conclusion, Babcock admits his admiration for the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Boas, Franz. Anthropometry of Shoshonean Tribes. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 751-758. Franz Boas’ brief article describes the result of anthropometric observations that were conducted by Messrs. T.L. Bolton and Walter R. Shaw. These measurements were recorded between 1891 and 1892 for an exhibit for the anthropology department on the "World’s Columbian Exposition." The Shoshoni, the Bannock, and the Unitah were the tribes that had members who were measured. A total of 294 members were measured, 33 of whom were "half bloods". The majority of the measurements are relatively identical. The only
exception appears to be the breadth of face. Boas explains that the Ute
of Colorado, who were measured by Shaw, tend to have narrower faces than
other Native American groups. He also makes a claim that there is a difference
in this facial feature between the Shoshonean tribes of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Boas, Franz. Anthropometry of Shoshonean Tribes. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol. 1 (4):751-758. Franz Boas deals with the anthropometry, or metric measurements, of
numerous facial features and basic body height and reach of several North
American Indian tribes. The tribes included in the study are the Shoshoni,
the Bannock, the Uintah, Measurements of the thickness of the lips and the size of the ear lobes are also taken. Only the ear is measured metrically, but both are also scored by numbers representing thin to thick. Boas argues that in judging the thickness rather than measuring it that the two men’s findings were much closer in agreement. This further shows that Shaw’s facial measurements were taken differently than Bolton’s. Boas goes on the say that there seems to be considerable ambiguity when assigning terms of thick and thin, large and small. He concludes that descriptive feature scoring results in lessened accuracy and that actual number measurements are of greater value scientifically. CLARITY RANKING: 3 NIKKI JOHNSON Southern
Boas, Franz. The Cephalic Index. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):448-461. The author addresses the cephalic index to determine its validity. The percent of the breadth of the skull to the length of the skull is the cephalic index. Boas believes other characteristics influence the length of the skull more than the breadth of the skull. Boas ran experiments to determine the degree of correlations between other characteristics. One of the results from an experiment showed there was a slight degree
of correlation between length and breadth of the head, and there was
a larger degree of variation among different races. Boas figured there
would be little variation among humans. His explanation for the value
on modern Parisians as to why it was so low, is because there is a wide
variety of skull size between people in Boas ran numerous statistical tests to determine the coefficients of single, double, triple and quadruple correlations. He compared the length and breadth of the skull to its height, and the diameter of the face with the capacity of the skull. His findings show that correlation between the diameter of the face and the capacity of the skull were the strongest and the correlation between the length and breadth of the skull was the lowest. He also concluded that the diameter of the skull was determined by its capacity. His results determined the cephalic index to be an inaccurate portrayal of the correlation between length and breadth of the skull, whereas the diameter of the face has a stronger correlation with the capacity of the skull. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Boas, Franz. The Cephalic Index. American Anthropologist July-September, 1899 Vol.1(3):448-461. The purpose of this study is to determine the biological significance of the cephalic index. The degree of elongation of a skull can be determined by measuring the length and breadth of the skull. The cephalic index is represented by the breadth expressed in percents of the length of the skull. Previous studies have discovered that individuals with a certain length of head do not always have a breadth that corresponds to the length multiplied by the cephalic index. In fact, the heads which have the greatest lengths have the lowest indices. Boas proposes that measurements of stature, cranial capacity, and height and breadth of the face also influence the cephalic index. He uses the measurements of 57 adult male Sioux Indian skulls for this study. The length and breadth of the skull are compared with the height, bizygomatic diameter of the face, and cranial capacity. Correlations of the bizygomatic diameter with cranial capacity showed the strongest significance. However, correlations between length and breadth showed the lowest significance. After doing double, triple, and quadruple correlations, the data shows that the diameters of the skull are primarily determined by its cranial capacity. The height of the skull is associated closely with its capacity, while the length is least associated. Boas attributes this to the assumption that the development of the frontal sinuses and the occipital protuberances depends upon the general development of the skeleton and not upon the form of the inner cavity of the skull. Boas, however, warns upon introducing data beyond quadruple correlations, due to the fact that errors are prevalent in values of multiple correlations. Boas concludes that the cephalic index is not an expression of the direct relationship between length and breadth of the skull, but rather an effect of the changes that take place when the capacity of the skull increases or decreases in size. However, the proportion between the diameters of the skull and the cranial capacity shows an intimate biological relationship. He states that the diameter of the head must be due to a tendency for the brain to assume a certain size and form in different types of man. The cephalic index is a convenient expression of the form of the head, but it does not express any significant anatomical relationships. CLARITY RANKING: 4 KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern
Boas, Franz. Property Marks of Alaskan Eskimo. American Anthropologist October, 1899 Vol.1(4):601-613. Boas examines and compares the property marks of the Alaskan Eskimo, which are usually found on weapons, such as whaling harpoons, walrus harpoons, sealskin bouys, lance-heads, and detachable arrowheads. These marks were not discovered on tools, therefore, the marks were most likely to be identity marks in which the person who injured or killed the animal could claim that they were the one or ones to kill the animal. The meat of a whale is divided between those on the island whose property mark is present on the weapon which brought down the whale and the people of the village where the animal became stranded after it was injured. If there are multiple arrowheads or harpoons in an animal, then the owner of the weapon closest to the head receives the meat. Boas discovered some property marks are individual marks and some are communal marks, through the abundance or lack of different styles of property marks. The form and decorative style of the weapons are ways in which a person can individualize the weapons with their property marks. Boas also notes that not all weapons, which typically have property marks, have them; some harpoons or other hunting weapons may not have property marks on them. Often villages share a similar form with a wide variety of ornamentation, where as when comparing between villages there is even greater variety with less chance of similar property mark characteristics. Property marks can be placed on different areas of the weapon, be shaped differently, and can have different orientations on the weapon, with varying styles of design. Some of the villages in which Boas conducted his research were Point Hope, Point Barrow, and Port Clarence. Boas conducted research on the Alaskan Eskimo to study about the property marks on hunting weapons. The major difference of the orientation of the walrus harpoon and the whaling harpoon is that the ornamentation is on the face of the walrus harpoon, and the orientation of the whaling harpoon is on the side. The forms and ornamentations of the property marks can vary greatly between villages. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Boas, Franz. Property Marks of Alaskan Eskimo. American Anthropologist October-December, 1899 Vol.1(4):601-613. This article discusses the use of property marks on Alaskan Eskimo hunting
implements. These marks typically consisted of lines or circles incised
on hunting tools such as whaling harpoons, walrus harpoons, sealskin
buoys, lance-heads, and detachable arrowheads. These tools were made
to detach in the animal's hide, and when the animal, a whale for example,
washed up on the shore it could be easily determined which hunter made
the kill. Often, animals were discovered by people other than the hunters.
In this case, they would look for the property marks in order to identify
and contact the hunting group, who would share the bounty with the finders.
Boas speculates that the use and placement of the marks and the style
of the implement were specific to individuals or groups of individuals,
such as a family or clan unit. He also notes that property marks were
discovered solely on hunting implements rather than on other kinds of
tools. The majority of the article discusses types of property marks
and their placements on hunting tools. Boas uses artifact examples primarily
from Point Hope, Point Barrow, St. Michael, and CLARITY RANKING: 3 KELLY EILEEN JONES Southern
Boas, Franz. Some Recent Criticisms of Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):98-106. Around the turn of the last century there raged a debate regarding the effect of genetics vs. environment on human bodily form. Franz Boas, in this article, addresses the criticisms voiced by opponents of physical anthropology, and advocates the importance of studying physical anthropology for broad descriptions and analyses of our human past. In the beginning, descriptions of general appearance of individuals to form the basis of physical anthropology were important. Later, skeletons were analyzed for racial characteristics, and were more readily available for study than soft tissues. One criticism of physical anthropology Boaz addresses is that of the role of numerical measurements rather than descriptions. He suggests that descriptions are inadequate due to the very small variations (detected by measurements) in determining the race of an individual. He notes that these small variations are not at fault in physical anthropology, but simply bring attention to the importance of accuracy and standardization. Also, descriptions are subjective, and descriptions of soft tissue are unavailable for most of human history. He suggests that physical anthropology is useful only for analysis of large patterns, i.e., two skeletons do not describe an entire ‘race’ of people, and that it is important not to ascribe value to certain racial characteristics. If it can be shown that heredity is the primary factor in producing physical characteristics, the history and movement of humankind can be traced through the presence or absence of local variations. Boas views physical anthropology as allowing an investigation of the mixing of racial types, statistically and methodologically, rather than simply for descriptive purposes. CLARITY: 4
Boas, Franz. Some Recent Criticisms of Physical Anthropology. American Anthropologist January,1899 Vol.1(1):98-106. In the late 19th century attacks were made against the methodology of physical anthropology. These attacks were directed toward two main points: the possibility of classifying mankind according to anatomical characteristics and the practicability of descriptions of types by means of measurements. Before replying to these criticisms, Boas remarks on the development of the methods used in physical anthropology. He states that the original classification of various races was made by verbal description. Throughout the years, increases in the amount of material that can be used to describe a human skeleton became so great that verbal description alone was impossible to make clear classification differences. Therefore, "these conditions have led to a most extensive application of the metric method in the study of the human skeleton". (Boas, 99) Boas explains that if it can be shown that heredity plays a predominant factor, then the use of anatomical investigations can give hope toward tracing the early history of mankind. Where these methods have been applied, results have shown that heredity is the strongest factor in determining the form of the descendant. In response to the second criticism toward the practicability of descriptions by use of measurements, Boas replies that the purpose of developing a system of measurements was not to compare only one characteristic. It is to combine a series of measurements to provide a clearer description of the skeleton as a whole. Boas also tries to show that measurements can be used to prove the homogeneity or dishomogeneity of groups of certain individuals. Defending the measurements used by physical anthropologist, Boas compares the tactics of physical anthropology to that of linguistics and ethnology. In conclusion stating, "The three branches of anthropology must proceed each according to its own method; but all equally contribute to the solution of the problem of the early history of mankind." (Boas, 106). CLARITY RANKING: 4 CARRIE CROZIER Southern
Brinton, Daniel G. The Calchaqui: An Archaeological Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):41-44. Daniel Brinton outlines conclusions to archaeological inqueries concerning
the Calchaqui culture of Brinton states that there are no positive remains of the Calchaqui language,
so actual material for basing supposition is quite thin. However, there
are analyses of local names offered by Quiroga that suggests they spoke
a language related to the Araucanian or the Guaycuru dialects of the Another of the chief concerns within this work is the exact relationship of the Calchaqui and Inca. Ambrosetti emphasizes that the Catamarcan remains are Incasic, "in design, technique, and symbolism." If this is accepted as true, then the question becomes one of affiliation. Were they a part of the culture, but outside Incasic jurisdiction, a part of the state, or the very birthplace of Incasic culture itself? Brinton admits that these questions are still open and the current work may reflect either opinion. However, he concludes that though the culture of this valley is decidedly Incasic, it had already been destroyed before the arrival of the first whites and the nations found in these areas were not the builders or destroyers of this region. CLARITY: 4 T.M. KEY Southern
Brinton, George E. The Calchaqui: An Archeological Problem. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1, no. 1:41 Archeologists have marveled at the ruins and artifacts found in the
ancient province of Tucuman located at the foot of the Andes in present
day In 1536, when the Europeans first explored
Brinton, Daniel G. Professor
Blumentritt's Studies of the Given that the Philippine islands are under American control, Brinton states, a safe and scientific investigation of the islands is possible. Brinton then begins to tell of Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt an his intensive studies of the people of the islands. Blumentritt has authored 146 writings on this subject, all done between 1880 and 1899. Brinton begins by summarizing this large amount of material for, as he says, the anthropologist. However, he only lists tribe names and the journals they are written in. Blumentritt's works include: "Ethnography of the Brinton then lists everything else Blumentritt has studied. The list
ranges from Spanish dialects to mineral deposits, volcano systems to
mission influences, and native dialects, too. The last statement is somewhat
political or nationalistic. Brinton assumes that Blumentritt believes
the Philippine islanders can have their own government, and that CLARITY RANKING: 5
Brinton, Daniel G. Professor Blumentritt’s
Studies of the In this article, Brinton’s objective is to steer our attention to Professor Blumentritt’s articles pertaining to the Philippine islands. Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt is an author who stood first among the scientific writers of his time period. He devoted his life to investigations concerning the diverse inhabitants of the Philippine islands. This has been shown through the multitude of articles he wrote, from the 1880s-1900s, concerning the inhabitants of these islands. Since Brinton was pressed for space he mentions only the most valuable of Professor Blumentritt’s articles to the anthropologist. Professor Bulmentritt’s articles present a great deal of information. He bestows upon us the proper names of the specific inhabitants of the Philippine islands, their form of government, religion, and their native dialects. Professor Bulmentritt has also published several contributions on the use of dialectic Spanish, on political, labor, and immigration questions pertaining to the Philippine islands. This short article is easy to read and provides us with important information about Professor Blumentritt’s articles. Through these articles we as a reader are able to see how valuable Professor Blumentritt was as an ethnographer of his generation. CLARITY RANKING: 5 REBECCA KULAGA Southern
Culin, Stewart. Hawaiian Games. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:2(201-247). The author documents an extensive list of ninety-one different games
or amusements that existed among the Hawaiian people. Culin begins his
discussion of Hawaiian games by stating that they generally coincide
with their holidays and are seen as a reason for betting, an activity
to which an earlier researcher stated the Hawaiian people were addicted.
When possible, the games or activities were compared to similar games
played on other Many of the games documented were children’s games common to many cultures, such as skipping rope, playing with dolls, catching dragonflies, blowing bubbles, swinging, making and sailing boats and playing on a see-saw (listed by their Hawaiian names), among others. The author does not correlate children’s activities to his initial assertion that games were used as a means for gambling. Other amusements for children are also described, such as tops, wooden puzzles, cups and balls, and pinwheels. Games for adults ranged from mental challenges to physical encounters to activities strictly for amusement. Examples of activities that were mental challenges were simple games such as a version of `Simon Says,’ in which the leader calls out a direction or body part and the participants are supposed to point to a different direction or body part in an established pattern. Another example of a familiar game requiring concentration is patting one leg, while rubbing the other. Games of a physical nature included wrestling in the sea, boxing, hill sliding, surfing, dancing on stilts, numerous ball games and a variety of forms of racing. One particular activity that seems to have been strictly for amusement and unique to the geography of the islands is called O-i-li-pu-le-lo. This involved lighting firebrands and sending them down the sheer cliffs leading to the sea at night. Depending on the changing winds coming off the ocean and encountering the cliff, the firebrands might drop, rise, or both with firebrands possibly crossing paths. The spectacle of lights could be seen from the beach below or from canoes on the ocean. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Culin, Stewart. Hawaiian Games. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):201-247. Stewart Culin cites four Hawaiian sailors, all from First, Culin describes the Hawaiian New Years Festival,
which consists of six days of rituals, feasting, and games. Four days
of the festival
are explicitly reserved for games and feasting. According to Culin, games
that may be played during this festival and any other holidays enjoyed
by Hawaiians are: jumping rope, swinging, see-sawing, horse riding, head-standing,
boxing, fencing, wrestling, wrist wrestling, wrestling in the sea, rope-pulling,
neck-pulling, finger-pulling, foot racing, burden racing, sack racing,
one-foot jumping, stick jumping, wheelbarrow racing, swimming racing,
canoe racing, tub racing, surf racing, precipice jumping, sledge sliding,
stilt walking, hand clapping, eye-pointing, wood pointing, rubbing, cock-fighting,
dragonfly catching, dragonfly flying, leaf canoeing, doll playing, paper
playing, buzzing, bullroaring, wind-wheeling, humming-top playing, wooden
top playing, squirt-gunning, soap bubbling, cats-cradle, wood puzzling,
string-cutting, kites, cup and ball, coconut shell casting, ball playing,
ball kicking, pit shooting, jackstones, coin betting, seed shooting,
stick casting, hop-scotching, one-by-one counting, hand betting, hide
and seek, play counting, prisoner’s play, blind-man’s bluff, prisoner’s
base, mice shooting, arrow shooting, ring casting, stone hiding, draughts,
fox and geese, stick drawing, jackstraws, pig guessing, and card playing.
Culin gave a brief description of all games and compares them with games
recorded on other islands. He gives the reader a comprehensive list of
games played in CLARITY RANKING: 4 TERA CREMEENS Southern
Dorsey, A. George. Notes on
the Anthropological Museums of The objectives of this article were presented by the author as such:
(1) to study the anthropological collections of The article also goes into the accessibility of the collections, how
they are lit and displayed, as well as how appropriate are the buildings
that house them. This is done from the perspective of someone who considers
the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Dorsey, George A. Notes on
the Anthropological Museums of Museums are representative of the ways in which we organize our world, and in the late nineteenth century we can see how differently anthropologists organized their world through the lens of the European museum. Dorsey has two objectives in his examination of Central European museums. The first objective is to determine whether or not each museum adequately represents the four fields of anthropology. His second objective is to inspect each museum’s techniques for exhibiting and preserving the artifacts as well as note the general layout of the museum. Although the article primarily consists of a laundry
list of which museum has what collection, or which museum has adequate
labeling etc., what
is fascinating about the piece is the look into Victorian anthropology
that it provides. For instance, the four fields of anthropology that
Dorsey was looking to be represented in each museum were: somatology,
ethnology, archeology, and ethnography. Though they certainly have a
familiar ring, anthropology has changed a bit since 1899. Dorsey also
notes that most museum exhibits in anthropology at the time were often
either organized by the "five physical divisions of mankind" as
was the case at the Dorsey also notes whether certain museums are accessible to students or to the public. Many of the museums that Dorsey examined had catalogues available that served as "illustrated guides" to collections. It is evident that early on there was an effort made by museums to educate the public. Although many things have changed over a century in these museums that Dorsey visited, some have not. At the end of the article, Dorsey describes the process of accessioning new collections. Even today, when a new artifact is acquired by a museum certain information is recorded and each artifact is assigned a number. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LISA PORTER Southern
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Alosaka Cult of the Hopi Indians. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 522-544. Fewkes describes many aspects involving the Hopi Indian Alosaka rituals.
Fewkes studied these Hopi rituals based on the findings of Mr. T. V.
Keam from Keam's Canyon, Clans introduced the Alosaka cult from the south of Awatobi. These clans were the Patun, or Squash, and influenced the New-Fire ceremony through the introduction of a figurine called Talatumsi, in which the fire-god representative of this figurine was portrayed through a Hopi's actions in the ceremony. Fewkes notes that the most interesting aspect of the Winter Solstice ceremony is that of a Bird-man, named Kwataka or Kwatoka, who is supposed to represent a solar god. Here, a Hopi Indian dresses up as the bird man seen in a figurine within this article, and does an elaborate dance. The dance is a symbolic dramatization, representing the fertilization of the earth. This figure is supposed to represent an old war-god, or a sun god. Fewkes then describes the four figures of Hopi Sun Symbolism (common sun symbol; "Big-head", a solar god; Kwataka, a bird with sun symbolism; and, Ahole) that are seen on a plate in this article. He covers mainly the sun symbol, and later ties in its significance with other items of Hopi ritual use. The infusion of these symbols show up on an elaborate cloth screen that was used in a prayer to Alosaka for rain, fertilization of seed, snow, and abundant harvests. On this screen, Alosaka becomes a figure that represents the rituals and beliefs involved with them. Fewkes also briefly mentions an Alosaka shield that is comparable with the screen. Besides Alosaka, the other types of horned gods: Ahole, Calako, Tunwup, and Natackas, are associated with the sun. Fewkes then lists the ceremony names for these horned gods. The Tunwup gods Calako-taka, Natacka, and Ahole, were involved in the ceremonies Niman and Powamu. A. M. Stephen's account of the Alosaka legend is quoted next in this article. Fewkes then gives the male and female names involved in the totemic ancestor worship that Alosaka incorporates. In conclusion, he sums up the belief very simply. The Hopi worshipped horned beings called Alosakas, which once existed at the ruined pueblo of Awatobi; their ceremonies are performed mainly to bring rain that corn needs to grow; and, the Alosaka cult was a high form of animal totemism, where the Alosaka are supposed to represent the mountain sheep. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Alósaka Cult of the Hopi Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):522-544. The Alósaka cult is represented in katcina ceremonies among the Hopi. Traces of evidence for the cult exist only in some aspects of their ceremonies. Alósaka is a god who embodies the Aaltu priests, or the ‘guardians’ of the cult. Of the numerous legends regarding the origins of Alósaka, Fewkes discusses in detail one in which the Alósaka is eventually born and represented by horned twins who bring fertility to the crops. This legend is perhaps favored because of the importance of figurines carved in the image of Alósaka, images which seem to allude to the recovery of idols found in an ancient Hopi pueblo. These idols indeed bear resemblance to other representations of Alósaka, and once Hopi priests discovered that they were removed, they were quickly collected. The main physical characteristic of Alósaka are sheep horns, which can be seen represented in the Aaltu today in certain rituals, namely the Flute, New fire, and the Winter Solstice. The horns, according to Fewkes, very likely represent a modified form of animal totemism. Pictorial and graven evidence portrays horned beings associated with the sun, rain clouds, and often seeds. Fewkes connects this to ceremonies in which Alósaka is linked to crops and fertility. He also discusses other aspects of Hopi ceremonies, such as the Bird-man’s rites. The author gives a detailed description of the ensuing rituals, and links the Bird-man and Alósaka together by comparing figurines and pictorial representations of both. Another aspect of Fewke’s article is to discuss the variations of katcina ceremonies in Hopi pueblos. This is likely due to the collaboration of neighboring Puebloan groups with differing ceremonial practices. While this likely occurred in some areas, in others it did not. Fewkes reasons that the Alósaka cults migrated north near Hopi pueblos; the southern cults likely were integrated into katcina rituals of some Hopi pueblos. In Hopi pueblos where there exists little or no evidence of Alósaka cults, this is likely due to the lack of exposure to the earlier cults that brought the practices to the Hopi region from the south. CLARITY RANKING: 4 RACHAEL WILLIS Southern
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol. 1: 251-276. Fewkes compares and contrasts the practices of the Hopi people at Walpi to those of the Tewa people at Hano. While both groups had winter solstice celebrations, the majority of clans at Walpi had no altars. The altars at Hano involve a clay representation of a "Great Serpent" whose head always points southward, painted prayer-sticks or "ladders," drawn symbols, sprinkled grains of corn or meal, and sand or powdered coal outlines. There are nine days of ceremony; some of the ceremonies include singing; some include various objects such as eagle feathers or a conch shell. Fewkes states that the purpose of the midwinter ceremonies of both the Walpi and Hano pueblos is similar. It is to ensure the fertility of corn and other seeds and to bring general prosperity to the people. Fewkes’ main argument is that the location of the pueblo does not determine its religious practices. While the Walpi pueblo and the Hano pueblo are in the same proximity, the people’s rituals differ greatly. Even their calendars are very different. The author explains these observations by tracing the lineage and migration of both groups of people. He also highlights the fact that practices of the people of the Walpi pueblo are the product of intermarriage of and assimilation of many different clans over time. Thus, Fewkes argues that the Hano pueblo’s practices are more closely tied to the original rituals of their ancestors. The article also includes several sketches of the altars, including an illustration of a sun ladder. CLARITY RANKING: 3
J. Walter Fewkes. The Winter Solstice Altars at Hano Pueblo. American Anthropologist April, 1899 Vol.1(2):251-276. By providing an objective comparison of two different prevailing cultures
of the Hopi Pueblo in northeastern The Walpi or Hopi tribe is comprised of several smaller settlements
that have merged into one over the course of a few hundred years. Those
small clans include the After explaining the origins of the different tribes, the author uses the rest of the article to analyze the sequence of events that take place during the winter solstice. These ritual practices are considered extremely important because they are a basis for distinguishing between different tribes. Both the Walpi and Hano solstice traditions fall on similar dates and contain similar Katcina dances. But the Hano rituals that take place behind closed doors, or hatches within a ceremonial structure known as a kiva, are what make these ancient rituals so interesting. The rituals are a sacred cultural activity which includes prayer sticks, fetishes, corn meal and other seeds, arrow points, and other valued goods, all placed in a particular sacred form atop a raised alter made of hard-packed sand. These collected goods were methodically placed so that they represent the Great Serpent heading south as the sun had, in order to bring the rain clouds, which in turn added to their prosperity. The tired sun, as it was so low in the southern sky, received aid from sun ladders that the Hano had constructed. Fewkes explains the significance of the sacred meal within the medicine bowl receiving a ray of light from an angled fragment of glass. This complex ritual should be read in the detail provided by the author since it contains so much symbolism. The main point of this article is the significance of the distinctly different rituals practiced by two groups living within shouting distance of one another. Furthermore, the common notion that these puebloan people all practice the same cultural and ceremonial activities is a stereotype that must be avoided in order to get an objective account of these peoples’ lifestyles and origin. CLARITY RANKING: 4 KEVIN CONNORS Southern
Fillmore, John Comfort. The Harmonic Structure of Indian Music. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:297-318 This article is introduced by Alice B. Fletcher, who
obtained John Fillmore’s
manuscript when he died unexpectedly before the article reached publication.
It is accompanied by musical excerpts in Western notation, recording
melodies from the Navajo, Kwakiutl, Yaqui, Tigua, and It may be asked what direction the voice of the Indian takes when he expresses his feelings in song, and whether that direction is the same for all men or differs between races. There is a common impression that Indian music is based on scales different from, and employing smaller intervals than, those of ‘civilized’ music. Ten years’ study of Indian music both through recording and personal experience show that, on the contrary, the laws governing the melodies of the Indian are essentially the same as apply in ‘civilized’ music. The process of development, as illustrated both by Indian examples and by old-world folk-songs, is as follows: (1) The key-note and its chord. (2) The addition of one of the sixth and second of our major scale. (3) These tones, together with the chord compose the five-tone scale. (4) The tonality is major or minor according as the do or the la is made the point of repose. (5) The fourth and seventh of the major scale are added to complete the dominant and subdominant chords. While the Indian’s music is almost universally monophonic, harmonies are implied and, indeed, when supplied by piano, receive the approval of the Indian performers. Thus, the natural perception of the harmonic relations of tones is the shaping, determining factor, which determines the line of least resistance along which spontaneous development occurs. This natural perception seems universal, depending our physical constitution, the laws of acoustics, and the psychical laws that relate music to emotion. The impression given that the Indian employs diffent scales and intervals is misleading, and derives from the fact that they frequently sing out of tune, or employ quarter tones for emphasis of other notes in the standard tonal structure. Microtones are transitional, not structural. The music of the ‘savage’, rather that being a different kind of music from that of the modern musician, represents a different stage of development. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fletcher, Alice C. A Pawnee Ritual Used When Changing a Man’s Name. American Anthropologist. 1899 Vol. 1:82-97 The ritual of changing a man’s name is a sacred event to the Pawnee
Indians. Fletcher records, translates, and interprets this important
event. Her motive is to preserve "the ancient rites of the tribe¼as
a part of the history of the American race." With the assistance
of Mr. Francis La Flesche, she made contact with a Pawnee priest who
could perform this ritual and was willing to perform it. This priest,
who belonged to the Chau-I’ division of the Pawnee, is described in great
detail. Fletcher comments, with much fanfare, upon his arrival and reactions
to the city of Fletcher explains the many implications that a name change entails. She explains that a man who changes his name must strive to live on a higher, and more spiritual, level. The man is only allowed to take a new name after he has proved himself worthy, or of great character. The ritual must be performed by a Pawnee priest while in the presence of the people who have witnessed the man’s worthy acts. The man’s new name symbolizes the character traits that are manifested in him, and all of his tribesmen will recognize him by that new name. The actual ritual consists of three "movements," or parts, in which the priest explains the custom first, then describes the man’s actions and petitions the gods for a new name, and finally, the new name is given and the old name is forgotten. Gaining a new name is an accomplishment of great importance to the Pawnee, marking the progress a man had made in his life. Gods and men both recognize this progress through the ritual. The new name must be spoken with reverence. A name is not simply a label, but a sacred gift. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fletcher, Alice C. A Pawnee Ritual Used When Changing a Man’s Name. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):82-97. Before this article by Alice Fletcher, little was known
about the rituals used by three divisions of the Pawnee nation for
changing a man’s name
when he achieves an important accomplishment. She states that there is
much difficulty in getting priests to talk about the rite; they won’t
speak about it to strangers so a more intimate relationship must be found
in order to gain access into this sacred area. For Fletcher, this relationship
came through a Pawnee named James R. Murie, an educated man who brought
with him a priest named Ta-hi’-roos-sa-wi-chi. The priest was traveling
in his old age to pass on knowledge to the son of the head-chief of the Before the actual translation of the song, Fletcher tells some anecdotes
about how the priest reacted to some of the items of white culture he
was exposed to. For instance, when the offer was made for him to stay
in a comfortable cottage, he refused on the grounds that the sacred articles
in his care must be kept in an earth lodge, and so must he in order to
fulfill the duties of his people. When the offer was made for him to
go up into the Fletcher also illustrates some of the key principles of the name change as explained by the priest. The life of a man is what the priest called an "onward movement." Throughout his life he is given opportunities to "climb up" if he is determined and seeks the favor of the gods. As this occurs, a man does something that marks a point of his life where he has the opportunity to express in action his peculiar powers. This act creates a new stage that he has achieved so he takes a new name to signify that he is now ahead of where he had been before. CLARITY: 5 T.M. KEY Southern
Gatschet, Albert S. "Real," "True," or "Genuine" in Indian Languages. American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1:155-162. Gatschet examines the words that are used in different Native American dialects for the terms "real," "true" and "genuine." The purpose of his article then is to compare the dialects in an attempt to analyze and expose the similar origins of the words in these various languages. In order to conduct this study, Gatschet examines six different Native
American linguistic groups. The six groups include the languages of the
Algonquian, Iroquoian, Kiowan, Shoshonean, Tonkawan, and For each language and dialect, he translates the three words and gives
examples of how they are combined with other words. For example, about
the CLARITY RANKING: 4 MARSHALL JAMES University of South Carolina (Ann Kingsolver)
Gatshcet, Albert S. "Real," "True," or "Genuine" in Indian Languages. American Anthropologist January 1899 Vol.1(1):155-161. Gatschet’s study was aimed at how Native American languages
indicated something real, true, or genuine. The languages that he studied
withn
the Algonquian family included His study focused on the way Native tongues dciphered meanings from these terms compared to one another and to a lesser extent to the English language. He hypothesized that by finding out what these groups tended to identify as real, true, and genuine he would learn much about their cultures. For example, his findings seem to indicate that they used these terms in reference to what was most common or significant to them. Gatschet indicates this by telling the reader that the terms that are translated are often found in the terms that refer to man and Indian, or at least to refer to the members of the tribe that they belong to. Another way that he illustrates that these terms signify cultural norms is that one of these terms was used in several languages to describe right-handedness. CLARITY RANKING: 3 TERA CREMEENS Southern
Hilder, F.F. Origin of the Name "Indian." American Anthropologist 1899 Vol.1: 545-549 Hilder considers the validity of the term "Indian" in
this short article. He provides a background history for the voyages
of CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hilder, F.F. Origin of the Name "Indian". American Anthropologist July, 1899 Vol.1(3):545-549. In his article, F.F. Hilder sets out to explore the origins
of the English usage of the word "Indian" to represent the
indigenous peoples of the North American continent. The author takes
a primarily historical
approach to answer the question of the beginnings of what he deems as
an inappropriate representation of the people of the The influence of Italian commerce, based out of Carrying a letter from the present King of Spain, Ferdinand, addressed
to the Grand Khan of Eastern Asia, the Genoese sailor sighted land upon
the western horizon and mistakenly believed, due to his latitudinal location,
that he had arrived on the eastern shores of The Author concludes the article pleading that although the term had been adopted into the popular language and is used almost universally, it is time that an attempt is made to supplant the wrongful designation with a more appropriate and scientifically correct name. CLARITY 3 CHRISTOPHER GSCHWEND Southern
Holmes, William H. Preliminary Revision
of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in After the gold discoveries in Whitney's dating was based on two sources of evidence. First, relics came from portions of the auriferous, or gold-bearing, gravel that could be assigned to the Pliocene period. Also, the relics were found in association with the remains of extinct plants and animals. With the help of scientists, Holmes verified the age of the gravels, but with the help of animal remains, plant remains, human remains, and remains of human handiwork, he verifies the later and more conceivable date of the artifacts. Dr. Joseph Leidy identified the remains of several species of animals. Although all the species were found to be extinct, they all dated to the Neocene age, not the Pliocene. Although all plants, identified by Dr. Leo Lesquereux, were extinct and of the Pliocene, many could be of the Miocene. In addition to plant and animal evidence, all human remains represent a human no different than the California Indian of the present time (although Whitney claimed they had some characteristics of the Eskimo). Holmes also believes that the human material remains belong to the Neocene. Holmes drives his argument through the evidence of human remains that are no different than those of anatomically modern humans. In addition, the fifteen to twenty varieties of art found are all of recent types. Also, the stone implements found are the same as those manufactured by native California Indian tribes and those of the recent past. Holmes uses geological and archaeological evidence to explain how the artifacts were moved and deposited in the gravels of the earlier time periods. Through reexamining the work of J.D. Whitney, the author accurately dates the artifacts and clears up the controversy over the auriferous gravel man. CLARITY RATING: 5
Holmes, William H. Preliminary
Revision of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in This article looks at the evidence in support of, and contradicting
the presence of, a culturally developed group in the In evaluating the material remains, the author discounted these for three reasons. First was the large population of the `Digger tribe’ of `mountain Indians’ that lived in the mining camps and worked in the mines. He felt that it was very likely that some of the artifacts were modern items used by these workers and that they had either fallen into the mine or had been taken into the mine by the Native American workers, unnoticed by the mine supervisors due to the workers’ low status. Related to this reason was the possibility that the artifacts were from relatively recent Native American burials. This suspicion is reinforced by testimony that the `tribesmen’ consulted about the artifacts did not wish to discuss them, and refused to touch them, consistent with cultural taboos regarding burials and burial goods. The third reason for discounting the artifacts was that it was quite possible that the artifacts were present as a result of a practical joke being played on the mine supervisor or owner. This is particularly true of the human skull, which showed evidence of post mortem trauma, such as would be expected in the pit-style burials of the region, but about which there were numerous statements that the skull was intended as a joke upon the mine owner. The author makes it evident that a lack of cultural awareness and ability to document the artifacts, their original locations and/or the probability of site disturbance, makes all the support of a culture contemporary with the European Stone Age indefensible. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, William H. Preliminary
Revision of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in William Holmes further argues against a Tertiary man in Artwork from the gold-bearing gravels in California were previously thought to have been very primitive. After better examination, the work was found to belong to the polished stone age and similar to modern implements. It is suggested that many had fallen in from Indian camp sites or brought in by Indians themselves. The findings had been shaped by processes used by the natives of the modern region and served the same purposes they do now or of the recent past. In addition, none of these objects showed wear that would be associated with the Tertiary. Holmes stresses his view against the antiquity of the sites through the activities of the modern tribes living in the region. Indians, having lived there for centuries, often buried their dead in pits, caves, and deep ravines. Miners often called the area "place of skulls", suggesting the dense burial patterns of the region. Most of the finds that led to Whitney's theory were made by people without expertise in the field. These people often falsified information such as where the artifacts were found, and even engaged in practical joking at the expense of scientists. One skull, known as the Calaveras skull, which Whitney also based theory on, did not even make it's way to proper investigation until thirty years after it had been discovered. When properly examined, it was found to be filled with modern material such as a snail shell and a shell bead. In this article, Holmes strengthens his case on the antiquity of man
in CLARITY RATING: 5
Hough, Walter. Korean Clan Organization. American Anthropologist January, 1899 Vol.1(1):150-154. Hough interviewed Kiu Beung Surh several times to compile information concerning Korean clan organization. The author outlines Korean clan organization, such as its government, burial practices, laws, offences and penalties, support of poor members, adoption, political parties, and family names. The clan head is determined to be the direct male descendent of the
earliest ancestor. The counsel delegates, who come from various parts
of the country, are elected. If a village does not send a delegate then
the village is fined and also the members of the clan are fined. The
money raised from these taxes is put forth to maintain ancestral tombs,
shrines, land and the clan house, to pay for sacrifices, and also to
invest in land. The counsel usually meets in the capital of Law prohibits marriage to members of the same clan name,
remarriage by a widow, and marriage to a deceased wife’s sister. The
first of three major offenses is the determination of a person to be
a traitor to Although the clan seems to be close-knit, it is not obligatory to help poorer members. Another aspect of Korean clan organization is the use of adoption to maintain families. A second son is often the child to be adopted. The political parties dictating the area are based on geography and are thus named, North, South, East, and West. Hough also mentions some of the Korean family names. Ye and Kim are considered to be two of the six high family names and Ta and Pi are two of the six low family names. The clan head and the counsel, meeting and business of the counsel, burial practices, laws, offences and penalties, the support of poor clan members, their idea of adoption, political parties and family names are some of the aspects mentioned by Kiu Beung Surh when Hough interviewed him on the Korean clan organization. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, Walter. Korean Clan Organization. American Anthropologist January-March, 1899 Vol.1(1):150-154. This rather concise article depicts Korean clan organization as seen by "an intelligent Korean". Hough discusses nine topics – "Clan head and council delegates", "meeting place of the council", "business of the council", "burial grounds", "laws of the clan", "offenses and penalties", "support of poor members", "adoption" and "political parties". Each topic is very brief. "Clan head and council delegates" summarizes
appointments of clan head and family head (both male) as well as delegates
to the clan council. This section also includes a brief discussion of
tax collection and its appropriation. "Meeting place of the council" discusses
the spatial situation of the clan house and that the keeper (also the
tax collector) is charged with the houses upkeep. "Business of the
council", the third topic, pertains to any business involving one
clan. One such topic is the premise of topic four – "burial grounds".
Basic policies of internment, upkeep of burial grounds, "earth doctors" and
land acquisition are discussed there in. "Laws of the clan" depicts
rules of marriage including prohibition of same clan marriages and the
remarrying of widows. Topic six goes on to discuss who takes cognizance
of multiple offenses against the clan and how or what punishment may
be enacted. Illicit intercourse, traitorous practices and disrespect
of elders are the offenses discussed. "Support of poor members" is
the seventh topic and notes the lack of a need to insure such practices. "Adoption" addresses
how the custom of adoption helps to prevent Korean families from going
extinct. Also briefly discussed is the antiquity of Korean family clans.
The final topic, "political parties", provides a list of the
most important family names in Hough relays quite well his informant’s information on
clan organization in CLARITY RANKING: 4 JEFFERY BROWN Southern
Hrdlicka, Ales. An Anomalous Ulna- Supra-Capital Foramen. American Anthropologist. 1899 Vol. 1(5):248-250. Found by the author in a burial cave in The foramen, or hole, is measured to be eight millimeters in height and six millimeters in width, with normal bone around it. There is no evidence of injury or remodeling to the surrounding bone. Hrdlicka suggests three possible interpretations for this foramen. He suggests it may have been for the transmission of an artery or tendon, or may have lodged a benign growth. He admits all three suggestions have their objections, but in any case, concludes that the anomalous foramen was likely congenital. CLARITY: 5 |
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