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American
Anthropologist
Baker, Frank. Primitive In this article, Baker sets out to present to his readers the present condition of the pursuit of the origin of man. He believes strongly that the attempt begins with the importance of what he calls the "cardinal principle of history"- that to comprehend what we are today we must know more about from where we have came. Baker discusses research and facts discovered holistically by those leading this expedition into the past from the years 1873- 1898 which he claims is mirror to the, then, present condition of man’s origin. By using conclusive scientific data collected in this 25 year period, Baker builds an argument for his theory that 1) man is of great antiquity and 2) man has evolved from a savage state which is closely related to the primitive people of modern times. Evidence, such as the discovery of what he describes as "low type skulls", logically concurs with other evidence of man’s primitive habits and conditions that give credibility to the theory that man was indeed preceded by a creature higher in scale than existing apes, yet definitely much lower than modern man. He deems it as more plausible that in mankind’s history there has occurred a slow process of evolution, whereas the brain, itself, has evolved as a product of this slow evolution through a complex system of experience and trial in effort to find more effective methods of subsistence. Baker pulls his argument together by taking advantage of historical evidence that had been recovered in two ways: the discovery of human remains and the recognition of human products. He states that these discoveries have lead to verification that man is of great antiquity, has evolved from a savage state, and was widely diffused over several continents. Further examinations have pointed to the possibility that the link between an ape-like ancestor to man of the historical period probably exists in tropical Asia or in the submerged continent of Lemuria which continues to produce the most numerous and important evidence of man’s ancestry. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Baker, F. Primitive This article examines discoveries of skeletal material, which were analyzed to support evolutionary theories. According to Baker, all systems of cosmogony attempt to account for the beginning of man. However, it is only through the memory of those still living that our inquiries as to primitive man have assumed a scientific form. Citations for this article go as far back as Lyell’s great work on Antiquity of Man, published in 1863. It also mentions Darwin’s Descent of Man, which appeared in 1871. In this article, the author explains that in the twenty-five years after the publication of Darwin’s work there was a gradual accumulation of evidence that supported his theories. This evidence began with the finding of human remains and then moved onto the recognition of human products. According to Baker, all evidence suggest that
the present civilized state of man was preceded by a savage state similar
to that of most primitive people of modern times. There also can be no
question as to the great antiquity and wide diffusion of man. To support
this topic, the article discussed the vast area where skeletal material
has been found. Sites mentioned include: Cannstadt,
Neanderthal, Egris, Naulette, Eguisheim, Spy, and Brux, as
well as unknown places in South America and Perhaps the most detailed discovery discussed is the one made by Doctor
Eugene Dubois in The remains, a skullcap, a femur, and two molar teeth in that time, excited so much attention since there were considered more complete than earlier finds. All of the remains were exactly at the same level and in precisely the same state of fossilization. An interesting deduction from the discussion of the Java ape-man is the probability that it exhibited erect posture was assumed much earlier than has been previously supposed. What this means, according to the author, is that bipedalism, must have preceded intellectual development, and perhaps was one of the conditions that led to it. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Brinton, Daniel. The Dwarf Tribe of the Upper Amazon. The American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol.11:277-279. Brinton addresses the notion of there being
a tribe of pygmies living somewhere in the Amazonian forests in Brinton argues that there has been no real confirmation of a dwarf tribe, and therefore claims suggesting otherwise are in error. In order to establish a scientific fact, data must be collected, the hypothesis must be tested, and others must be able to recreate the findings. North American and European travelers had in the past told stories of small people as did native peoples, but until modern confirmation has been made, the claim holds little water. Brinton makes his entire case by challenging the lack of scientific method in claims of his opponents. Many accounts of the dwarves are second-hand tales, having passed from native people to missionaries and travelers in centuries past. Brinton wastes little time in questioning their validity. While individual cases of small people have been documented, there is no evidence showing that there are whole dwarf tribes. Since all prior information is dubious, Brinton feels confident in dismissing dwarf tribe as fantasy. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Brinton, Daniel G., M.D. The Dwarf Tribe of the Upper Amazon. American Anthropologist September, 1898 Vol. 11(9):277-279. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton drafted this article in response to one published a few months prior in the June, 1898, issue of L’Anthropologie, wherein the editor published a story confirming the existence of a tribe of dwarfs along one tributary of the upper Amazon. The author, however, dismisses the accuracy of this assertion and insists that there is no corroborating evidence to support this claim. Dr. Brinton further states that the existence of an Amazonian dwarf tribe is strictly rumor – a fanciful story that should be classified among the other exotic stories created to describe the areas of dense tropical forest inaccessible to the traveler. Unlike most of these stories (i.e., a city made of gold and men with tails), which have vanished from history, some scholars still believe the unfounded claim of a dwarf tribe. The author highlights some of the earliest publications that mention the existence of a dwarf tribe in the Amazon. First, the author details historians and addresses the likely error in interpretation of these works. For example, three separate travelers between 1642 and 1830, printed an account of a dwarf tribe solely from hearsay of another Amazonian tribe. In the case of Father Acuna, the Tupinambas told the father about a neighboring people, the Guayazis, which when translated means "little men." The author suggests that Father Acuna may have "fell into an error, taking the term literally, when in fact, it was intended merely as an epithet of depreciation and contempt." To further support his claim, the author mentions the publication of Father Coleti, who described the Guayazis as "partly enslaved by the Tupinambas." Dr. Brinton then lists some of the publications from physical anthropologists. Dr. Marcano was consulted to record the stature of a pre-Columbian skeletal collection considered to be possibly of a dwarf tribe; however, the measurements were not consistent with that finding. In addition, Professor Virchow published his data concerning the cranial measurements he recorded among a group of Goajiro Indians of Venezuela. While the people of this tribe were characterized as short in stature, they were in no means statistically "dwarfs." In conclusion, the author states, "these facts do not show anything more than that there are undersized tribes in that part of the continent, with occasional individual examples of dwarfs, such as occur in all communities." CLARITY RANKING: 5
Brinton,
Daniel G. The
Factors of Heredity and Environment in In this article the author describes some of the current and previous beliefs about heredity. He uses the works of Dr. Lombroso, Collignon, Vacher de Lapouge, Topinard, Jacoby, Otto Ammon, Horatio Hale, Hegel, Bastain, von Ihering, Ratzel, Capitan, E. T. Brewster, Thomas Dwight, H. F. Osborn, Weissmann, Darwin, Virchow, Galton, Benoiston, Reibmayr, Lamartine, Manouvrier, Wundt and compares them. He also uses his own ideas and puts them together with ideas of the scholars he believes to be true. His main belief is that the environment is the controlling factor. The explanation of how hereditary traits are chosen is confusing and he never really comes to a definitive position. I think this is because, at the time he was writing, little was known of DNA. The scholars talked of a substance that contained traits and was passed on from generation to generation. But, many of the scholars he used had differing ideas. He does do a good job of putting them together. This piece for its time was very intellectual. It shows how people used their own minds and the work of others to come to a conclusion. This is useful when the question cannot be seen and studied in a tangible manner. It does go in some circles because, he tosses out a couple of different answers, and the use of french gets confusing. When reading this piece one should take their time and look up any foreign words. CLARITY RANKING: 3 N.
Brinton, Daniel G., M.D. The Factors
of Heredity and Environment in The purpose of this article is to summarize multiple ideas concerning the anthropological discourse of the 19th century over the question of whether "man" is influenced more by his inherited traits or by his environment. Brinton identifies French and German anthropologists as advocators of the argument of the heredity of race. He summarizes their position by defining race as 1) a "purely anatomical fact, seen in the shape of the head, the color of the eyes, etc.;" and 2) that the physical characteristics of a race are directly associated with differences in the brain (intellect, morals, etc.). These physical and mental traits are inherited from the parent to the child. Accordingly, the success of an infant is directly related to the race of his parents. Russian, English, and American anthropologists argue the environmental position. They believe that "the influence of the milieu is strong enough to annihilate all ethnic traits." Little emphasis is placed on the reliance of "ethnic characteristics" to predict the success of an infant. Instead, they "assign a far greater influence to climate, food, and to social, industrial, and religious conditions." While reading this article, it is easy to recognize many outdated ideas that may have ignited Eugenics. Brinton includes one extreme example of an anthropologist who argued for the influence of environment over race. Horatio Hale stated that if a colony of Germans were located among Australia’s black tribes and both lived under the same conditions, the Germans "would in three generations become as degraded as they, and much like them in appearance." Brinton, himself, also makes a shocking statement about the heredity of traits: No one can question but that the broad physical traits which distinguish the subspecies of men are faithfully transmitted and have been for many thousand of years. Certain mental traits and faculties are broadly correlated to these physical features, and no amount of sentimentality about the equality of all men can do away with this undeniable truth. The author states that there is no "pure" race due to gene flow among the "subspecies." As a result, races are becoming more generalized. In addition, Brinton dismisses the idea that populations can undergo reversion or atavism - the belief that races have the ability to go back towards an ancestral type. He argues that this is impossible since variations are constant and are acted upon by multiple forces. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Brinton,
Daniel G. The
People of the This article describes the people who live on the Philippine archipelago in a detailed ethnographic account. Brinton describes these people, who belong to a strange and varied population, in relation to each other and to their environment. This includes a description consisting of information about the environment, including geology and geography, and a brief history of Spanish settling, English conquests, and Spanish control regained. Next, Brinton gives a general ethnology in which he attempts to give an accurate population count of six and a half million. This population consists of Europeans, European mixed blood, Chinese and Japanese, Negritos, and Malayans. It is the last two groups that Brinton focuses on. He describes the Negritos as politically the least important, anthropologically the most interesting. They are small in number, shy and mobile, according to the author. Brinton details their physical nature, emphasizing their unusually short stature. He describes their culture as primitive, having a patriarchal society and a simple religion revolving around the moon. Brinton then describes some of their customs. Brinton divided the Malayans, or Filipinos,
the largest group, into four subgroups. The first group is the mixed
tribes of The next group is the Talagas and Bicols of central and southern The Bisayas of the central archipelago are Brinton’s third group. Brinton says that they have an appearance similar to that of the Talagas. They are mostly pagans, and are virtually untouched by civilization. They are honorable people who steal only girls and houses in order to uphold their ancestral customs. Their language seems to be borrowed from Malaysian. The fourth and final group that Brinton describes
is the Moros of eastern CLARITY RANKING: 4
Briton, D.G. The
People of the This article examines the geographical, geological, historical, and
ethnographical situation of the The descriptions are brief, without the specific location of the islands.
The most specific data comprises the sizes of the principal islands:
Luzon, of 41,000 square miles and Although Briton recognizes that it is impossible to reach accuracy in estimating the population, he states that a "conservative calculation would place it at six and a half million." Of these, the pure whites, outside of those connected with the civil and military departments of the government, are not above 9,000. Those of mixed blood would add up to about 12,000 and those of Chinese and Japanese blood would come to near 50,000. The larger remainder would be made up the two stocks which were found in possession of the islands at their discovery, the small Negritos, now reduced to about 10,000, and the brown Malayan peoples, who are in the vast majority. The article then concentrated on these two groups and speculated that
the Negritos were the first inhabitants, which belonged to
the same race as the Papuans and Other researchers have proposed that the Negritos and the Malayans evolved from the same race and were modified by environment. Briton, however, does not subscribe to this theory and he describes a process of colonization by the Malayans in at least three different historic moments. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs. American Anthropologist January, 1898. Vol.11(1):1-14. In this article, J. Walter Fewkes is mainly concerned with discussing the feather symbol and the different forms and appearances it takes in Hopi designs. By doing so he hopes that it may be more readily recognized by students wishing to further study Hopi symbolism. It is his belief that by studying paleography, one can learn something of Hopi thought and religious feelings. Legends may become modified over time, obscuring their original meanings, but paleography remains unchanged from the time it was painted to the present day, providing one of the most direct ways to study the history of Pueblo beliefs. In the paintings on Tusayan ceramics, Fewkes claims it is apparent which type of animal is being depicted. This is critical to his study, since he uses these figures to confirm the designs which represent individual feathers. By identifying the way feathers were drawn on the animals, he can then recognize feathers when they are drawn separately. He discusses several examples of different abstract feather designs. For each he presents several forms of corroboratory evidence that supports his belief that the designs do actually represent feathers. His main evidence is direct comparison to feathers identified on animal figures or to other symbols that he has already derived as representing feathers. Another source of corroborative evidence he uses widely is comparison to modern Hopi ceremonial objects. He finds a strong correspondence with the position of the painted feathers on ancient objects and the actual feathers tied to the modern ones. He uses these methods not only to identify which symbols represent feathers, but to realize that different kinds of feathers were indicated by the various ways in which those symbols were marked. Fewkes states that feather designs occur on almost three-fourths of all decorated ancient Tusayan vessels. Modern Hopi ritual places great significance on the feather, therefore there is no reason to think that it was less important in ancient times. He says that in the past, Hopi artists were concerned with more than merely decoration. Their main motive was religious. Beauty and religion were not considered separately -- one assumed the other. In contrast, modern pottery has been commercialized to the point where patterns are given consideration based on those most frequently purchased. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs. American Anthropologist January, 1898 Vol 11(1):1-14. In this article, Fewkes states "paleography is a picture writing, often highly symbolic and complicated, but from it the student can obtain an idea of Hopi thought and its expression at that remote time." The author acknowledges the difficult task of reconstructing prehistory, but also states that through careful analysis of the "richly decorated" ancient pottery of the Hopi culture, insights into prehistory of these Southwest Indians can be gleaned. More specifically, Fewkes believed that "religious sentiment permeated and dominated all aspects of Hopi art as well as sociology, and that a study of the symbolism of the decorated ancient pottery is practically a study of their religion." While there is much artistic diversity among the ornamentation of ancient Hopi pottery, birds or avion forms (wings, feathers, flight) are both 1) depicted in the highest frequency, and 2) vary enormously in their representation. Fewkes states that birds and feathers carry important symbolism among the rituals of the "contemporary" Hopi, and were probably regarded by the ancient Hopi as important indicators of their religious customs and beliefs. However, Fewkes also notes that prehistoric Hopi artists did not always employ realism, and often instead, conventionalized their ornamentation. Consequently, in order to understand the symbolism expressed by prehistoric Hopi pottery, one must be able to recognize the conventionalized symbols. In particular, in analyzing the depiction of the feather during prehistoric times, Fewkes states, "an accurately drawn feather…would be easily recognized; but the feathers made by the ancient Hopi decorators of pottery were not accurate representations –they were symbolic. The only way we can identify them is by association." In order to accomplish this difficult task, Fewkes first looks for association by comparison of ancient pottery to modern pottery. He notices that the "contemporary" Hopi tie feathers around the upper surface of the opening of a piece of pottery while the ancient pottery has painted feathers along the surface of the opening. After making this comparison, Fewkes switches to describing the different representations of feathers among ancient pottery. He notes that feathers have been conventionalized into three triangles and often appear in clusters of three. The author also states that studying the specific position of a feather on a piece of pottery, may provide additional insight as to what type of feather is depicted (i.e. a wing feather), which also, may express a deeper symbolic meaning such as flight. Lastly, Fewkes states that the feather continues to metamorphose and eventually "may lose all semblance to the preceding forms and become a simple triangle." CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol.11(4):101-115. The assault on the Shield bearer is called Soyaluna and is a part of the Winter Solstice Ceremony performed by the Hopi people. The ceremony involves many costumed people dancing and singing in the Kiva as well as richly decorated shields. In the article, "The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi," J. Walter Fewkes wants to show part of the Warrior Ceremony of Soyaluna, which is part of the Winter Solstice ceremony of the Hopi that involves the Patki family. Fewkes desires to discover if the rain-making and growth of corn elements are dominant in the ritual as they are in most other Hopi ceremonies. Fewkes also shows that the center of the Soyaluna is a ceremony of the Patki people, and it is also a gathering of the religious societies of many clans who all perform their own rites and ceremonies. Through examination of the Hopi at Walpi and Oraibi, Fewkes feels that he can explain and understand the Soyaluna. Overall, he wants to show where the belief in Sun worship and the worship of the Great Snake came from. He warns against trying to interpret the ceremonies and its objects, because the meaning of the ceremony can change. Through different times of year and new conditions, the purpose of the ceremony or the object in question can be greatly modified, and therefore one should respect and try to interpret the surviving ceremonies. The ceremonies practiced today can be different than they were in years prior. The Soyaluna or assault of the shield bearer is a dance using shields inside the kiva that involves many clans. Each society has its own delicately decorated shield. In the dance the shield bearer jumps and thrusts the shield into his clan members’ faces and jumps back. The dance is quite a frenzy with beating of feet on the floor and rhythmic singing and dancing. Fewkes believes that he shows that the Hopi ritual is a composite of clan totem rites, each one having its own specialties. Fewkes provides a colorful description of the ceremonies that take place in the Soyaluna. At the end of the article, he provides a resume of the Walpi Ritual, which goes through many Hopi rituals, and provides a small summary of each. His evidence is shown through the totems of the Patki people, who have the Sun and the Rain-cloud as the highest clans. Rain and Sun are so important because in the desert area where they live, rain is a valuable resource. The growth of corn is also shown as highly important since it is placed in a stack on the altar and because Kachina maids carry it in baskets. Fewkes explains the importance of the Bird-man as the War-god, Kwataka. This main character in the ceremony is the first arrival in the ceremony as the war-god is the first arrival in a Mexican variant. It was seen that the Patki clans control the main part of the Soyaluna ceremony, but other clans can take part in the ceremony and remain in the kiva. Also, as the Kachinas parade around the village, the people from all clans line up and watch the ceremony. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi (Concluded) The American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11:101-115. This article summarizes notes from a record made in 1891 on an aspect of the Soyaluna (Winter Solstice ceremony): the totokya, or assault of the shield bearers. This ritual is interpreted as an enactment of an attack on the sun by hostile powers, dramatized by chiefs holding decorated shields with radiating eagle feathers, and dancing in seeming combat with others who are lunging at them. The main interpretation of the Winter Solstice ceremony overall encompasses: 1) the Hopi ritual as a composite mosaic of clan totem rites due to inter-familial melding; 2) rain worship as important because of the arid agricultural environment; 3) and the association of katcinas with the winter solstice due to a link between the return of the ancestors with changes in the Sun’s position. The author also perceives the ceremony to function in the distribution of ‘ceremonially fertilized’ seedcorn for planting. This study of the Winter Solstice ceremony is situated within the study of Ceremoniology, in which the persistence by which ceremonials survive is compared to changes in beliefs. The author interprets much change to have occurred within the original context of these rituals, and thus predicts new interpretations of meanings to emerge, all awaiting investigation and comparative work. In accordance with this theory of ritual change, the reader is reminded to guard against: confounding the present object and the real meaning of rites in the attempted interpretation of ceremonies. The object of a ceremony may change when a people change their environment, or as their prayers change. Ancient rites are thus made to do duty for purposes wholly new and thereby become greatly modified, so far as their objects are concerned... The tendency always is to adapt old rites to new conditions, and interpret them accordingly. The article concludes with a bibliography of the author’s writings on all recorded aspects of the Tusayan ritual complex. CLARITY RANKING: 4 J.
Fewkes,
J. Walter. An
Ancient Human Effigy Vase from The article discusses a female human effigy vase found in a cave north
of Pueblo Viejo in the The author also addresses the question of whether the human effigy vase
art form arose independently in different areas or spread from a central
location. It is the author’s opinion that the
style arose originally somewhere in The author then turns to talking about a form of pottery that is unique
to the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes,
J. Walter. An
Ancient Effigy Vase from In this article, Fewkes examines an ancient
human effigy vase found in a cave in the area known today as Fewkes first offers the reader a description of the vase. He states that the artist has focused more detail and time in representing the features of the head, such as the eyes, nose, mouth and chin. In contrast, after a slight constriction in the vase to denote the neck, less emphasis is placed on representing the torso and arms. In addition, the vase completely lacks any representation of legs. The author further notes that under the lower eyelids, "short parallel lines (are) painted with white pigment," and briefly states, that these markings are also found on Zuni dolls. The second half of the article describes two conflicting theories concerning
the reasoning of why the Fewkes ends the article with a plea to his
readers. He asks the readers to contact him if they have any knowledge
of ancient human effigy vases being found north of CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. Hopi Snake Washing. American Anthropologist January 1898. Vol.11(1):313-318. In this article, Fewkes attempts to describe and demystify the ritual washing of snakes by the Hopi Indians in their religious ceremonies. Additionally, he compares the ritual as practiced between several villages to one another, nothing the differences between them. Fewkes describes the entire snake washing ritual and its context in the ritual culture as being approximate to the cleansing and bathing rituals of the priests who preside over the religious snake dance in which the snakes are to be used. He cites Hopi totemic belief that the snake society is descended from the same family as the snake, and thus, the snakes are to be treated as family members. At the time of this article publication, the snake washing ritual was not especially well known, and Fewkes, with one other white man, were among the first professional observers to the rite. As such, his article addresses some misconceptions about it, such as the sedation of the snakes, to pacify them for the handling they would endure. Fewkes refutes this, saying that no such sedation took place, that the men handled the snakes with no protection. Finally, Fewkes addresses the different ways in which the rite is performed, giving several possible reasons for the differences: 1) that the rite was simpler and has become more complicated in one of the locations studied, 2) that the other locations are a simpler offshoot of the snake society, and 3) that the rite was originally more complicated, but has become progressively simpler. Fewkes states that the third option is least likely, as it is "hardly probable that they once had snake altars and tiponis (term not defined) which in course of time were lost". The clarity of this article was excellent, with unbiased descriptive terminology and personal accounts of experience. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. Hopi Snake Washing. American Anthropologist October, 1898 Vol. 11(10):313-318. In this article, Fewkes details the unique opportunity afforded him on multiple occasions over the last decade as the first anthropologist permitted to observe the Hopi Snake Washing ceremony. During this time, he has observed the Snake Washing ceremony among different Hopi tribes, including: Oraibi, Cipaulovi, Cunopavi and Walpi. His studies have revealed that no two ceremonies are celebrated in the same manner. Fewkes theorizes that these variations may be due to the geographic location of the ceremony itself. On this premise, the Snake Washing ceremony is the most intense in the geographic locale where the ceremony originated and becomes less complex in Hopi societies farther away from this center. Fewkes also relates the continuity he observed in each ceremony. Foremost, the Snake Washing ceremony is an act that reaffirms ancient Hopi beliefs. Hopi Indians and reptiles – snakes – are both believed to be descendants of the same ancestress Snake woman. Fewkes describes in detail the Snake Washing ceremony. The ceremony takes place on the same day and proceeds in the same sequence for all Hopi tribes. The first act of the ceremony comprises one of the members of the society spreading sand along the floor of the kiva in a rectangular layout. The wall of the kiva forms one of these walls, and the other three are lined with male elders, who are not clothed for any part of the ceremony. Snakes in jar receptacles are placed in the center of the rectangular area. The Snake chief then sits along the longest side of the rectangle with one or two of the eldest men alongside him holding rattles. The Snake chief orchestrates the entire ceremony. The Snake chief begins the ceremony by drawing symbols in the sand in front of him. He then picks up a wash-bowl, which has previously been placed before him, and pours liquid into it. In pouring the liquid, the chief will make sure to pour liquid into the bowl from all four cardinal directions. Next, the chief adds pinches of sacred corn meal into the wash-bowl. Again, he adds it from all four cardinal directions, and from above and below. A root that the chief has been chewing during these earlier rites, is added to the bowl. All men seated around the rectangular area smoke tobacco and blow into the bowl from all cardinal directions. The next part of the ceremony involves the washing of the snakes. Each snake is taken out of its receptacle and plunged once into the bowl. The snakes are then released into the interior of the rectangular area. Prayers are recited and followed by songs. Fewkes states that the washing of the snakes is similar to the washing of the priests that happened earlier in the day. The Snake washing ceremony is a purification rite and a statement to the "kinship" between reptiles and humans. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hawly, E. H. Distribution of the Notched Rattle. American Anthropologist November 1898 Vol. 11: 344-46. With globalization on so many people’s lips and long-distance cultural relationships back in vogue, students of ethnomusicology will appreciate the author’s efforts at relating the pam-pu-ni-wap of the Utes, the truh-kun-pi of the Hopi, the guira of the West Indians to the yu of China and Japan, the slentam of Java, and the charra played by the Usambara of Africa in this rather short article. All these percussion instruments have two parts: a notched surface that another piece is drawn across to create a rhythmic rattling sound. Readers familiar with the use of washboards in Cajun music are on the right track. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hawley, E. H. Distribution of the Notched Rattle. American Anthropologist November, 1898 Vol. 11(11):344-346. The author of this short article writes in response to a September article in this journal, entitled "The Musical Bow In Ancient Mexico." The author disagrees with Saville’s identification of a musical bow being depicted on pages eight and nine of the "Le Manuscript du Cacique." He feels that Figure 6 depicts a notched rattle type of musical instrument rather than a musical bow as stated by Saville. Hawley states that if a musical bow was being depicted, the figure would be holding the strings facing outward as evidenced in later depictions. Since the bow is not represented in this fashion, the author suggests that the musical instrument shown is a notched rattle. Hawley provides a description of this musical instrument, of which there are two parts. The first is a round stick that is approximately twelve inches in length and about an inch in thickness. The surface of the stick has been flattened on one side and grooves have been cut lengthwise down the stick. The second part is a small rod made from either the scapula of a deer or sheep. The rod is manually slid up and down across the notches of the stick to produce sound. Hawley further notes that there is evidence of notched rattles covering
a large geographic area. Notched rattles have been located in the Great
Basin of the CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist. March, 1898 Vol. 11 (3):65-87 As one of the first pieces of literature dedicated to the description of the Hopi Winter Solstice Ritual, J. Walter Fewkes’ The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi begins the task of recording the particulars of the ceremony and its comprehensive history. Fewkes argues that the ritual derives from multiple origins, and that numerous religions have influenced Soyaluna, the common name of the Winter Solstice Ceremony. In 1897 Fewkes observed parts of the Winter Solstice Ceremony and he dedicates much of the article to his detailed physical descriptions. Soyaluna spans a period of thirteen days with priests presiding over the ceremonies within multiple kivas (sacred chambers). Similar objects used during the ceremonies are found throughout the kivas. Fewkes further explores the historical features of these artifacts. For instance, small, rough clay animals found in kivas also have been discovered among ancient ruins. Speculations of connections and influences between prehistoric to Hopi eras were formed. In addition, Fewkes describes the physical characteristics of the altar of Soyaluna, with bundles of grass, artificial flowers, and shrubbery creating a striking appearance. To begin the ceremony, priests gather in a semicircle around the altar and participate in a ceremonial smoke. Fewkes describes the singing that takes place as both “beautiful…and weird.” Complicated night exercises remain the most important of all the Soyaluna ceremonies. First, ceremonially dressed novices are brought into the room, followed by priests who offer the prayer. Next, the first Bird-man and the second Bird-man enter, both imitating birds on the altar. Following the dance of the Soyaluna-main, similar to an Antelope ceremony, Eototo, the leader of the katcinas, makes his entrance. To a certain extent Soyaluna celebrates the return of the katcinas. Eototo makes the first masked entrance in the kiva, signifying his power and importance. His presence suggests a supernatural visitor. Eototo closes the ceremony by gathering everyone into a song and dance. Fewkes concluded this article in a later April edition. CLARITY RANKING: 3 JENNIFER BRISTER
Henning, Charles L. On the Origin of Religion. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol.11(19):373-382. While much research has been done to trace the development of religion, little inquiry has been put into pursuing the origin. Henning believes this is a difficult task due to the confusion of trying to understand other’ s beliefs, dogmatic prejudices, and the insufficient knowledge of the languages of the particular people being studied. However in terms of the necessities of life, one aspect that every culture appears to have in common is economics. According to Henning, every man wants to improve his condition. Therefore, Henning is led to believe religion developed out of cognitive life and originated out of economic conditions. In order to prove his conclusion, Henning develops his argument around three assumptions he deems as false. The first pertains to the idea that primitive man possessed religion. According to Henning, primitive man was not capable of the sophisticated intellectual capacity assigned to him by past researchers. Primitive man exhausted all mental energy on his struggle for existence, therefore religion had to have developed only after man settled and began to own property. The second assumption relates to the belief that the worship of ancestors and souls are the origins of religion. While he agrees that these two are definitely stages or forms of religion, perhaps even the earliest, he does not accept that they are the founders. Both are merely the historical evolution of religion, not the origin. Lastly, he demands that the study of religion belong solely to anthropology even though it has previously been the task of such disciplines as theology and history. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Henning, C. L. On the Origin of Religion. American Anthropologist December, 1898 Vol. 11: 373-382. This article discusses one of the most prominent theories that tries to explain the origin of religion based on methods of the "true science of man": anthropology. In this article, a survey of the literature during the last decade is made. According to Henning, the first one on the list is E.B. Tylor’s "Primitive Culture," whose principal statement was that the minimum definition of religion is the belief in spiritual beings. Henning states that Julius Lippert shows that the root of all historic development of religion will be found in the worship of the soul. In addition, the article connects Tylor and Lippert’s research with the work of Herbert Spencer, which concludes that the origin of religion comprehends all worship of the dead. Additionally, different opinions are also considered. Comparative mythology is explored by mentioning authors like J.W. Powell, Dr. Daniel Briton, and Adolf Bastian. Andrew Lang’s "Myth Ritual, and Religion" is examined to comparatively show work between people of antiquity and living primitive people. Although Henning mentions previous theories, he believes that Adre Lefevre’s theory is much deeper and more logical than the rest. Lefevre is neither an adherent of the theory of soul worship nor of the origin of religion from the perception of death. According to him the lowest form of religion is not animism but "anthropism." Finally, the author defines his own position, closer to that of Lippert than to Lefevre. His argument rests on ancestor veneration that people give to the deceased who made important contributions to the community. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hilder,
F. F. Cist
Burials In The author offers a narrative account of the discovery and excavation
of two stone graves he found hitherto undisturbed on a bluff overlooking
the Cahokia plain near Hilder gives no indication that he used any method beyond naked-eye examination and he suggest no relationships to other sites. CLARITY RANKING: 3
F.F. Hilder Cist
Burials in The purpose of this article is to describe what was found when two grave sites on a bluff in St. Clair County, Illinois, were disinterred and examined. Upon arriving to the summit of the bluff, the author relates that many of the area’s ancient burial places had been thoroughly explored. After searching intensively, the author found two unopened stone graves, or cists, made of flat slabs of unhewn limestone. Intruding upon the first grave, the author finds the skeleton of a male adult with wounds to the head. Articles in the grave arranged around the corpse were examined and described as a seashell, four unio shells, fine stone arrowpoints, and a small earthenware pot with vegetal substance and a bird bone. The second grave was also intruded upon and found to contain two skeletons side by side and face up. These skeletons seemed to belong to a woman and small child and had various articles arranged around them including a small pot with pierced ears, another pot with a bone of the pelvic arch of a child, a mussel, and a four-inch long scalloped bone. Because the graves were filled with compacted soil, the author deduced that the earth must have oozed into the graves, without being able to explain why the level of soil remained unaltered when the space immediately around the graves were excavated. The author concludes that it was inconceivable that the graves would have been purposefully filled with earth, since, in the author’s point of view, that would have made the cists "superfluous." CLARITY RANKING: 4 J.
Hough, Walter. The Origin and Range of the Eskimo Lamp. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11(4):116-122. In this turn-of-the-century article, Walter Hough investigates the characteristic lamps of the Eskimos. Eskimos are unique, Hough stresses, based upon their lamp usage. Hough describes the Eskimo lamp in detail and declares this possession a vital part of an Eskimo’s existence. Indeed, Hough tells us that Eskimo migration patterns and population distribution can be directly linked to the invention and use of these distinctive lamps. Hough theorizes the invention of these original lamps was necessitated by the environments the Eskimos inhabited. It is important to note these lamps function best when burning particular fuels and Hough points out that fish, seals and other aquatic mammals supply fats which have high fuel value. The fat of reindeer and other land animals is of low fuel value and would not be useful to the Eskimo in his specific type of lamp, thereby showing that the lamps were invented in a cold coastal climate. Interestingly, stones with natural cavities have been found along seacoasts and it is with these raw materials that Hough believes an Eskimo first fashioned his lamps. Typically, an Eskimo lamp is made of soapstone in the shape of a shallow dish. The oil reservoir is a hollowed-out place on top of the stone. Upon the edge is placed a wick of ground moss. The lower end of the moss wick touches the oil and the flame burns clear and smokeless (if the wick is maintained properly) at a height of about two inches. According to Hough, Eskimo lamps differ in design from others found in neighboring geographic areas. This design difference indicates their all-important function in an Eskimo household. They are used, most importantly, for melting snow and ice for drinking water. Additionally, lamps are needed for lighting, warming, cooking, and drying clothes. He points out that even Eskimo home construction can be correlated to the lamp--homes are built low and compact--the better to utilize the lamp-heated air. In Eskimo societies, each head of a family must possess a lamp--even if two or more families share the same house. The women are the lamp possessors even unto death--their lamps are placed upon their graves. So vital is this appliance that there is no phrase that can express more misery than "a woman without a lamp". This article is clear, easy to read and understand. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, W. The Origin and Range of the Eskimo Lamp. American Anthropologist April, 1898 Vol. 11: 116-122. The principal objective of the article is to probe the correlation between the extreme climatic environments and the use and refinement of the Eskimo Lamp. The conditions which have regulated the migrations of various peoples in the long process of populating the earth are many. Of these the food supply or the quest for food has been mentioned as the most potent factor. It would seem, however, that in relation to primitive migration, the acquaintance with fire and the possession of means to readily produce it, mark the era of movement of peoples, especially into zones of unequal temperature. For Hough, "a few of the drawbacks incident to the spread of a people into the environment of the Eskimo may be mentioned. There are the cold, the long nights, the hardships of travel, the scarcity of wood, and the difficulty of obtaining drink water." The solution, a household utensil: the lamp. The conclusions reached are that the Eskimo, before they migrated from their pristine home, had the lamp. One of the most important functions of the lamp was for melting snow and ice for drinking water the lamp is also employed for lighting, warming, cooking, drying clothes, and in the arts (not specified by Hough). Additionally, the architecture of the house is related to the use of the lamp –the house is made non-conductive and low in height in order to utilize the heated air. The lamp also encompasses a social factor, a sign of the family unit, with each head of the family (the women) having her lamp. As might be imagined, the invention of the lamp is determined to have taken place on some seacoast, where the fat of aquatic mammals of high fuel was abundant. The author also explains how the lamp in low latitudes, below the circle of illumination, are found to be less specialized than those of higher latitudes. Finally, the author specifies that there are three kinds of Eskimo lamps –the house lamp, the small lamp for temporary use by hunters and travelers, and the mortuary lamp. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hough, Walter. Environmental
Interrelations in In Environmental Interrelations in Within this framework, Hough discusses the To convey and support this argument, Hough explains the companionship that the Indians have with Nature. They understand the interrelationships between flora and fauna and have classified plants accordingly. Hough states, every Moki is a botanist; not a botanist, of course, in the scientific way; one for practical purposes, rather, who had given descriptive names to his plants long before Linnaeus (137). He specifically credits the Indian herb doctor, or medicine men and women who have specialized knowledge of the medicinal properties of an array of plants. Hough’s argument begins with an explanation of plant adaptation in the Southwest and the location and distribution of certain species. His comments regarding the environmental conditions of aridity, elevation, wind, and scarcity of water appeals to the geologist and the archaeologist. Then, Hough emphasizes that through experiment the Moki have found beneficial results from the plants in this environment. He further categorizes the full range of plant usage among the Indians by giving the plant’s Moki linguistic term and an English definition. Finally, he provides a systematic list of plant species in the Southwest. Throughout his display of evidence, Hough frames his points scientifically while at the same time aiming to prove the utility of the Indians’ knowledge. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, W. Environmental
Interrelations in The main purpose of this article is to summarize the use of plants by
indigenous people from The author begins with the description of the climatic and geographic
conditions of Descriptions of the indigenous group studied are absent. In addition, it is difficult to understand if the ethno-botanical work was done with either the Mokis or Hopis. The article leads to the observation that the food plants useful to the indigenous group are the plants under cultivation (native and acquired) and plants that are usufructuary to nature. The Hopi brought back from their ancestor’s home corn, beans, melon, squash, cotton, and some garden plants. They have also acquired peaches, apricots, wheat, and a number of other plants that they cultivate less frequently. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hrdlicka,
Ales. Study
of the In this article, Ales Hrdlicka is reporting the results of a study he undertook to measure nearly 2,000 adult bones. He examined the variation in shape and size of the tibia in normal males and females of "Caucasian", "African", and "Native American" descent. To study the shape he looked at transverse sections taken at the middle of the bone. According to Hrdlicka, the tibia varies greatly in shape from skeleton to skeleton and even within the same body. Of the "races" he examined, he found that variations were most numerous in "white" individuals. He describes which shapes he found to be most frequently associated with male versus female tibiae, and which characteristics were most frequent in which "race." He found that there were strong "racial" variations in the shape as well as the length of the tibia. There was also a prominent shift in the frequency of the shape depending on the sex of the skeleton. Hrdlicka also looked at the weight of the bone in relation to the bone's size by measuring its displacement in glycerine. He found that "the tibia is heaviest in proportion to its volume between 20 and 40 years of age," and that the diminution of bone after forty is greater in females. Hrdlicka states that the male tibia is generally better defined than the female, which retains an infantile character. This is likely due, he explains, to the male's greater muscular activity. While he admits that the source of the variations cannot be determined with certainty, this fact, along with the variation he found between tibia on different sides of the same body, leads Hrdlicka to conclude that in most cases the differences are not due to inherent circumstances but were probably caused by the habits and occupation of the individual. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hrdlicka,
A. Study
of the This article presents a study of the fore bone, the tibia by comparing the morphological variation of this bone among different groups. The corpus consulted is the large collection of normal bones in New York College of Physicians and Surgeons. The records represent an analysis of data derived from the examination of about 2,000 normal adult bones of persons of various nationalities and of both sexes. Variation is, writes the author, the most striking peculiarity. The bone is hardly ever exactly alike in any two skeletons, and it will occasionally differ markedly in the same body. Descriptions of the differences are done in the extremities, with the variations being in the shape of the shaft and the size and weight of the tibia. Construction of six groups of bones (by shape of the sections of the shaft of the tibia) is complemented with some of the differences founded by sex and race. Most frequently, in both the female and male, the shape of the shaft is that of a prism. Diametrical measurements of the bone were taken both at the middle and at the height of the nutritive foramen. Detailed characteristics of the tibia were made at this moment. Results also include an observation that the variations of tibia are much more numerous in individuals of the white race than they are in the other two races analyzed. In addition, proportion of weight varied by years of age. For a proper comparison of the weight, the author disputed three different methodologies. The first one was "approximate and unsatisfactory" by calculation from the different measurements. The second one was accurately, but "laborious" by shot or seeds. The last one was "not absolutely accurate, but fully efficient" as a result of immersing the bone in a graduated jar in some heavy liquid. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hrdlicka, Dr. Ales. Physical Differences Between White and Colored Children. American Anthropologist November,1898 Vol. 11(11):347-350. Over a two-year period, Dr. Hrdlicka examined 1100 white children and 300 black children. He studied the differences in children ranging from ages five to the age of puberty and found that physical differences did exist between the groups of children. Hrdlicka organized three categories in the paper; a difference not dependent upon age or sex, differences peculiar to boys, and differences peculiar to girls. Under the first category, Hrdlicka states that whites present more diversity and colored children more uniformity. Also, physical abnormalities of a congenital nature appear much more frequently in white children. He goes onto state that blacks on average are taller, while whites on average are heavier. His data found that heads of black children are slightly smaller, due to size of the body being taller and more slender. Hrdlicka states that there are individual exceptions to this rule. Other differences discussed are hair, foreheads, face shape (prognathism), and muscle development to name a few. Secondly, Hrdlicka describes the differences between boys. He found black boys generally to be well built, lean and muscular, unlike most white boys. A black male’s body is also straighter and more symmetrical with a deeper chest. Lastly, Hrdlicka decribes the differences among girls. He states that before puberty and sometimes afterward black females are shaped more like males than white females, and that white girls look much more feminine throughout childhood and puberty. The purpose of Dr. Hrdlicka’s paper, a brief overview of a larger work that was to come later, was to express the more obvious physical differences between black and white children of the same ages and sexes. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hrdlicka, A. Physical Differences Between White and Colored Children. American Anthropologist. November, 1898 Vol. 11: 347-350. This paper presents a study of the physical conditions that exist between "white" and "negro" children from the same sexes and same ages. During a two-year period, the author observed approximately fourteen hundred children from five years of age to slightly past the age of puberty.. The author observed that in a general way, "white" children presented more diversity and "negro" children presented more uniformity, in all their normal physical conditions. As to physical abnormalities, those of congenital origin were much less frequent in the "negro" child than in the "white" one. With acquired abnormalities, principally the result of rachitic conditions, the case was almost the reverse, those characteristics being less frequent in the white children. In detail, the article described some significant differences. The average height of "colored" children was found to be, in all ages, from one to three centimeters greater than that of "white" children. The average weight, unlike the height, was greater in the white children at all ages up to puberty. The size of the head was, on the average, slightly less in "negro" children that in the white. The form of the head was less variable in that of the "colored" children that it is in the "white" children. Hair, nose, lips, teeth, and ears were also analyzed, showing that, in the opinion of the author, there were significant differences between the two groups. In conclusion, the author added some facts about the differences found in males and females, between races. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Mathews, R. H. The Victorian Aborigines: Their Initiation Ceremonies and Divisional Systems. American Anthropologist. November 1898 Vol. 11(2):325-343. Mathews sought to describe the initiation ceremonies and divisional systems of Victorian Aborigines. Mathews broke down the various groups, their language, ceremonial, and divisional similarities. Mathews described these similarities based on dialects and boundaries. The author studied languages and dialects within the populations in order to group people together geographically which allowed Mathews to distinguish between initiation ceremonies. Mathews argued that because ceremonies were guarded, these accounts might have been incomplete. The author felt it appropriate to compare various communities to one
another if they showed similarities in group structure. These groups
all had similar speech and social organization. First Mathews began with
the Bongarong Nation located in |
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