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Alden, C. H. The Identification of the Individual. American Anthropologist September, 1896 Vol.9 (14):295-310. Dr. Alden argued that the Bertillion anthropometric system modified by the Surgeon General’s Office for the United States army, was a satisfactory system for the use of identifying individuals and, in particular, deserters and dishonorably discharged soldiers. He proposed that although the revised system used in the American army was not as exhaustive as M. Bertillion’s methods, it was sufficient enough to identify soldiers quickly and accurately. It was necessary to create this system since it was a serious embarrassment for the government that deserters, bounty jumpers and others were able to reenlist in the army during the civil war. Though efforts were made to identify the individual through marking soldiers of discharge with nitrate of silver, in order to secure their detection at later attempts to reenlist, it was abandoned, possibly, as suggested by Dr. Alden, due to the vast number of soldiers, frequent changes in the army and simply the confusion of war itself. Bertillion’s system was brought over from The Bertillion system depended essentially on the accurate measurements of certain osseous structures, most which were assumed not to changed during adult life. Said measurements were then entered on a card which contained photographs, full face and right side of head and profile, with a notation of peculiarities of feature, such as the nose and color of eyes, etc., and finally a description of scars, birthmarks and other peculiar marks. These three (measurement of body, photographs and description of distinctive marks) formed the basis of the Bertillion system. The system was used by comparing the measurements of the head of the suspected recidivist with other cards on file, and then eliminating those with different measures, until the card, if there is one, where all measurements coincide, the final detection made with the photographs. Later, in 1895, the Bertillion system became even more exhaustive, when it came to include specialized tools for more accurate measurements. The United States army system, as suggested by Bertillion’s system, initially began as simply vaccinating soldiers on the left leg, four inches below the head of the fibula, so that all soldiers could be identified thusly. Unfortunately this plan was abandoned since it temporally disables soldiers with the inflammation caused from the vaccination. The new system used there afterwards did not include photographs, or special measurements, but was thought sufficient by Dr. Alden. In accordance with the orders issued in April, 1889, every soldier who enlisted or reenlisted had an outline figure card (having an outline of the human form, with the front and back represented), where physical characteristics are noted, including the color of hair, color of eyes, etc. These cards were arranged by height, and then sub-divided by physical traits (such as tattoos), and were found, according to Dr. Alden, to work satisfactorily, especially when put into the context of 724 identifications made in the five and half years the system was in use, before this article’s publication. While the Bertillion system has little actual use today, it does allow us a rare and interesting glimpse into the anthropological studies of Alden’s time. These Bertillion practices should be thought of as more than things of amusement, but actual insights of the United States’ idiosyncrasies after the Civil War. Clarity RANKING: 4
Alden, C. H. The Identification of the Individual American Anthropologist September, 1896 Vol.9(9):295-310. This article discusses a method for identifying new army recruits, which was in use by the Surgeon General's Office during the 1890's. Alden introduces the topic with an outline of intent -- to sketch the system of identification, indicate the necessity for it, and provide an account of cases and results. The article achieves its outline's objectives, although not necessarily in the order given. The need for proper identification of military recruits arose with the reenlistment of deserters, bounty jumpers, and "undesirable characters," which occurred in high frequency during the Civil War. For historical context, Alden remarks on the method of silver nitrate marking used during this time. This method was ultimately abandoned for more scientific techniques -- namely, the Bertillon system of anthropometry. The Bertillon system was developed in Alden details four cases of successfully identified deserters and presents summary results to illustrate the utility of the technique. Between July, 1890 and April, 1896, 537 recruits were identified as deserters or soldiers who had been discharged dishonorably or for "minor grade" frauds. Of these Alden denies any error in identification, with the exception of 15 possible false-negative cases. The paper is slightly disorganized, although its intent is clear and its description of the method is complete. Alden does well to conclude the paper with disclosure of possible sources of future error, implicitly suggesting areas for the system's improvement. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Brinton, G. Daniel. Left-Handedness in Aboriginal Art. American Anthropologist May, 1896, Vol. 9 (9):175-181. The author examined the preference of right-handedness manifesting as a common trend in ancient and contemporary human life. He began by stating that among educated Americans and Europeans, two to four percent were positively left-handed, and the vast majority remained right handed or ambidextrous. Brinton sought to answer three questions regarding this trend. Firstly, had this proportion always existed? Secondly, he asked of the physical correlations of left-handedness, and lastly he dealt with an explanation of the superiority of the right hand. Brinton attempted to prove, more specifically, that proportionally there
were a larger number of Native Americans who were left-handed. To answer
his first question, he described research done in Towards the end of the article, Brinton offered a physiological explanation of the superiority of the right hand. He once again drew on the research done by Sir Daniel Wilson, who stated that few persons had a natural preference for either hand. Brinton touched on the idea that preference is educated, and went on to say that if it was not a matter of education, it may have had something to do with the evolution of erect posture in the human species. His concluding observation was that primates closest to man do not prefer either hand, and that an erect posture put new pressure on the heart to distribute blood against the force of gravity. It was easier for the body to supply blood to the left hemisphere of the brain, keeping it nourished, and because the left hemisphere of the brain controls the right, right-handedness is preferred because it is easiest for the human body. It is difficult to grasp the concepts of Brinton’s article, as it is not well written and is lacking in overall clarity. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Brinton, Daniel G., M.D. Left-Handedness in North American Aboriginal Art. American Anthropologist May, 1896 Vol.9(5):175-181 In 1896, of educated Americans and Europeans, approximately 4% are left handed, the remaining 96% right handed or ambidextrous. Brinton attempts to answer three questions about left-handedness. Has the present proportion of left handed people always been the same in the human species, and does it obtain today among savage tribes? What are the physical and psychical correlations of left-handedness? What is the explanation of the general superiority of the right hand? Different archaeologists have arrived at opposite findings,
as some groups have been found to be predominantly right handed, others
left
handed. The results of Brinton’s own studies of Native American tribes
show that left handed persons are not infrequent. He discusses evidence
of left or right-handedness in stone blades. In imperfect blades, those
not dressed on both sides, the plane of cleavage lends evidence of left
or right-handedness. After close examination of 200 blades from Regarding North American aboriginal art, Brinton does not refer to primitive drawings at much length. He does state similar findings, that right-handedness was predominant among these artists, but a fair number of left handed artists can be elicited. He concludes that aboriginal North Americans show a greater degree of
left-handedness than people of modern CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, Walter J. A Contribution to Ethnobotany. American Anthropologist January, 1896 Vol. 9 (1):14-32. In this article, Fewkes attempts to contribute to field of the ethnobotany, through a study of various Tusayan plants. The article presents the preliminary results of a more comprehensive study of the food and food resources of the Hopi Indigenous group. Although the author does not pretend to offer a monographic account of the topic, he wants to call the attention to the interesting field of ethnobotany, and the ways in which the Hopi furnish the ethnologist with data. He also promises to offer a more systematic presentation on the issue in the near future. Fewkes begins his analysis with the identification of specimens used
by the Hopi for alimentary, medicinal, religious and other purposes.
He also works on the etymological aspect of each specimen. The author
focuses on plant food sources instead of animal food sources, because
he believes that the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. A Contribution to Ethnobotany. The American Anthropologist. 1896(9): 14-21. J. Walter Fewkes article discusses the Hopi Indians’ use
of plant vegetation. He lists 65 different plants, their Hopi names,
where the words are derived
from, and the Hopi use of these plants. The article serves as a sample
of his incomplete article in which he plans to list all the Tusayan plants,
which the Hopi Indians utilized. He hopes that understanding the ways
in which the Hopi Indians used their food sources will have a bearing
on how to utilize the food sources provided in the In providing this list the author argues that ethnobotany is important to the study of anthropology. The various uses of the plants are ceremonial, medicinal and subsistence providing. Understanding the ways a people use their resources can offer cultural insight. For example, many of the plants listed have spiritual significance in the culture, shown by the fact that they are prepared in very specific ways and only at particular times of the year. However, any anthropological conclusions that Fewkes may draw from the list are left out of this particular article. From this short article it would seem that the author is researching to gather information about the Hopi Indians rather that to try to fit them into a typology. Fewkes argues that anthropology should look more closely at information provided by different disciplines, which perhaps was not as commonly practiced in 1896 as it is today. The basic purpose of the article is to emphasize the growing importance of ethnobotany and to justify the completion of Fewkes’ research, as well as spark academic and practical interest in his follow up article. The information in the article shows the complexity of the Hopi Indians food production and offers an interesting introduction to understanding how culture is influenced by the ways in which people use their resources. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Kelly Read
Fewkes, J. Walter. Two Ruins Recently
Discovered in the Red Rock Country, This article focuses on the discoveries of two ruins of ancient villages
in The first site described is Palatki, a village of cliff-houses. He claims to be one of the first white men to ever visit the site, and certainly the first archeologist to describe it in print. The article has a lengthy description of the physical appearance of Palatki, detailing materials used and the building blueprint. Most buildings are constructed against the cliffs, the highest point estimated at thirty feet, and have multiple rooms, some with their own granaries. Bow-shaped curves and horizontal arches provide structural strength, and the external walls are built of large stones covered with adobe. Artifacts found in the rooms include basketware, broken pottery, spear points, marine shells, pictographs and fragments of agave leaves. He estimates from the size and number of rooms that one hundred people could populate the cliff-house. Fewkes makes a plea for the government to legislate protection of such historical monuments. Archaeological findings like Palatki are often commercialized, resulting in buildings vandalized and excavation looted when precautions are not taken. He predicts that without a method of control by proper authorities, that in fifty years time, nothing will be left of prehistoric people of the Southwest except debris. The next site visited is Honanki, four miles west of Palatki. The two are remarkably similar, except that Palatki was more of a compact village and Honanki is a large pueblo. Fewkes details Honanki’s size, location, height, connected chambers, and fire pits. Honanki is estimated to have been populated by as many as four hundred people. He mentions artifacts found that are still used by neighboring peoples. Fewkes is very careful not to make generalizations from artifacts about the culture of the inhabitants. Instead, he discusses aspects of the cultures of two neighboring peoples, the Pimas and the Tusayan, when explaining possible lineages that were responsible for these ancient villages. They share many similarities between language and religious beliefs, each having a separate but similar folklore about how the ruins are the work of their own ancestors. Fewkes concludes that the former inhabitants could be the ancestors of any of the modern peoples of the Southwest. He believes that "differences in habitation are not indicative of culture stages, but are due to surroundings, to emergencies". He reasons that people’s shelter is not due to cultural complexity, but instead due to necessity. The same people that once erected the cliff-houses may have been discouraged by climate changes to adapt to the brush houses common in 1896. CLARITY RATING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. Two Ruins Recently
Discovered in the Red Rock Country, Fewkes describes two large cliff houses, previously unexplored in the
area of the Verde valley of the Fewkes calls the two ruins Palatki, Red House, and Honanki, Bear House, using Tusayan nomenclature. Palatki is basically plastered to the side of the cliff, built on fallen debris. Fewkes believes the ruin was rarely, if ever, visited by white men, and especially not archaeologistS, given its relatively pristine state. Excavation yielded agave fiber and cotton items, broken pottery, obsidian flakes, kaolin, and marine shells, to name a few items. The two sections of Palatki might have housed about one phratry (or 100 people), with six to a room. The sections were originally three stories high, with rooms ranging four to twenty feet in dimensions. Four miles west of Palatki is Honanki, the largest cliff house discovered
by Fewkes in the Red Rocks region. It very closely resembles Palatki,
although it is evident that Honanki was a large pueblo, while Palatki
was home to related clans of smaller size. Excavations here were more
thorough, yielding items of great interest such as sandals, a ceremonial
fire kindling board, and netting. One item totally unique to cliff-houses
was a stone implement cemented with pitch to a wooden handle. Much pottery
was also found, which indicates an undeveloped artistic taste. Fragments
of beams, flooring, or roofing were found to be completely free of markings
of any metal implement. The population of Honanki is estimated to have
been between three and four hundred. An inaccessible crypt for burial
was also noted. Age of these cliff houses is uncertain; they may predate Fewkes goes on to compare these two ruins to one Casa Montezuma, also located in the Verde valley. The difference here is in the rock and cavern within which Casa Montezuma is built. As opposed to the Red Rocks ruins, Casa Montezuma is deeply sunken into a cave, while the former are attached to the face of a cliff. There is little doubt that the groups who built these dwellings are related, yet geology determined the construction of their homes. Adaptation to geologic elements occurs across the Verde valley (and beyond), yet no evidence of change in the character or stage of culture is ever present. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. Fewkes provides an archeological summary of shell-derived artifacts
found in graves within three Arizonian ruins -- Homolobi, Chevlon, and The article is organized by species of shell excavated, with detailed descriptions of ornamental artifacts followed by a table enumerating the specimens found for each species. Plate images of seven noteworthy artifacts accompany the text account. Fewkes discusses nine shell species, with Pectunculus giganteus the most thoroughly accounted. This shell species was worked into armlets, bracelets and finger rings by the prehistoric Tusayan people. Fewkes found one armlet that had been designed with a series of geometric lines -- a basic "motive" he noted was also present on other Tusayan artifacts, including Katcinas and pottery. Aside from a brief digression into the "broken line" design, Fewkes maintains focus on the shell artifacts, providing for an otherwise well-organized summary. When appropriate, the author mentions analogous shell-working practices among contemporary pueblo inhabitants, such as the manufacture of ritual rattles using Conus shells, and the truncation of beads made from Oliva shells. Fewkes also describes a turquoise mosaic specimen that was "broken when found" and the minor attempts made by other archaeologists to restore it with glue. The author admitted his unwillingness to continue this restoration attempt with the artifact's remaining fragments, "for fear of human error." The article concludes with a brief discussion of how the existing shell artifact distribution can be explained. Fewkes subscribes to the theory of barter, but warns that this does not prove "racial kinship of former owners." Using Hopi traditionist claims and his archaeological findings as evidence, the author asserts that this shell culture most likely came to Tusayan from the south. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. In this article, Fewkes catalogs the shells found in three cemeteries in the Arizonian ruins: the Homolobi, the Cakwabaiyaki and the Teübkwitcalobi. The artifacts examined are from an expedition of the Smithsonian Institution lead by Fewkes. Fewkes treats the cultural aspect of these shells in a separate article, making this contribution seem incomplete. There are only a few stray references to cultural uses in this article. Despite the lack of cultural treatment, the descriptions of the shells by Fewkes are detailed. The most prevalent shell found throughout the sites is Pectunculus giganteus, Reeve. This shell is found in numerous different forms including armlets, bracelets and finger rings. Fewkes gives a description of the method of manufacturing each of these adornments. Fewkes’ team of excavators found the shells while excavating various parts of the grave or on various bones of the body. When significant, Fewkes describes the location and meaning of a special find. Along with these shells, Fewkes describes many other shells such as the Conus fergusoni, Sow; Conus princeps, L.; and the Conus regularis, Sow. All three of these shells are worked into rattles. Each of the shell descriptions includes the possible method used to work the shells from its natural state to the finished product. Fewkes presents the ceremonial use of some of the shells, which are obtained from Hopi tribes. Some of the shells have images of frogs engraved upon them. Fewkes does not discuss the meaning of the frog image in any detail except to assert that the cultures have a frog fetish. Fewkes does not set out to prove the relationship between the various people that lived at these sites. Fewkes argues the similarities between the shells found at the three cemeteries did not “originate independently” (367). He instead sees the similarities as a result of migration or diffusion. “That the culture came to Tusayan from the south appears to me probable” (367). With little evidence provided, the similarities help to strengthen his claim concerning migration from the south. Fewkes only addresses these arguments in passing; the bulk of this article is dedicated to the catalog of the shells. CLARITY RANKING: 4 BRIAN GUTHRIE
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan. American Anthropologist May1896 Vol.9(7):151-174. J. Walter Fewkes’ article, The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan, addressed the concern that an accurate description of Tusayan culture in prehistoric times did not exist at the time this article was written. The date separating prehistoric from historic times in this area is accepted to be the middle of the 16th century. This is when the Spanish arrived and started the documentation of Tusayan history. Fewkes discounts the accuracy of the written accounts of the Spanish. He believed the Spanish wanted to dominate the Tusayans and make the land their own. The Spanish were not really interested in the Tusayan as a people with a distinct culture of their own. They did not try to study their behaviors or customs in order to decipher their society’s culture. The Spanish never tried to interpret the Tusayan legends or folklore that was the unwritten history of the Tusayan preceding the Spanish invasion. Modern life may, at best, resemble ancient life but one is not able to measure the influences that other societies had over the creation of modern Tusayan culture. For example, one is unable to tell from modern culture if a certain practice truly originated with the Tusayans or if it came from another society’s influence. Fewkes attempted to rectify the deficiency of knowledge of prehistoric Tusayan culture with the use of archeology. There had never been a thorough archeological excavation to seriously study this prehistoric culture. During Fewkes’ excavation, there were no signs of Spanish influence in the items found. This is proficient in proving that the items found belonged to prehistoric Tusayan culture, untouched by the cultural influences of other societies. Prehistoric Tusayan pottery removed from excavated cemeteries tells of the Tusayan belief in life after death. Among the articles found at these grave sites are objects used in the everyday life of the deceased. Objects they would need to function in their new life to come. The pottery has drawings on it that have a symbolic meaning. Once these drawings are interpreted, a better understanding of prehistoric Tusayan culture may be achieved. Despite Fewkes’ belief that archeology is the best way to accurately describe the prehistoric culture of the Tusayan, he admitted that a lack of data still prevented one from understanding the culture of the Tusayans and the southwest pueblos. He stressed the importance of future explorations of the area. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan. American Anthropologist May, 1896 Vol.9(5): 151-173 Fewkes summarizes his excavations of the prehistoric Tusayan ruins of
Sikyatki, in present-day Findings indicated that indeed, Sikyatki did seem to be a prehistoric pueblo, as no glass, Spanish glazed pottery, no metal implements were found. The Sikyatki were a sedentary, agricultural people, with their pueblo situated on a rather vulnerable mesa. Pottery gives the best idea about prehistoric Tusayan artistic taste. Pottery remnants numbering over 800, most found in cemeteries, are of a much finer quality than pottery of the modern Hopi. This is in spite of the fact that these ancient people had no knowledge of a potter’s wheel, as is widely conceded. The pieces from cemeteries provide information about mortuary customs. The Sikyatki obviously believed in a future life, as do modern Hopi. The thought that the dead were transformed into rain gods seems to have existed as well. Items buried with people indicate belief in immortality, as most objects used in one’s daily life were found in graves with the bodies. As there are no written records of the Sikyatki, symbols found on pottery
bear special significance. Modern In concluding, Fewkes makes a few points. His picture of this ancient
culture can be used as an aid in comparing other cultures of the area.
Modern CLARITY RANKING: 4
Captain D. D. Gaillard, There are two different topics in this article. The fist one is a discovery
of a pre historical dam in In the Animas valley The Captain describes the region as falling between the San Luis and In the second part of the article the Tomb of Queen Noub-Hotep is discovered
in CLARITY RANKING: 3.5
Gaillard, This brief paper describes, with significant measurement,
the form of a "peculiar topographic feature" discovered in Gaillard begins the article with a description of the region. Emphasis is placed on topographic and climatic details that are most pertinent for evaluating an irrigation dam construction -- regional water flow, annual rainfall, and soil fertility. Gaillard provides regional figures for these variables as they were assessed during the time of the article's publication, despite the possibility that topographic and weather patterns may have differed during the time of the dam's construction. The second and final section describes the dam itself, noting basic measurements such as length (5.5 miles), width (1/4 mile), and maximum depth (20 feet). Although no evidence for irrigation ditches is observed, Gaillard concludes that, given the dam's form and the location of its breach, it could have effectively been used to irrigate eastern portions of the valley. While recognizing that the earthwork is almost certainly artificial,
Gaillard expresses amazement at the amount of work its construction would
have required -- namely, the handling of from 8,000,000 to 10,000,000
cubic yards of material. A survey map of the area accompanies this paper,
showing the dam's position within CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hallock, Charles. The Eskimo and Their Written Language. American Anthropologist November, 1896. (9): 369-370. This short article discusses the language of the Innuit (sic) of CLARITY: 3.5 JODY WERT
Hallock, Charles. The Eskimo and Their Written Language. American Anthropologist November, 1896 Vol.9(11):369-370 The name Eskimo is applied to the Innuit people of this article, the origin of which lies with the Abnaki Indians of Lower Canada. "Eskimo" in their Indian language means "Eaters of Raw Meat." This origin has been confirmed by one Father Barnum. Charles Hallock reports here on the work of linguist and missionary Father Barnum among the Innuit of Western Alaska. Barnum is working on transcribing spoken Innuit to a written language. At this point, Barnum has amassed a vocabulary of over 7000 words and 250 pages of grammar. He states that the language of the Innuit resembles no other known language, noting some letter combinations that are nearly impossible to reproduce, as well as the apparent lack of irregular verb forms. Forming the negative in verbs is also an irregular process. He states there is no gender, all nouns are inflected, and relative pronouns are scarcely used, among other difficulties. Father Barnum also believes these Innuit are a distinct race, and not
necessarily from CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, F. W. In Hodge’s study of the Hodge’s population research is the body of the article—it
is numeric and detailed, and it is his evidence for the existence of
clans which
otherwise, would be forgotten. He divided the Having the total number of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, F. W. This article is a study of the clanship system of the The author collected the data during a reconnaissance of the pueblos
of The author focuses the study on the four different linguistic groups
of Although he doesn’t say how these groups became extinct, he does offer a detailed analysis of the different linguistic groups and how they are subdivided into different dialects. The four original major linguistic groups were the Tanoan, Keresan, ZuZian, and Shoshonean. The Tanoan, for instance, has five dialectical divisions: Tano, Tewa, Tiwa, Jemez, and Piro. Some of these dialectical groups no longer exist as a tribe, such as the Tano, and some others have totally intermixed. The author also gives population numbers for each tribe: the Tonoan
have 3,561 people; the ZuZian, 1,621; and the Shoshonnean tribe has 1,839
people. The overall numbers of the entire indigenous population of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, F. W. This article explores the origin of pueblo snake ceremonials. F.W. Hodge believed that although others suggested that different tribes had also been performing the ceremonies, the origination of these ceremonies began with the Hopi and was passed to other tribes by Hopi emigrants. Hodge’s theory that the snake ceremonials were introduced by the Hopi was based upon important factors. The snake was of great importance and significance to the Hopi. The fact that Hopi emigrants had a snake clan reinforced this point. Hodge believed that it was a reasonable conclusion that snake rituals or ‘ceremonies’ be found only where there are snake clans. Another factor which suggested that the Hopi revered the snake was the degree to which the ceremonies were developed. The author lists the reasons why he believed that the Hopi tribe originated the pueblo snake ceremonials. The reasons listed by the author are based on common sense and likelihood rather than hard evidence. Hodge does not prove his theory in this article because his theory was based on assumptions, not evidence. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, F. W. This article addresses a debate among Southwestern anthropologists regarding
the origins and tribal exclusivity of snake ceremonials practiced by
the natives of Hodge provides a traditional account of Laguna history and tribal genealogy,
establishing that their ancestors included emigrants from Keres villages
( The author also expresses doubt that any pueblo could have a snake ceremony
if it does not also have a snake clan. Of six pueblos or villages where
snake clans are present (Laguna, CLARITY RANKING: 2
Mason, O. T. George Brown Goode. American Anthropologist October, 1896 Vol.9:353-354. Anthropology, in the nineteenth century, was in its infancy and rapidly growing. As a new field, its practitioners strove to demonstrate anthropology’s relevance and importance to the world. Mason, using Dr. George Brown Goode and his work as an example, suggested that anthropology was important because all studies were essentially anthropological since all were understood in relation to man. Dr. George Brown Goode was a firm believer that all sciences
were anthropological. He contributed to the idea’s dissemination to
the general public through his work as Assistant Director and curator
of the Dr. Goode himself embodied this idea. He was not a professional anthropologist but was a trained and successful ichthyologist who had worked for the United States Fish Commission. As a man educated in biology and believing in man’s central role, he was the living embodiment of the anthropocentric nature of science. His work educating the public in this idea contributed to the growing field of anthropology. Mason wrote this obituary of Dr. Goode because of his contribution and appreciation for anthropology. Dr. Goode, according to Mason, strove to assemble all of man’s knowledge from all of man’s history and all of man’s cultures into one "great anthropological scheme" thus contributing to the understanding of anthropology and granting Dr. Goode a place in the annals of anthropology’s history. CLARITY RANKING : 4
Mason, O. T. Obituary of George Brown Goode. American Anthropologist October, 1896 Vol.9(10):353-354. Dr. George Brown Goode was Assistant Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution,
in charge of the Goode studied ichthyology as a student, yet was also very interested in anthropology. He asserted that all the sciences are essentially anthropological, as knowledge of any one was always to lead to a deeper understanding of the development of man, his abode (earth), and his health and happiness. It is proclaimed of this man that none had a "more exalted idea" of what anthropology should be. Goode attempted to collect, in one great anthropological study, all the knowledge of man. He was also constantly aware of the need to both increase knowledge as well as diffuse it to all men. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mason, Otis T. Introduction of the Iron
Age into Mason explores the influence of European traveler’s presence, possessions
and slaves on aboriginal peoples. He specifically examines the effect
of European wrought iron on Native American tool production, modes of
dress, and behavior. Wrought iron was available, according to Mason,
because of Europe’s exploration of Mason’s constructs his argument through the analysis
of museum artifacts and archival European literature of eastern-aboriginal
exposure. The
literature focuses on Native American practices, and ranges from late
nineteenth century, to as far back as Although Mason’s examination of the effect of wrought iron on Native American culture is extensive, at times his argument lacks cohesiveness. His evidence for the broad generalizations he makes, is often extraneous and insufficient. The contributions of the Native American peoples are ignored, as Mason never considers the ethnocentrisms of his literature and artifact collection. Consequently, Mason’s examination is difficult to understand and portrays a subjective perspective of late nineteenth century Native American culture. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mason, Otis T. Introduction of the Iron
Age into It is widely accepted as fact that native American tribes did not manufacture or use iron prior to European contact. Starting from this premise, Mason comprehensively details the history and character of "Iron Age" acculturation that took place among natives following contact. Early in the paper, he adopts an epistemological tone, suggesting that processes of reduction are equally as important in understanding culture as they are in answering questions within the physical sciences. To examine "American aboriginal culture" in its pre-contact form, then, the Iron Age must be removed from analysis in the same way a chemist might purify compounds. Ultimately, "to get at the aboriginal society you must eliminate all disturbances by Caucasian interference." However, the remainder of the paper constitutes a discussion of just this type of interference. Before engaging the reader with the ethnographic and historical dimensions of Iron Age diffusion, Mason details six "practical difficulties" that will confront investigators: 1) the existence of fraudulent artifacts, and the paucity of good artifact catalogs within collections; 2) the improper labeling and description of artifacts; 3) the impossibility of knowing how and when any single tribe experienced first contact; 4) the unscientific nature of travel reports, which constitute a major source of data; 5) the unaccountability of tribal migrations, forced or voluntary; 6) the fact that degree of acculturation cannot be measured by the amount of iron found in native tools. Mason argues that "folk" European immigrants, rather than those in authority-wielding or industrial capacities, were largely responsible for introducing iron to native Americans. While "Aryan culture" is believed accountable for replacing, or improving the indigenous tool assemblage, "African culture" is given credit for affecting native American customs. Aside from reference to the African marimba being played by Indians and the role of the African in Central American expeditions, Mason leaves this assertion unspecified. Regarding the diffusion of iron tools from European culture, however, his analysis is supported with substantial historical documentation. He makes apparent the implicit need for his analysis by remarking that within museums "even an unsophisticated cabinet of unadulterated native ancient art is unknown." Following this thread, the paper's conclusions include a warning to archeologists regarding the authenticity of their finds, specifically as it relates to the presence of iron in discovered artifacts. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mathews, R. H. Australian Ground and Tree Drawings, American Anthropologist February, 1896 Vol.9(2):33-49. The overall purpose of this article is to make the reader aware of the
existence of aboriginal ground and tree drawings present in The article is constructed in a very logical matter.
The author begins with the ground drawings, and concludes with the
tree drawings. Ground
drawings and tree drawings are discussed separately but the evidence
is presented in the same format. Firstly, the author describes the several
different types of drawings under either the ground or tree headings.
Secondly, the actual evidence of the observed drawings is presented.
The author introduces the views of various authors who have also observed
and studied ground and tree drawings. Their observations at Australian
aboriginal sites are presented. The third type of evidence presented
is the data obtained from the author’s personal observations. The data
consists of a collection of drawings from investigations, careful sketches,
and measurements made at the sites. The author has a collection of thirty-six
drawings. There are nineteen ground drawings and seventeen tree drawings.
Each drawing is described in great detail pertaining to the precise location,
type, and the exact measurement. An example of precise location would
be "two miles northerly from the town of The descriptions of the drawings are very detailed in the observation of the physical drawing itself, but are lacking in the meaning of such drawings, the reason for the designs, and the symbolism. The author clearly states that more work needs to be done in this direction, (49) which may account for the basic descriptions of the drawings without any insight or connection to the aboriginal people and their beliefs or intentions for the drawings. This article is laid out in a very clear and appropriate manner. The author’s observations in the investigation of these drawings were well detailed, recorded, and mapped out. Clearly though, one can see the need for more research into this area during this time period. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mathews, R. H. The Bunan Ceremony of Rites of Passage are extremely important to all societies. Mathews chooses
to elaborate on the tribes that occupy the Shoalhaven river in The initiation of young boys into men takes place in an elaborate ceremony involving celebration, costumes, and many nights of entertainment. The restoration of the ceremony emphasizes the importance of the detail and precision undertaken for the ceremony. The particulars provided give an excellent sense of the tribal traditions, the environment and the crucial balance between the two. The change from a boy to a man is marked by a transitional period that lasts anywhere from a week to months. The transition process is useful for everyone as it provides time for adjustment to the new status. The women anxiously await the return of the newly appointed men. Once reintroduced back into the everyday tribal life, the newly initiated men are still under watch, until those responsible for the tribal laws and traditions allow them to begin to associate with the women. Upon examination of the detail of the article, it is apparent that some explanation was overlooked. Mathews never touched on the reasoning of the tribal people. There was no documentation of why the people performed the ceremony the way they did, or what the reasoning or significance was behind most events. There was no insight into the minds of the native tribes. The recreation and the argument of the importance of rites of passage would have been solidified with some sense of their thoughts and reasoning behind the ceremony. The author’s desire to accurately portray the Bunan ceremony was accomplished but without the psychological insight into the rituals, the article is merely intriguing detail. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mathews, R. H. The Bunan Ceremony of Mathews describes in great detail the initiation ceremonies of the native
tribes occupying the southeast coast of The tribes go through a number of exercises in the bunan ceremonies of young boys. All the tribes gather in one central location, with men, women, and children all filling different roles in the initiation process. The process lasts for a number of days, with the boys going through seclusion and subsequent secret rites. The boys are not allowed to reveal the details of the rites, on pain of death. They are then reintroduced to the tribes as men. There is fire, singing, shouting, and dancing during all phases of initiation. Tribes then return home, and boys have one last rite to perform then, before they are unrestrained men. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mathews, R. H. Australian Class Systems. American Anthropologist December, 1896 Vol.9(26):411-416. In this article, the author explored the laws governing the intermarriage of classes of the Kamilaroi organization system. Class divisions had significant meaning in all the important ceremonies of Australian aborigines, and Mathews believed this information was of great importance for anyone studying the customs of these people, and hoped it would facilitate the research of other anthropologists. Mathews traced patterns of intermarriage in an effort to identify the laws regulating marriage and lineage within the four classes and their corresponding totemic divisions. He began by describing the four classes of the Wiradjuri tribes and the groups of totems that corresponded to each class. A totem was an emblem that corresponded to a family or clan. For each member of each class, Matthews listed all the possibilities they had for a mate. His research demonstrated that the men from one class might marry a woman from only one other specified class. But, there were many irregularities. Mathews did highlight the fact that descent was distinguished through the mother. The child is proclaimed to be part of the same tribe as the grandmother, but the father's name is not taken into consideration. Burbung, a ceremony of initiation, was also briefly mentioned. This ceremony occurred when the youths of the tribe were proclaimed to be men and were taught sacred traditions and their responsibilities as part of the tribe. Because of the nature of this subject and the method of presentation, this article takes deliberate and concentrated reading. Cursory reading will not contribute to understanding what the author is attempting to communicate. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Matthews, In his article Washington Matthews brings to light one of the many traditional Navaho ceremonies. He uses a ritual, called the kiedji hathal or the "night chant," to describe the ceremonial rites the Navaho have in a time of worship. The specific procedure he discusses occurs on the fourth night of this nine-day ceremony and has to do with the vigil of the gods. Dr. Matthews entire article revolves around this particular vigil. He demonstrates how this Navaho ceremony is connected to legend or myth just like most other ceremonies of both ancient and modern times. Through the telling of how the ceremony is preformed, the author addresses many essential points to further his argument. He discusses the exact role each component from the people to the objects has in defining the meanings of actions in the ceremony. Matthews tells of the specific rites of the shaman, the lead singer, the patient, and the boy and girl who take part in this healing ceremony. He goes into great depth on how masks are used to represent the deities of the Navaho. The specific shapes, colours, and patterns on the masks are examined and how they are placed on the floor is included. The author places a lot of emphasis on the roles the two children play in the vigil of the Gods. He provides us with both the actions they complete within the healing process and the myths about nature the Navaho’s believe they represent. For example, in the ceremony the boy completes his actions to the north while the girl completes hers to the south. This is due to the myth that the north belongs to the male because it is windy and has mountainous land while the south belongs to the female due to its gentle breezes and flat land. Thus by completing the ceremonies and believing in the myths, the Navaho think it is possible to do extraordinary things, like healing someone. Overall Washington Matthews provides a very concise and to the point argument. He helps explain the ceremony of the vigil of the gods and how it pertains, to the role of myths in Navaho culture. In turn he alludes to the rites each of the specific members of the Navaho possess although he does not discuss them in detail. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Matthews, This article attempts to contribute to the knowledge
of those interested in the study of "folk religion" ceremonies. The author makes a detailed descriptive analysis of the rituals, the symbolism, and the structure of the ceremony. Among the elements described are the diverse role of both the spiritual beings and the human beings involved in the event. The water blessing, food sharing, the colors and their meanings, the chants as a medium of communication between the living and the spiritual beings, the concept of time, the gender role, and the significance of moments of silence are all important components of the ceremony. The author chose not to study the ceremony as an outside observer, but rather, through participant observation. This methodological approach was highly strategic in that it allowed the author to include some comparative analysis in the description of the ceremony in order to clarify and make accessible some of the diverse and rich Navaho symbolisms and concepts. CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGee, W. J. Anthropology at This article discussed the forty-fifth meeting of the American Association
for the Advancement of Science held in The focal point of the anthropological work discussed
at the meeting can best be summarized by the work "Wa-ka-da". This was the "mysterious
power [that inanimate objects had] of permeating life"(McGee, p.
315) and the taking on of cultural significance in the indigenous people
of the McGee presented his finding on "Seri Stone Art" explaining that the process of "stone-chipping" was a limited and acquired skill that resulted in the manufacture of a crude type of implement. This primitive type was distinguished as protolithic by McGee, which differed from both the Paleolithic and Neolithic type. The development of the implement was an "art" and a specific selective process. Franz Boas presented a communication on "The beginning of zooculture" which
outlined the three stages in the conquest and cultivation of animals.
Alice Fletcher also discussed abstraction and the forming of abstract
conceptions among the Indians. The "idea of personality", permeated
certain terms, as illustrated by the McGee structured this article as the minutes of a meeting rather than an argument towards any particular theory or idea. Although this article was tiresome, the works discussed provided insight into the cultural significance of symbols and artifacts in the indigenous cultures. It was a discussion, which may have prompted future investigation. CLARITY RANKING: 3
McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Marriage. American Anthropologist November, 1896 Vol. 9(23):371-383 Presenting several examples of mating rituals from American aboriginal clans and tribes, W.J. McGee opens his argument by providing his readers background information regarding his main focus. By providing examples of several different tribes, McGee evaluates how degree of culture affects ones marriage practices. Establishing that each culture falls into "a natural order defined by the culture-grade", the stages later presented in the article symbolize the "growth of marriage" through its main parts. McGee infers the growth of marriage as a continuous series, progressing with the advancements of the cultures. Several practices that slightly differentiate between the groups are noted through McGee’s arrangement of facts and establish the intended series. More exclusively, McGee focuses on monogamy, exogamy and endogamy as evidence of change. The article declares the record of marriage begins with a community who recognizes mating as a collective motive to which the benefit of the state is at hand, rather than individual function. Features such as monogamy, clan exogamy, tribal endogamy, and mother –decent all become characteristics of the foundation of marriage. For McGee the stages of marriage begin to advance, when the initial foundation of mating begins to disintegrate. Claiming that more advanced societies modify from the general to the personal, the article asserts that the laws of monogamy, clan exogamy and tribal endogamy become relaxed. In McGee’s opinion, individual motive overcomes the collective rationale of the tribe, while in turn the man takes over the woman’s position of suitor. Here, says McGee, is where we obtain our modern day assumption that kinship is placed largely on the male. The article illustrates how McGee deems marriage as a process determined by the environment one lives in. McGee states, although the practices of the aboriginal peoples, to some extent, run parallel the Syrian patriarchs, they are far more superior. However, McGee fails to use other marital practices than those of the American aborigines to make closer comparisons, and claims that all the instances are chosen at random. As well, McGee, after long, specified descriptions of each culture fails to clearly advertise his points to the reader. Over all, the article was hard to follow and points made by McGee were hard to understand. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mcgee, W. J. The Beginning of Marriage. American Anthropologist. November, 1896 Vol.9(11):371-387. This article attempts to make a comparative analysis of the origin and development of the institution of marriage. The author argues that marriage, in its most primitive stage, was fundamentally a collective institution oriented to benefit the group rather than to satisfy the individual appetite and selfish inclination. Moreover, the legislative and administrative role of the feminine figure in the family and clan was predominant in this primitive stage. The author also suggests that as tribes became more culturally complex and higher developed, marriage regulations were less concerned with the unity and welfare of the tribal community. The author makes a comparative approach to the marital regulations and
customs among different tribal groups, beginning with the Syrian Patriarch
tribes as they are described in the Book of Genesis and ending with the
Seri tribe. The Seri were thought to be the most primitive aboriginal
tribe in In conclusion, it seems to the author that marriage started with some emphasis on monogamy (one wife) accompanied by strict tribal endogamy, and soon followed by clan exogamy (marriage out side the clan), where the mother was at first the dominant member of the consanguineous family, shaping the destiny of the clan through the aid of clan brothers. Marriage was then regulated by collective motive rather than individual caprice. It is appear to the author that as the clan grew into tribes and confederacies, paternal organization was developed, and polygyny appeared and spread out, while tribal endogamy as well as clan exogamy gradually decreased. The collective motive gradually faded and gave place to individual caprice, with a growing tendency toward wife-purchase and concomitant degradation of women. Therefore, it appears that in the course of the evolution of the history of marriage the simple give rise to the complex, the collective to the individual, the general to the special, the provincial to the cosmopolitan, and the feminine predominance to woman degradation. CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGuire, Joseph D. Classification and Development of Primitive Implements. American Anthropologist. 1896 Vol.9: 227-236 In his article, Classifications and Development of Primitive Implements, Joseph D. McGuire addresses the controversy surrounding the Paleolithic versus the Neolithic eras. Popular opinion at the time was that the tools dating back to the Paleolithic period were "ruder" than those from the modern stone age and therefore, they required less ability in their production. McGuire contends that the people of the Paleolithic era were as advanced in, "mechanical skill or cultural development" (235) as the people of the later Neolithic or, "polished stone" period. McGuire attempts to refute earlier research conducted on the tools or, "implements" produced in the Paleolithic period. He states that, "there are few persons who have attempted to work with primitive tools and there are probably even fewer who have tried to produce them by primitive methods" (227). McGuire cites his own extensive studies on the Paleolithic and Neolithic implements and claims that he has demonstrated that tremendous expertise and skill were required to create such tools. He believes that the neoliths were created with little time and little skill while paleoliths required little time but more effort was required in order to correctly, "chip the stone or select a proper stone for chipping" (228). McGuire also examines the issue of the environment and surroundings of each time period. He attributes some of the differences between the implements of each era to the variety of materials available, rather than to the person who created them. For example, minerals such as quartzite and obsidian are likely to fracture much differently than one another. Another point that McGuire raises is that, "articles which in their natural state may be employed as tools do not appear to have been properly considered in regard to the influence they would have in governing the shape of primitive implements" (234). Examples provided of such articles are wildlife, seashells, water-worn stones and vegetation. The article is very interesting and the author’s argument is quite clear however, the organization of the information and the lengthy sentences require it to be read slowly for a complete understanding. CLARITY RANKING: 3
McGuire, Joseph D. Classification and Development of Primitive Implements. American Anthropologist July, 1896 Vol.9(7):227-237. The article attempts to contribute to the field of archeology through a comparative study of human technological evolution. The author makes a critical analysis of the theory that proposes a chronological analysis of ancient remains. He questions, for instance, the sustainability of the whole theory of the distinction between the Paleolithic and the Neolithic periods, thereby denying the possibility of any mechanical difference among the human races worldwide. The author’s arguments are based, primarily, in the lack of evidence to sustain any theory regarding the chronological distinction between Paleolithic and Neolithic tools. Secondly, almost no analyses have been made that would relate the instruments with the uses to which they have been put by primitive man and with the means by which they where made. Thirdly is the idea that the rudeness in some implements, the cache-tools for instance, is not in itself evidence of an inferior mechanical skill in those who made them, compared with people of later periods. Fourth, the author, in contrast, strongly believes that the differences of shape in these implements are due primarily to the structural differences in the fracture of material rather than to the mechanical ability of those who did the fracturing. Materials like flint, rhyolite, jasper, obsidian, and quartzite, for instance, vary in their fracture in the same ledge a few feet apart. Therefore, he concludes that "Paleolithic" does not represent a specific mechanical status; moreover, Paleolithic represents nothing. McGuire also bases his arguments in an analysis of the evaluation of the division of human history into ages and periods. He looks at the impact of environmental surroundings such as climate changes, differences of food supply, etc., and although the author does not deny their important effects on human life, he does not think that environment causes any variation in human race. He also criticizes the fact that, in the classification of the primitive period, no consideration is given to the influence of articles employed in their natural state on the shape of primitive implements. Finally, McGuire criticizes the incompetence of American archeologists to judge the accuracy of the Paleolithic theory due to their want of familiarity with European conditions. The mind of man is everywhere the same; the difference of its products are evidences of different growth and of different conditions of environment. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mearns, Edgar A. Ornithological Vocabulary of the Moki Indians. American Anthropologist December, 1896 Vol.9(12):391-403. Mearns establishes two purposes for this compilation of ornithological terms used among the Moki Indians: 1) to show the limitations of their ornithological knowledge, and 2) to make this vocabulary more useful and intelligible to those who may subsequently acquire a mastery of the language. For context, the article begins with a concise introduction to the Moki, both past and present. Their seven villages or pueblos occupy a region just west of the New Mexico-Arizona boundary. Mearns relies upon contemporary Moki claims as well as skeletal evidence to assert that their immediate ancestors were responsible for building the ancient cliff-dwellings also found in this area. The terminology list that takes up the last half of this paper was compiled with the aid of the author's key informant, Ongwischey. Mearns admits to having incomplete mastery of the Moki language, although he suggests that it resembles English "in the form of its descriptive names." Some Moki names are also notably of Spanish origin, as their language had historically become "impure" from contact with Mexicans and "half-bloods." A brief discussion of the sacred meaning of birds among the Moki (compared with their "ophiolatry," or serpent worship) provides additional context. Sacred birds represent their clans or secret religious orders, and include the eagle, parrot, macaw, heron or sandhill crane, road-runner or chapparal cock, turkey, and dove. Use of feathers during religious ceremonies and their careful preservation in "peculiar wooden boxes" offer further testament to the veneration of particular bird species. The vocabulary begins with a list of 43 general terms -- peripheral terms useful for describing birds, many of which appear within formal bird names. Among these terms are words for colors, pertinent verbs (e.g., "to sing," "to fly"), and geographical words (e.g., "river," "mountain"). Following is a list of specific terms used by the Moki for 232 different species of birds found in the Southwest. Moki words in both lists are spelled phonetically, with stress marks shown and vowels marked for pronunciation. Occasionally, Mearns introduces a species of bird that does not inhabit the area, for which he offers his informant's verbatim response. For the brown-capped leucosticte, for instance, Ongwischey presumably replied: "He no live Moki country." Where applicable, Mearns references Moki practices as they relate to certain bird species. Examples are the contemporary domestication of fowl, historical domestication of the Mexican turkey (supported by evidence found in cliff-dwellings), and use of parrot feathers in religious ceremonies. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Reed, Z. Verner. The Ute Bear Dance. American Anthropologist July, 1896 vol 6(12): 237-244 Verner Reed’s article attempts to examine and explain
the Ute Bear Dance, a ceremony that was conducted by the Ute people
and was believed to be
their oldest custom. This article speaks to virtually anybody that is
interested in cultural anthropology or the Ute people. Reed is very concise
with his presentation of this ceremony. His writing is eloquent and fairly
interesting. His attendance and participation took place in The folklore of the bear is very important to the Ute people. They believed that they were direct descendants of the bear. This myth results in a prevalent theme for Reed’s description of the dance. Each part of the ceremony reflects an event in the end of a bear’s hibernation period as well as other bear mannerisms. An example of this is the length of the actual ceremony, which would last for four days and one night. This represents the length of time it takes for a bear, to fully wake up from hibernation. The first day of the ceremony is fairly subdued, just like the bears first day when it wakes up and is groggy. On the other end of the spectrum, the third day of the ceremony is very active, the dance lasts through the night. On the third day the bear is hungry and searches for food all of the night. This ceremony is closely related to courtship in the Ute society. At the beginning of the ceremony like the bear, the female chooses her partner. According to this evidence, it is hard to believe that he actually participated in this ceremony because of the importance of male/female interaction. Often this is where mates find each other. So he probably just observed the dance. On the last day some of the young couples will be married. A lot of trading is also done on the last day. This is important because wealth of the individual is judged on how much they give rather than receive. Clarity Ranking: 4
Shute, D. K. Racial Anatomical Peculiarities. American Anthropologist April, 1896 Vol.9:123-132 Dr. D.K. Shute’s article "Racial Anatomical Peculiarities" documents a discussion on the importance of the use of racial variations as a tool to compare and rank races. This forum took place on January 7, 1896 and Dr. Shute reports upon the findings of Dr. Frank Baker, Dr. Theodore Gill and Dr. G.R. Stetson, as well as adding his own commentary on the subject. The significance of analyzing minute differences between races as well as what these differences suggest about races is the topic of debate. Dr. Shute begins by giving his position on the issue as well as outlining specific points of evidence on how certain traits vary from race to race. This forms a basis of knowledge for the reader so that with little further research the reader will be able to understand more clearly the issues which are presented later in the article. Dr. Shute goes on to outline the arguments made by each presenter, detailing the new points each offers to the debate as well as discussing their reaction to the arguments of previous presenters. Dr. Shute makes no attempt to conclude the article with thoughts of his own, or his reactions to the contents of the discussion; rather, he chooses to let the reader conclude the information on their own. Both Dr. Shute and the three presenters, whose points he outlines, use a variety of types of evidence. Dr. Shute introduces scientific and statistical evidence in the beginning of the article. These opening arguments lay a groundwork from which the reader can examine the statements that follow. The most detailed information is presented in these opening statements, including information on the exact traits that are being used to evaluate races as well as statistics as to the percentage of people within a population which express certain traits. In the remainder of the article the information presented in the opening statements is rarely refuted as invalid, rather, the presenters discuss its significance as a tool for ranking races. As a persuasive essay this article fails because the author is unable to present a clear and decisive conclusion to the arguments presented, however, I would suggest the intent of this article is not to give a definitive conclusion to the debate, rather it is meant to report on the variety of perspectives which exist and, therefore, to perpetuate continued discussion of the topic. The paper is successful in this pursuit. Dr. Shute offers some context from which the reader can observe the discussion, but his conscious decision to offer no concluding statement is important. He chooses to report the discussion as seen through his eyes rather than refute or support all that was said. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Shute, D. K. Racial Anatomic Peculiarities. American Anthropologist April, 1896 Vol. 9 (4):123-132. The article offers a comparative analysis on the perspectives of some recognized authorities in the study of the structural anatomic peculiarities in different racial groups in the late nineteenth century. The discussion is about whether some anatomic peculiarities such as skin color, muscle distribution, osseous structures, cranial capacities, among others, can account for racial superiorities or inferiorities. The role of the variables such as environmental factors, the use and disuse theory, and intelligence are also examined as causal elements for anatomic variations. Two different basic tendencies appear to dominate the debate in the article. Some attribute anatomic variation to fortuitous conditions rather than to the basic human variation or to racial distinction. Others attribute anatomic peculiarities to racial distinctions, in other words, the existences of high and low races explains these anatomic differences. Let’s look at some examples of the way the arguments were presented: Dr. D. K. Shute learned from Dr. Elliot Coues, a distinguished ornithologist
and professor or anatomy at the Dr. Frank Baker takes the other side of the discussion when he says that racial variation does not entitle us to establish distinctions in humans. He questions the validity of anthropometry in establishing racial distinctions. He also criticizes the abuse of the atavism on part of the biologists. He maintains that until we have more knowledge of ways in which the general formation and distribution of muscle are regulated, it will be impossible to give proper value to muscular variation. He incorporates the importance of variables like environmental conditions and food habits as being responsible for anatomic variations between the African and the Caucasian. Finally, after conducting an examination of many bodies of Africans found in the dissection room, he concludes that the ape-like character are no more common among the African than among Whites. This article also includes the positions of G. R Stetson and Theodore Gill. Gill takes a more intermediate position in the debate. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Stetson, George R. "The Animistic
Vampire In In his rather unusual article, "The Animistic Vampire in New England",
George R. Stetson sets out to prove that even in the light of "modern
civilized understanding" and "natural law", that "barbaric
superstitions" may still exist. The superstitions in this case are
the reports of a vampire in the modern American state of In order to lend credence to the vampire mythos, George R Stetson recounts
the infamous histories of the undead creatures in various countries throughout
the world. Whether it is the far reaches of Africa, where the vampires
are supremely demonic, or the more subtle and devious night- dwellers
of the Slavic regions, to the mythologies of ancient When finally George R. Stetson recounts his investigations in the This article reads as fluidly as many of the classic supernatural thrillers. Between the histories retold, and the startling evidence given, the reader is thrown into a realm of various possibilities that could easily make one afraid to stroll past a cemetery at night. Clarity RANKING: 5
Stickney, Gardner P. Indian Use of Wild Rice. American Anthropologist April, 1896 Vol.9(5):115-121. The overall concern of this article is how wild rice contributes to the lifestyle of the North American Indian tribes, especially the Ojibwa tribe. The Ojibwa tribe make extensive use of the wild rice and Stickney argues that this is so due to the importance of the wild rice in more ways then just being a staple food for them. The article is started with a detailed description of how and where rice grows best. Because wild rice can be grown and harvested without a lot of labor put into it, there is an opportunity to have a surplus without a lot of extra work. The Ojibwa use this surplus as a trade item. Therefore the wild rice plays an economic role in the Ojibwa tribe. The growing of wild rice also benefits the tribe when it comes to hunting birds. The wild rice acts as a lure for the birds that feed on it, and the tall stems act as a cover for the hunters. This facilitates the hunt so that the hunters are more efficient. Wild rice can be easily stored and prepared in a variety of dishes. It is also a convenient food source for hunters to take on trips. Stickney ends his argument by stating that, due to the aforementioned facts, the Ojibwa tribes would actually try to locate themselves in an area that would have a high yield of wild rice, over an area that was plentiful with wild game. This article is very clear and concise. The author has kept it well organized and well written. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Stickney, Gardner P. Indian Use of Wild Rice. American Anthropologist April, 1896 Vol.9(4):115-122. Stickney provides a succinct description of the use of wild rice (Zizania
aquatica) among the Ojibwa indigenous group of the Additionally, Stickney complements the report with a more detailed analysis beginning with the appropriate atmosphere for the growth of the grain. Environments such as the muddy, rich, and slimy bottoms of gently flowing streams are, for instance, the best places for the optimum development of wild rice. The size of the plant, he says, frequently reaches nine to ten feet in height and the development process takes a whole year. Beginning with the seed dropped in the fall, the plant comes up through the water in early June, flowers in July, and reaches maturity in September. He includes an analysis of the form, color of the seed, and the importance of wild rice to the Ojibwa diet. The relevance of wild rice in the life of the Ojibwa people doesn’t only occur at the level of diet, but affects the Ojibwa’s year as well as language structure. In terms of the impact on calendar, August (Monominikegisisss) is the rice-making moon, when the rice is still in the milk -- a time to pay the first visit to the field. That is the month for fixing ropes to gather rice-stalks and fasten them together, so that the harvest becomes easier and more productive. Rice harvest is more a woman's activity, and two women would usually work together in a canoe. Once the canoe is loaded and pushed onto shore, the preparation for separating and drying starts. Three different ways of drying the rice are mentioned. When it is properly done and the storage is adequate enough, the rice can be kept for many years. Young buffalo skins sewed into sacks is one of the best storage systems. For the table, wild rice can be boiled or prepared in a variety of dishes,
including soup and stews. The Mississagua people, another indigenous
group from northern Finally, the abundance of this crop in the region, the ease with which it is harvested and transported to their homes, and the fact that it required no labor in preparing the ground and no care while coming to maturity easily rendered it their most important vegetable food. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Thomas, Cyrus. Stone Images from Mounds
and Ancient The author’s main goal in writing this article was to
draw attention to the numerous findings of stone carvings in certain
areas of the The main argument of the article is that the parallels between these carvings suggest that they were created in a caving style characteristic of a certain group. To prove the relationship between the carvings, Thomas draws upon certain common details. He points out the angle of the head that, in several statues, is depicted as angled upwards as though looking at the sun. The majority of the images also have markings, which look like either long hair or some sort of head covering. The carvings depict both males and females but most are in a sitting position either cross- legged or with their knees pull up towards their chests. He argues that the similarities of these details prove that the images are based upon a certain common carving style, and therefore come from a group with a common history. Cyrus includes detailed descriptions and photographs of a number of stone carvings found throughout the mideastern states along with explanations of the exact locations in which they were found. He uses these descriptions to point out the important similarities that he is discussing. Based upon these commonalities he argues that they must represent a conventionalized form of carving from a local historical group. Although most of the article consisted of descriptions of the carvings, Thomas’ basic argument was still clear. Unfortunately, not all of the important aspects of the carvings were clear from the pictures provided. The descriptions, however, were detailed enough to make the author’s points quite understandable. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Thomas, Cyrus. Stone Images From Mounds
and Ancient He reaches this straightforward conclusion by way of a comparison of
images and descriptions of such statues found in states such as Thomas states very little, practically nothing at all, that does not
present itself from the facts and descriptions. There is no inclinations
or beliefs obvious to me which have come through in the article. There
is no sense of originality in his writing, but nor is there room for
dispute. Unless the actual measurements, descriptions and pictures are
false, I would find nothing incorrect or misleading about the article.
It leaves for the reader to take what is known for true of the subject,
and from there subjectively progress; and although it is valuable to
have the opinion of someone regarded as a professional, it is just as
valuable to have the material unpolluted by personal arguments. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Thomas, Cyrus. Stone Images from Mounds
and Ancient The article compares a recently (October 1895) discovered stone image
from a box-shaped stone grave at Castilion Springs, Sumner County, Tennessee
with other figures from the same area in middle Similar figures are then discussed. Another found in Castilian Springs
is described as a female figure, with perpendicular marks on each cheek.
The figure seems to be in an attitude of adoration. A stone head with
similarly marked cheeks from This sloping or turned upward head is a characteristic also found among
specimens from CLARITY RANKING: 4
Thomas, Cyrus. The Vigesimal System of Enumeration. American Anthropologist December, 1896 Vol. 26 (9):409-410. This article examines a possible link between the ancient use of the
vigesimal system in The first example that Thomas refers to is the work that Aymonier did
in Thomas then goes on to note A. Featherman’s discovery, which maintains that some Polynesian words for the number twenty, and/or numbers that have multiples of twenty, are linguistically significant, despite the fact they use the decimal system. Other numbers are comprised of combinations of these numbers, along with the numbers one through ten. A. Featherman claims that the Hawaiian system of numeration is a primary vigesimal system because they, "progress by forties" (p. 410). This article suggests the possibility that the vigesimal system of enumeration
moved from ancient southeastern Thomas gives little background information about what a vigesimal enumeration system is or why its use in ancient times is significant. He assumes the reader has previous knowledge about the subject he is writing about and this makes this article hard to follow if one is not familiar with the history and principals of the vigesimal system. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Thomas, Cyrus. The Vigesimal System of Enumeration. American Anthropologist December, 1896 Vol.9(12):409-410 The vigesimal system is of considerable importance in studying the civilization
of ancient For the area of southeastern He then looks to Polynesia for indications of evidence that the vigesimal
system was used in ancient CLARITY RANKING: 4
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