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Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Arrow. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 20:307-349. Cushing’s article is an in depth look at the development of the arrow as a tool used for food procurement and defense by earlier peoples. Cushing explores the arrow as a vital tool for indigenous peoples, and as a window for contemporary anthropologists to understand part of earlier people’s way of life in theoretical, practical and mythical contexts. The main types of evidence used are direct experience by the author, the manufacture of his own arrowheads, as well as examining artifacts in museum collections. He begins by describing the events that led to his own discovery of the manufacturing methods needed to form points made of lithic material. The techniques probably used by Native American hunter-gatherers are described through his early attempts at arrow point manufacture with flint and other stones, to his discovery of the bone flaking. He continues with a very comprehensive description of the arrow making process, from the selection of the correct lithic material for the points, to the proper feathering technique for the shafts. So comprehensive is this description in fact, that the reader is given a virtual instruction manual for the building of such tools. He continues with an equally involved description of the gradual evolution of the arrow, from the earliest pikes and lances, throwing spears, and finally culminating with the bow and arrow. Cushing has made a very careful examination of the archaeological material pertaining to this topic. Also impressive are his attempts to create the same tools in much the same conditions as the original craftsmen. He does not mention, however, if he has actually spent any time in any hunter-gatherer cultures. I cannot speculate on the logistical realities of forming a bond with Native American communities in the author’s time frame, but the knowledge of arrow making techniques observed first hand would have been a valuable perspective to complement his research. Cushing also seems to take a rather broad approach to the manufacture and development of pointed throwing implements. He presents many examples from different cultures, but presents his evidence in a unilineal fashion. Again, my own knowledge and experience is lacking in this area, however it seem plausible to me that the development of lances and arrows would have followed slightly different paths and reached slightly different conclusions in different cultures. Perhaps the study of one cultural group’s manufacturing processes and use of said lances and arrows would have led to a more concrete conclusion. Also, without the access to radio-carbon dating for his museum artifacts, the chronological dating of these materials can always be questioned, and thus destabilize Cushing’s argument pertaining to the development of point manufacturing practices. The only hindrances to easy reading of this article are his somewhat round about manner of presentation, and his propensity to use very long sentences. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Arrow. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8:307-349. Frank Hamilton Cushing presents the arrow as a near-perfect invention with a traceable lineage and history largely separate from the bow. Cushing passionately describes the arrow as the single most important tool ever devised. He describes his personal experiences with arrows, his observations, and a description and chronology of arrow evolution. By immersing himself in the material conditions that produced the invention of the arrow, Cushing hopes to rediscover the stages of arrow development through time and even "divine how the men of old felt about their arrows." Cushing experimented with arrow manufacture and collected artifacts and information from people who actually used arrows for their intended purposes. Beginning at a young age, the author collected arrow points and attempted to recreate them himself with some advice from the locals and the Zuni Indians. He immersed himself "in the most primitive moods" in an attempt to recreate the situation in which arrows were actually used for hunting and war. Cushing’s experiences made it possible to describe a general arrow-making process in detail. Observing other people and animals gave Cushing ideas as to how and why the arrow developed. He observed the acts of monkeys, "imbeciles," and young children to gain insight into early tool use by "awkward-handed, experienceless-minded beings." The author describes in detail what he believes is the basic chronology of arrow evolution based upon historical examples and his own experience. Cushing describes many types of arrows and their place in in his evolutionary scheme. Digging sticks, spears, harpoons, arrows, bows, and atlatls are some examples of arrow evolution. The Zuni, Australian, and Eskimo peoples are used as historic examples of arrow-users. Cushing leaves a partial analysis of the arrow "to be continued." CLARITY RANKING: 4
Ernst, A. In this article, the author points out to us that a Frenchman by the
name of Mr. F Montolieu published a manuscript of some of the vocabularies
of languages spoken on the The article is almost entirely comprised of these vocabulary lists. The Yavitero list is made up of words from L-Z, as Mr. Montolieu had previously published the vocabulary up to the letter H. Ernst points out that the system of arranging the vocabulary list was adopted from Monotlieu. He listed the words in Spanish and Yavitero, and as an addition, he included the English meanings and some of the scientific names of plants and animals. Then the Puinabo and Piaro vocabularies are listed in similar formats. He makes some brief comments concerning the pronunciation of the languages, as well as other authors who have published similar lists, and some of their opinions throughout the article. Though the article is fairly simple and direct, the author does seem
to take for granted that the reader should be previously familiar with
the languages of the CLARITY RANKING: 3
Ernst, A. This article is a survey of some of the languages native to the upper Ernst’s lists include the Spanish, English, and indigenous meanings
of words and phrases, organized alphabetically by the Spanish words.
Ernst provides the English scientific names of plants and animals, and
prioritizes the vocabulary words in terms of what would be "useful
for ethnographic classification." His only criticism towards Montolieu
was that he was not aware of how to organize his linguistic data around
what would be valuable for ethnographic research. Unlike the other languages,
the Piaroa seems unconnected with the other vocabularies. In this list,
the Spanish and English meanings are provided, as well as indigenous
vocabulary collected by two researchers in addition to Montolieu: Crevaux
and Chaffanjon. Ernst admits that these languages were still imperfectly
known in 1895, but does not explicitly say whether the aim of these reference
lists was to encourage more directed linguistic data collection on CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter. A Comparison of Sia and Tusayan Snake Ceremonials. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol. 8:118-141. J. Walter Fewkes compares the Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonials through a systematic comparison of ethnographic and linguistic data gathered by himself and another ethnographer, Matilda Coxe Stevenson. Through such a comparison, Fewkes hopes to show conclusively that "...other things being equal, from geographical position we should expect the Sia ritual to be more profoundly changed by Christian influences than the pueblos of Tusayan, and that the performances of the Sia snake dance would be more modified than in the isolated province of the Hopi." From the beginning of white contact in the region, Christian influence
has slowly crept in to the worldview and religious practices of the Other Fewkes' analysis relies heavily on a linguistic comparison of the terms
used in the snake ceremonials of both the Sia and Tusayan peoples. Fewkes
examines the shared religious terminology between the two groups, among
which include terms for Earth Gods and Goddesses, Sky Gods, Kopishtaia (Elemental
Gods such as rain or thunder), Cult heroes, and World Quarter (directional)
Gods. These similarities, according to the author, mean contact between
the An understanding of Native Southwestern history, and of basic linguistic terms, is helpful in reading this article. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, Walter J. A Comparison of Sia and Tusayan Snake Ceremonials. American Anthropologist April, 1895 Vol.8:118-141. After conducting his own research concerning the mythology and ritual of the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest United States, J. Walter Fewkes moved on to a comparative analysis of Pueblo ceremony in this article on Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonials. Fewkes does not base this comparison on his own field research on Sia ritual. Instead, hee uses Matilda Coxe Stevenson’s ethnological work, “The Sia” as a reference against his own work and familiarity with Tusayan culture. While Fewkes criticizes Stevenson’s lack of detail throughout his comparison, he uses her data to demonstrate the similarity between Sia and Tusayan mythologies. Even though the Sia and Tusayan are “generally ascribed to two different linguistic stocks (118)” their gods and spirits have similar powers, spheres of influence, and mythologies. Furthermore, Fewkes demonstrates that in both Sia and Tusayan culture, gods and spirits are categorized and worshipped on different levels, and that both mythologies begin with an already created earth. After thus establishing the ideological similarities between the Sia and Tusayans, Fewkes moves on to discuss the physical similarities and differences of the snake ceremonials. Fewkes begins by launching into a detailed account of the different aesthetic qualities concerning the tiponi altars that serve as the main focus of the festivities for both the Sia and Tusayans. Then conversely he notes the familiarity of the sacred liquid, paho (prayer stick), sacred dancing, and the importance of the snake hunt to both the Sia and Tusayan. Throughout the article, Fewkes continually questions
the context of Stevenson’s information, while also condemning
her lack of attention to detail. He suggests that a more detailed and
scientific ethnology
would provide more insight into the similarities and more importantly,
the differences between Sia and Tusayan ceremonials. Nonetheless, Fewkes
acknowledges the data collected by Stevenson is important and commendable
because it provided at least some basis for comparison of CLARITY RANKING: 3 ALANA STEPHANSEN
Fewkes, J. Walter. The God "D" in the Codex Cortesianus. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:205-222. Walter J. Fewkes argues that gods B, G, and especially god D depicted in Mayan codices are deities related to the sun, not lunar deities as proposed by Dr. Schellhas. Fewkes describes the commonalities and differences between the gods depicted and the interpretations postulated by academics as to their classification. Identifying god D as being Itzamna, Kukulcan, or a Moon god was in favor at the time the author wrote the article. Fewkes uses features common to the figures of god D in the Codex Cortesianus
to form the basis for his argument. Characteristics such as toothless
upper jaws, headresses, and torches are listed but the association of
certain symbols with the figures is emphasized. The Fewkes uses the research and opinions of other people to both support his position and offer possible alternatives. He uses Schellhas’s own data to argue the solar aspect of god D and refute the claim that he represented a Moon god. The author considers the interpretation of akbal as " a significant factor in the identification of D." E. Selers interpreted the symbol as meaning the night, Fewkes suggests that it represents the sun in the underworld when associated with the figure or symbol of god D. The symbol ahau is interpreted by Selers as being an important association with the gods of light and life, not lunar or hostile deities "which are often sinister and dark in nature." Selers believes that god D represents Itzamna, a solar deity, and the author tends to agree. D. G. Brinton believes that god D was Kukulcan based upon some rather inconclusive or incomplete evidence. Fewkes comes to the conclusion that whether gods B, D, or G are Kulkulcan, Itzamna, or some other being, they are solar deities. He believes that the exact identity of the figures is not proven but that the recognition of them as solar deities "is a step forward in the interpretation of the pictorial elements of the codices." The article contains many quotes in different languages that are not translated into English. CLARITY RANKING: 2 MARK DONOP University of Florida (John Moore)
Fletcher, Robert. Colonel Garrick Mallery, In his obituary of Colonel Garrick Mallery, Robert Fletcher gives the reader a short and concise summary of his life and work. The reader is given a positive and extremely complementary view of Mallery. Fletcher informs us of the many accomplishments of Colonel Garrick Mallery, and more importantly his contributions to the field of anthropology. The author begins the article with a brief outline of Mallery’s early life starting with his family background. He then moves his focus to Mallery’s scholarly and military achievements. Fletcher goes into some detail about the many military adventures of Colonel Mallery, but concentrates mainly on his anthropological work. Fletcher then begins to explain the origin of Mallery’s work in anthropology. After his service in the military, Mallery had taken an interest in the culture of Indian tribes with whom he had come into contact with through his previous experiences. The reader learns of the extensive and precise studies Mallery conducted which later led to his anthropological publications. Fletcher specifically point outs one important publication of Mallery’s: "Picture-writing of the American Indians," an 822 page book with 1,290 illustrations. By mentioning this, Fletcher demonstrates to the reader Mallery’s level of commitment, skill and dedication to his work in anthropology. Not only was Colonel Garrick Mallery an accomplished writer in anthropology but he also was one of the founders of the Anthropological Society of Washington as well as its president for a number of years. Robert Fletcher gives enough information to convey to the reader the importance of Mallery’s connections to anthropology as well as his aid in the developments of this field. It is easy to tell from reading this article that Fletcher was a great admirer of Colonel Garrick Mallery and would like to see his contributions to the discipline of anthropology more widely praised and recognized. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fletcher, Robert. Colonel Garrick Mallery, One of American anthropology’s earliest practitioners
is honored in this obituary. Colonel Mallery, a graduate of With the outbreak of the American Civil War, Mallery joined the army, where he remained until his retirement in 1879. It was this experience that drew him to the profession of anthropology. Being stationed at frontier posts introduced him to the cultures of American Indians. Colonel Mallery was especially fascinated by their "sign language" and "pictographs," and he compiled exhaustive data for the Bureau of Ethnology. His Picture-Writing of the American Indians (1894) included over 800 pages of text and 1,290 illustrations. He was characterized as an accomplished scholar and linguist, and was known for "graceful writing" and his attention to style in composition. He helped found the Anthropological Society of Washington, and was a member and president of the Philosophical Society. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hager, Stansbury. Micmac Customs and Traditions. American Anthropologist January 1895 Vol. 8 (4):31-42. In this descriptive and comparative article Stansbury Hager focussed on Micmac myths, dances, games, and territorial signals. His intentions were to preserve the customs that he saw disappearing, and to draw parallels between the Micmac stories and those that he had heard about in other parts of the world. Hager described five examples, beginning with a "system of communicating while in the woods." This was a way for Micmac to signify to others their territorial boundaries or routes. By using sticks and hidden picture-writings, they were able to show others the direction in which they travelled. This would indicate to others not to travel in that same direction. Hager then provided precise details about a dice game called Woltestomkwon. This complex game uses a wooden bowl (woltes), dice and various sized sticks. Hager concludes that the scoring in this game, which relies heavily on odd numbers, is connected to the calendar. He notes a similar numbering system among the Maya. Another game that he learned is tooadijik, or football. He explains how two teams oppose each other on a field to score by kicking the ball between two goal posts. It is here that he comments that in ancient times players used to catch opponents by the neck and scalp them. However, he does not tell the reader who he acquired this information from. Hager also describes the choogichoo yajik, otherwise known as
the serpent dance. This dance seemed to puzzle him, as he questioned
local authorities who told him that rattlesnakes were not native to Finally, Hager discusses two stories. One (accredited to Abram Glode), is the story of a man who falls in love with a woman he must capture for his wife. Hager compared the story to that of the Chippewa, who have a similar legend. In the case of the Micmac, the woman lives in the water, whereas with the Chippewa, she lives in the sky. The second story is about a culloo or "winged monster." It is a story of a man who is captured and taken to the nest of the monster. In order to escape, he steals the wings of the monster’s child, and flies home. Hager he compares this story to one he heard about the Illini myth of the Piasa. Hager’s sources included two Micmac men, Abram and Newell Glode, and the work of a Dr. Rand and a Mr. Leland. However, Hager did not always specify who gave him what knowledge. In addition to providing evidence in support of the diffusion of traditions, Hager concluded that the myths of the Micmac were slowly disappearing, and that fewer and fewer people were retaining the traditional knowledge. As such, it was his purpose to have a recording of the stories in order that they could be preserved. CLARITY RATING: 3
Hager, Stansbury. Micmac Customs and Traditions. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8 (1):31-42. This is an ethnography describing a few of the traditional customs and
folklore of the Micmac Indians in He explains in great detail the rules, materials, and the goal of a Micmac dice game called wolteslomkwon. In this game, sticks are supposed to represent a number of points, but not in the sense that one stick equals one point. Three, plain sticks equal one point, and a notched stick equals five points, for example. Stansbury points out that what may seem "extremely clumsy" from our point of view is actually a system embedded in "mystic or allegorical motive." In this case, there is an emphasis on odd numbers and their combinations, which are believed to be lucky. Furthermore, two of the even numbers that appear in this game (52 and 32) are significant in the calendars of Central American Indians, the Maya in particular. Stansbury follows this example with a description of the serpent dance
(choogichoo yajik), that signifies the coiling and uncoiling of
the rattlesnake. This is an interesting phenomenon given that rattlesnakes
are not believed to have existed in this geographical area. It is important
to note that the serpent is prominent in many mysteries of the " CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hodge, Frederick Webb. The Early Navajo and Apache. American Anthropologist July, 1895. Vol.8(14):223-240. Frederick Webb Hodge critically examines the historical events of the early Navajo and Apache Indians, as interpreted by Western and European peoples. Hodge uses Indian tradition and knowledge to disprove any pre-conceived notions held by Western and European peoples. He corrects many false assumptions regarding historical events, dates and views of the Navajo and Apache peoples. Hodge is able to correct the reader’s historical understanding of the early Navajo and Apache, while at the same time, demonstrating the importance of Indian tradition and their own method of historical chronology. More specifically, Hodge criticizes the Western and European ways of interpreting and recording historical data, and implies a greater need for our society to value, utilize, and perhaps model ourselves after the Indian tradition and methods of historical reconstruction. Hodge begins his examination by establishing the origin of the Navajo
peoples, identifying which groups of people joined the Navajo to create
additional clans, and establishing without a doubt, the fact that the
appearance of the Navajo ancestors did not occur any earlier that 1485.
He continues to analyze the abandonment of the Marata and the adoption
of its people, giving support to the time frame in which the Navajo acquired
the first flocks and herds, an event that changed the Navajo way of life.
The period in which the Navajo was made up of nineteen clans and the
drastic change it had on the institutions and industries of the Navajo
is also explored. Studies of the southwestern Athapascan peoples and
their history help Hodge confirm that the Apache were already stationed
in the southwest before the arrival of the Navajo. He addresses the abuse
that the Furthermore, Hodge uses the early writings of the Piman tribes to establish the fact that the western pueblos defensive structures were the result of "intertribal broils"(p. 239), not predatory enemies. Hodge acquires support for his statements through Indian traditions and legends, covering a time period that begins with the first two ancestors of the Navajo and continues through to the late seventeenth century. Among the examination of historical events, Hodge clarifies the relations between the Navajo and the Apache people, establishing the fact that the "Navajo cannot be regarded as an offshoot of the Apache, as previously supposed"(p. 239). The examination and evidence supplied by Hodge convinces the reader of the validity of Indian tradition and legends, while at the same time forcing the reader to question the interpretation of previous historians. Hodge not only emphasizes the importance and value of the Indian tradition, but also undermines previous methods of interpretation and classification of historical events. The reader is forced to re-evaluate their own understanding of historical events, how the data has been interpreted and question whether or not their own knowledge of history is valid. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, Frederick Webb. The Early Navajo and Apache. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:223-240. Frederick Webb Hodge uses historical accounts to verify the creation tradition and chronology of the Navajo people, as interpreted by Dr. Washington Mathews, and presents the argument that the genesis of the tribe is a more recent event than previously believed. The author challenges the idea that the Navajo were formed 500-700 years ago by comparing Navajo and Spanish accounts. Hodge analyzes the Navajo creation tradition with an emphasis placed upon clan chronology and important events that can be compared with historical accounts. Navajo tradition marks the addition of different clans, of which there were nineteen, by their distance in years from creation. This clan chronology can be used to help order the development of the Navajo if a start date can be determined. Hodge uses a Navajo reference to a raid on a Mexican settlement near Socorro by an adopted Ute band, an event fixed at 1650 by the Spanish, and the mention of an old, feeble chief named Big Knee from the Cqa’paha’-cine people as evidence for a more recent date for Navajo creation. The date the Ute band was incorporated was not recorded by the Navajo, but it is known that the Cqa’paha’-cine people were included 76 years after creation. Hodge uses Navajo tradition to estimate the age of Big Knee at the time of the Socorro raid at about 120 years old, estimates his age to have been about thirty when his people were incorporated by the Navajo, and arrives at the conclusion that the Navajo people were formed about 1485. With a start date established, the author uses the clan chronology and events as points from which to compare with historical Spanish accounts. Spanish accounts are used by Hodge to substantiate Navajo
tradition and support his belief that the genesis of the Navajo tribe
was more
recent than previously believed. Spanish accounts, such as the introduction
of sheep and cattle in 1540, substantiate Hodge’s chronology while others,
seem to contradict it. The first Apache bands were incorporated around
1560, according to Navajo belief and the start date proposed by Hodge.
The author argues that Spanish descriptions of Apache in southern Hodge concludes with the summary of fourteen key points presented in the article. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Hodge, F. W. The First Discovered City
of In 1538, a Franciscan friar named Marcos de Niza was ordered by the
viceroy of New Spain to set out from Hodge proposed that Niza was accompanied by a Negro Mexican
named Estevan, and several Pima who were his companions. Estevan and
his group were
sent in advance and as Niza followed, his group encountered a terrified
Piman coming from the north, ranting about the Cibolans killing the "Negro
Mexican". Nevertheless, Niza was determined to obey his orders in
seeing a Cibolan city for himself. He was escorted to the heights, glanced
at the city, erected a wooden cross to claim the land, and retreated
immediately back to Adolf F. Bandelier had concluded that the city initially
seen was K’iakima,
because the Zuni of the region had long told the story of the "Black
Mexican" being killed by the Cibolans in the city of Hodge did not accept Bandelier’s argument, he denied the reliability
of the Zuni tradition, and concluded Niza’s accounts were nothing but
hearsay. He sided with the historical and geographical proof provided
by Mindeleff, and concluded that Hawikuh, and not K’iakima, was indeed
the first identified city of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Hodge, F. W. The First Discovered City
of F. W. Hodge attempts to identify which of the "Seven Cities of
Cibola" of present-day Hodge describes Bandelier’s belief as based upon native Piman and Zuni tradition, a source the author believes is unreliable, and the description of the village from a distance by friar Niza. Hodge argues that the Spanish account is valid and reliable but it has been misinterpreted by Bandelier and that archaeological evidence should be used instead of native accounts. Archaeological and geographical evidence is cited by
the author to support his argument that Hawikuh was the village where
Estevan was killed. Hodge
states that the natural approach to the Zuni region was from the southwest
through several valleys, a route described by Niza. This route led directly
to Hawikuh, not K’iakima, the author argues. The ruin of Hawikuh was
surveyed by Cosmos Mindeleff and described as having occupied a slope
on a rounded hill on a plain, a similar description was given by Niza.
K’iakima was not on a plain and it could not have been observed from
the south because of an interposing mountain. Niza’s description of the
multi- storied houses of Hodge makes it clear that he considers native accounts totally unreliable.
Piman and Zuni traditions seem to contradict one another and include
fanciful details. Zuni accounts include only Spanish names for villages
that seems to indicate that their tradition is based largely upon Spanish
accounts themselves. Writing from Hawikuh in 1540, CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mason, Otis Tufton. Similarities in Culture. American Anthropologist April 1895 Vol.8(2):101-117. Mason was President of the Anthropological Society of Washington, and this was the subject of his retiring address in February of 1895. He summarizes and evaluates some of the contemporary theories on similarities in culture, which he identifies as an "important question in ethnology." He surveys the theories, and urges his audience to subject the study of cultural similarities to a more rigorous, comparative scientific method. Presumably, the purpose of this address is to move the field into a more effective comparative methodology. He claims that before anthropologists can approach the study of similarities, they need to disentangle themselves from the confusion between "folk-lore and science, between truth and falsehood (115)." The three schools of thought Mason identifies on the theory of cultural similarities are the ethnographic, the accultural, and the anthropologic. The first theory attributes cultural similarities to common ancestors (by blood or national/cultural identity). The second argues that similarities arise from contact or common teachers. This theory includes the spread of "things and ideas" by commerce, "globe-tramping" by itinerants and peddlers, and migration by bands and/or colonies. The third explains similarities by humanity’s interaction with similar environmental stresses. Mason concludes from these theories that they are all true, depending on the category of the similarity in question. It is the scientist’s duty to organize his "specimens" (presumably cultural artifacts) into correct categories of similarities in order to arrive at the "true theory of their production (105)." He urges the ethnologist in particular to employ the method of the natural historian who examines the attributes, structures, and functions of organisms. In the same way, if ethnologists can identify likeness in structure and function of cultural similarities, they can more securely claim evidence of a common origin. Mason then explores the theory of independent origin of similarities, associated with the anthropologic school, a popular theory at the time of this address. The different components of this theory comprise the general premise that cultural similarities arise from a universal interaction of humankind with its natural environment. Proponents of this theory point to human anatomy, the domestication of animals, the use of plants, and the invention of tools, among other examples. Mason argues that the question of similarities in culture should not be one of origins, but of the "number, kinds, and degrees of similarities in the artificialities of life (113)." He re-emphasizes that the theories of the ethnographic, accultural, and anthropologic schools all contribute to the explanation of similarities, but that it depends on the geographic and historical development of a cultural artifact. Mason concludes by cautioning against the premature conclusions drawn by superficial impressions of similarities with no comparative method of structure and function. He accuses ethnologists and philologists in particular of this muddled reasoning. He does conclude that similarities arise from common natural stresses, acculturation, and kinship/race/nationality. Mason’s larger purpose is to open the field to more careful "scrutiny," and advise anthropologists to not draw any conclusions not based in a scientific procedure similar to that of natural history. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mathews, R. H. Australian Rock Pictures. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8:268-277. R. H. Mathews, in "Australian Rock Pictures," offers a detailed description of Aboriginal paintings and carvings recorded by the author in three Australian caves. All three caves contain similar images, in painted or carved form, including depictions of men, women, land animals, birds, fish, the sun and moon, imaginary creatures possibly related to tribal legend, and implements of daily use (such as baskets). Mathews explains that the most common color used in the paintings is black, though red, yellow, and white are also occasionally used. The paintings are executed on the roofs or walls of caves in various colors, while the carvings are often done in the nature of "outline engraving or carvings cut or ground into the surface of the rock." The article is purely descriptive in nature and offers no analysis or commentary on Native technique or symbolism behind the paintings and carvings. For this information, the reader is referred to an article previously written by Mathews and published in the Journal of the Royal Society of New South Wales, Volume XXVIII. CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGee, Pierce, Hodge, Hewitt and Ward. American Anthropologists 1895 Vol. 12(8): 175-184. The five authors listed above contributed obituaries of men who were esteemed by many anthropologists at the time of writing. The men listed were Robert H. Lamborn, Franklin Austin Seely, Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, Charles Candee Baldwin, James Owen Dorsey and William Bower Taylor. The authors detail accomplishments and life experiences of these men, including their valued contributions to the American Anthropologist Society The anthropologists profiled began by donating a sum of money to a contest, the winner of which would receive the "Distinguished Board of Commissioners Award". The challenge, which is recorded in the Journal of American Anthropologists on April 1893 (Volume vi, Page 223), was to write an essay on who was "the most useful citizen, regardless of occupation". The founders of the contest were never revealed before these five obituaries where written. It was interesting to read that all these men were successful in their careers and were well known in the anthropological society. They all made vital contributions through writing books and reporting personal field experiences within many different cultures. None of the men stayed with only one occupation, they frequently changed careers and moved on to other aspirations. The men appeared to be very successful within each of their occupations and with the contributions they made to the anthropology society. This article was fairly easy to understand. It was clear on its intentions and explanations. CLARITY: 4 DEANNA L’ABBE
Mcgee, W. J., et al. Obituaries. American Anthropologist. April, 1895 Vol. 8:175-184. Robert Lamborn was born at Franklin Seely was born at Joaquin Icazbalceta was born at Charles Baldwin was born at James Dorsey was born at William Taylor was born at CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGee, W. J. Obituary: James Constantine Pilling. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8(1): 407-409. This concise article is the obituary of James Constantine Pilling, who
was born in 1846 in In the early part of his career as a bibliographer, Pilling came in contact with Major J.W. Powell, who strongly influenced Pilling’s interest in linguistics and Native Americans. Powell quickly became an important advisor and friend to Pilling. W.J. McGee’s obituary lists many of Pilling’s important bibliographic works. McGee notes that Pilling’s most significant works are bibliographies of the Wakashan, Salishan, Chinookan, Algonquian, Muskhogean, Siouan, and Eskimo languages. McGee goes into great detail of the length, date of publication, and format of these bibliographies. However, McGee does not provide any particulars regarding the subject matter of these bibliographies. McGee’s obituary is not completely of an informative format, and does include some of the author’s opinions. McGee describes Pilling’s work as being influential and important, stating that Pilling’s bibliographies are known all over the world of anthropology. The major drawback of this article is that it does not mention how Pilling influenced the field of anthropology. This article is succinct and easy to read, but includes a very extensive and sophisticated vocabulary. It provides a very abridged view of James Pilling and his work. At his death on July 26, 1895 of locomotor ataxia, a disease associated with the sexually transmitted disease syphilis, James Pilling was survived by a consort and a young daughter. CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGee, W. J. Obituary: James Constantine Pilling. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8:407-409. James Constantine Pilling died on July 26, 1895, of locomotor ataxia, at the young age of 48. Mr. Pilling was a most prolific scholar. As a young man, Mr. Pilling worked with, and was greatly influenced by J.W. Powell. It was through this association that Pilling became intensely interested in Indians and linguistics. During his tragically short career, Pilling authored nine volumes on the languages of various North American Indians that included, among others, the Chinook, Wakashan, Muskhogean, and Eskimo languages. These works culminated in 1885 with the publication of a bibliography of languages of the North American Indians, a volume of nearly 1,200 pages. For several years Mr. Pillings was also chief clerk of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and also of the United States Geological Survey. He performed both his academic and administrative duties with a high degree of skill and accuracy and, according to McGee, "No class of scientific publications of the Government has been received with greater favor by scholars; wherever anthropology is cultivated throughout the world, there Pilling's bibliographies are known." CLARITY RANKING: 5
McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Agriculture. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol. 8 (21): 350-375 In this article, McGee addresses the influence that a difficult desert environment can exert on people. Through a detailed physical and archeological examination of the region and its human inhabitants, McGee also reaches the conclusion that the arid desert is where agriculture first began. The author begins to build his argument by describing
the desert region known as "Papagueria", a Spanish term for the "land of
the Papago Indians". This region is located in southwestern The animal life and its adaptations to the land are then described. The animals of the region have varying features and adoptive qualities, ranging from protective coloring and swiftness to venomous capabilities. In response to the region’s difficult conditions, both plant and animal life interact symbiotically in order to insure their survival. By giving so much detail on these practices, it supports the argument of how people have had to adapt to an area where even wildlife has developed forms of social organization to survive. Like the flora and fauna, the Papago people had also adapted to the region. Their ways of life at the articles time of publication is then described. They can go for days without water, eat sparingly, and are very strong, fast, and have great longetivity. McGee also describes the "primitive" way of life that the Papago had before being colonized. They hunted and gathered in season, had an extensive knowledge of where all water sources were, and planted crops in time for the rainy season. However, the author also argues that they had not made a complete adaptation, offering the fact that the Papago have never controlled their water supply, but that they have only harvested it. Through the exquisite detail and observation of all aspects of the region, the effects that a desert environment can exert on both humans and wildlife is understood. In addition, McGee presents evidence that a region like Papagueria was the birthplace of agriculture in the area. By comparing archeological finds with the homes of the then current Papago population, he proves that an earlier culture was in the area before the Papago. They were an agricultural people, who had many more settlements than the Papago, and also had extensive systems of aquaducts, which neither the Papago nor the Mexicans had. Through both ethnographic and archeological evidence, he effectively argues for his claim that Papagueria was the birthplace of agriculture in the area. Through these extensive and detailed observations, McGee successfully shows not only how life had adapted to the difficult desert conditions, but also how agriculture had first developed, in an easy to understand essay. CLARITY RANKING: 4
McGee, W. J. The Beginning of Agriculture. American Anthropologist October, 1895 Vol.8 (4): 350-375. In a highly detailed and poetic style McGee describes
the harsh desert environment of the "Papagueria" region in
the American Southwest, or present-day McGee surveys the plant and animal life in taxonomic detail and in terms of their characteristics, and builds an argument for a "cooperation" of life as a survival strategy, concluding that biological and social organization can be explained in terms of environmental adaptation. His analysis is not a simple application of the theory of natural selection, however. He distinguishes between physical modifications driven by the environment, and "collective" modifications that "mold" the environment. McGee identifies three stages of cooperation. Communality characterizes those organisms in a symbiotic relationship with no individual modification. Commensality is the stage in which "individualities blend," such as the biological relationship between the yucca and yucca moth. Agriculture is the final stage: the "voluntary inclusion or exclusion of organisms for the common welfare of the solidarity (375)." That is, organisms can exert control over the environment. For this stage, McGee draws an illuminating parallel between ant farms of the desert and human agriculture. The Papago Indians are not agriculturalists, but the prehistoric remains of complex irrigation systems in the region suggest that their ancestors were. McGee organizes his article in such a way as to lead the reader from the simple to the complex forms of life in the desert in painstaking detail, articulating their relationship to the origin of agriculture at the very end. He starts out with a geographical description, highlighting the lack of water as an important condition. He follows with a discussion on plant life, focusing on the absence/presence of foliage, thorns, colors, etc., as organic adaptive strategies. The animals are not subject to the same degree of physical modification, but still exhibit adaptive characteristics (e.g., "protective coloring" and "fleetness"). McGee links the plant and animal characteristics in terms of communal or commensal cooperation. On his discussion of human life, he identifies certain adaptive characteristics of the Papago, strength and fleetness, for example. Yet he moves this section onto a larger scale of generalization, inserting mankind into this cooperation of life. Mankind is initially a consumer and distributor of the literal and metaphorical fruits of the environment, but evolves, via the "advance of culture," to dominate this environment in the form of agriculture. CLARITY RANKING: 5
McGee, W. J. Some Principles of Nomenclature. American Anthropologist July, 1895 Vol. 8: 279-286 The thesis of Mr. McGee's article "Some Principles of Nomenclature" is
that the evolution of proper names follows the same evolutionary path
as the development of language, signs, symbols, and writing. The process
has followed from proper names with a multiplicity of meaning toward
the simplicity of arbitrary characters expressing ideas only in combination.
Mr. McGee also states that the evolutionary trend of multiplicity-to-simplicity
(of names) is characteristic, especially, of the English language in The author categorizes proper names in to two types. The first type,
called connotative, is a "primitive class" and includes
those names with associated meanings. An example of a connotative place
name is Mr. McGee further explains that he places these two classes of proper names in a specific order of development. The connotative names are ancient while the denotative names are modern. This is because "...however strongly sentiment may cling to the complex connotive meaning, economy of energy leads gradually, through instinct rather than definite consciousness, to the simplification of the ideas, until finally it is intuitively stored, used, and conveyed in its most economic form." Economy in thought, according to McGee, leads to economy in the utterance and evolution of proper names. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Mindeleff, Cosmos. Cliff Ruins of Canyon Cosmos Mindeleff uses an archeological approach to examine several clusters of ruins located in Canyon De Chelly. More specifically, he seeks to examine the functions that the ruins once served. Earlier excavations of the canyon led to the hypothesis that the placement of the ruins directly correlated to defensive strategies. Mindeleff emphasizes location, specifically in relation to the canyon bottom, in order to divide the 140 sites found at the canyon into 4 categories or classes.
The first category includes those located in the upper part of the canyon, on the slopes and a great distance from the cliffs. All of these ruins were located close to streams without concern to the cultivatable land (located on the canyon bottom), and according to Mindeleff, did not appear as a defensive strategy. The second category or class is located on the bases of the cliffs or in coves with reference to the cliffs behind. Unlike the first category, these ruins were located a distance away from streams, covered a greater distance, longer period of tenancy, and always rested whole, or in part on the canyon bottom. Residing on the canyon bottom implies some sort of concern with the cultivatable land. The third class included ruins at a greater elevation then those of class one or two. The limited number of ruins found in this category were located in coves in the rock or at the top of a talus. These ruins could only be accessed over steep rock or narrow passes accentuating a defensive strategy due to the location. The fourth category of ruins served as cliff outlooks or farming shelters. These ruins, the most numerous, were placed with direct reference to the cultivatable land and suggested a longer period of occupancy. Mindeleff gives an enormous amount of detailed description throughout his article about the canyon: soils, cliffs, erosion, rivers and streams, and direction of water flow. However, he also described in detail, the important ruins belonging to each category such as measurements for walls, hearths and placement of ruins (relative to the canyon bottom) for most of the sites. Mindeleff accomplished his objective by taking the earlier hypothesis and applying location of the ruins to discount the claim that the purposes of all these ruins were for defensive strategies. Rather, he proposes that because of the locations of many of the ruins which had a longer occupancy, were more concerned with the agricultural aspects, while the ruins that were thought to hold a short occupancy were for defensive strategies. This article was fairly organized and easily understood. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Mindeleff, Cosmos. Cliff Ruins of Canyon Cosmos Mindeleff rejects previous categorizations of the Mindeleff classifies the ruins "in a general way" into four periods of occupancy. Old villages on open sites lacking defensive structures were found to be heavily eroded and difficult to access, but were considered the first period of occupancy. Home villages on bottom lands lacking defenses situated near cliff bases made up the second category. Mindeleff considered these ruins the most important and longest occupied settlements based upon their large size and the presence of multi-storied architecture. Architecture that combines aboriginal and non- aboriginal features suggests continuous occupancy starting before the sixteenth century continuing into the historical period. The third type of ruins are villages located for defense in locations difficult to access. Sheep dung located beneath masonry and the possible presence of a dome oven suggest occupation during the historic period. The last and most numerous type are cliff outlooks or farming shelters situated near cultivable land. Lack of kivas and appreciable living space suggests that the sites were temporary residencies for farmers or guards and not permanent refuges or an intermediate stage of habitation. Cliff ruins are mentioned as a subclass of habitation sites that exhibit features found in all four types. Mindeleff believes that they were the result of resource pressure resulting from limited arable land and population growth. He emphasizes the lack of defensive measures and fresh water sources and therefore the unlikelihood that the cliff dwellings were designed for defensive purposes. Mindeleff clarifies his belief that the poor conditions and cultural variability of the people who created the archaeological sites in Tsegi makes it impossible to make a complete and orderly chronology. He believes that the ruins are the "product of different tribes who at different times came under the influence of analogous causes". CLARITY RANKING: 3
Pilling, James C. The writings of Padre
Andres De Olmos in the languages of James Pilling’s article examines the remarkable grammar texts of Padre Andres De Olmos and their worth in grammar studies of his time. Much of Olmos’ life is represented in the article and seems to have had an effect on his writing of the grammar styles of the Mexican cultures. The notable interest of the article is that Olmos’ ability to decipher the languages of the country, particularly those of the Nahuatl, Totonaca, Huasteca, and Tepehuana; had, up until 1895, not been refuted. He wrote many manuscripts of the grammatical form of these languages and his most significant document, Arte Mexicana, had a profound effect on the instruction and education of the Nahuatl language, and many have "said that [it] opened and prepared the way for grammatical studies in the Nahuatl language"(44). Pilling focuses on the discussion between contemporary authorities regarding Olmos and his manuscripts on Mexican/Spanish grammar. Such authorities as Beristain, Icazbalceta, and Torquemada discuss the suspicion of whether Olmos’ work was actually printed in the year it cites. Doubt exists about the existing copies that remain in archives around the world. Many examples from the aforementioned copies are represented in the article, and there are variations between the copied texts, which lend proof to Pilling’s theory, among others, that they were never published. Another important point to note is that the contemporaries of these manuscripts, regardless of whether they were published or not, find them to be invaluable to the education and studies of Mexican grammar. This examination of Olmos’ manuscripts brings attention to the authenticity of duplicating the allegedly unpublished works, and yet still lends confidence to the importance of his pioneering efforts. This article will interest individuals who are fascinated with language and much of the process involved with verifying it, but for those who find the subject of language dull, this article can be difficult. With the many copies of Olmos’ work being represented, the examples from the copies are in different languages, such as French, Spanish, and Mexican, and may be difficult to follow if you are not familiar with the languages. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Pilling, James C. The Writings of Padre Andres de Olmos in the Languages of Mexico. American Anthropologist January, 1895 Vol. 8(1):43-60. Franciscan Padre Andres de Olmos was one of the earliest Spanish missionaries
in the Pilling describes the known manuscripts written by Olmos, their present locations, and their rudimentary publication histories. The printed works he knows of are: Arte Mexicana (1555?), Gramatica et Lexicon Mexicana (1560?), Grammaire Nahuatl (1875), and a later Arte Mexicana (1885). There is doubt as to whether the first two were actually published during the dates given, but there is no exploration in this article as to why. For each manuscript, Pilling summarizes the content information in the original Spanish or French, and notes the library in which it is located. He also mentions some Olmos works that linguistic historians know of, but not all of which exist in print. These include, among others: Vocabulario Mexicano, Vocabulario de la lengua Totonaco, Libro de los siete sermones (The Book of the Seven Sermons in Nahuatl), and Arte de la lengua guaxteca (The Huasteca Language). Pilling then describes in more detail the four known copies of the Arte
Mexicana at the time of this article’s writing. The oldest is the "Aubin
Copy," which belonged to Joseph Marius Alexis Aubin of CLARITY RANKING: 3
Porter, J. H. Caste in According to J.H. Porter, the caste system in Porter begins his article by describing the four classes within the caste system. He then states that the organization of the caste system allowed the priesthood to find ways to increase their power. One way that the priests did this was by changing scholastic systems, and adapting them to their own advantage. This strengthened the priesthood’s power and control over the Indian people. Porter also examines the long battle between the Priests and the soldiers, both fighting for precedence. This battle was lost in history and all we really know is that somehow the Brahmans won. Porter’s descriptions of historical examples aided in the understanding of the progression of events that shaped the caste system. J.H Porter provided detailed descriptions of the caste system in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Porter, J. H. Caste in Porter describes the Hindu caste system in In Porter’s outline, caste is comprised of four levels: Brahmanas (Priesthood), Kshtriyas (warriors), Vaisyas (herdsmen
and farmers), and Sudras (slaves). Drawing from religious records
and other unknown sources, he informs us that the priesthood derives
from ancient tribal organization in the CLARITY RANKING: 2
Powell, J. W. Stone Art in In "Stone Art in Throughout the nineteenth-century, so-called Paleolithic and Neolithic
manufacturing sites had been found across the eastern In light of these new considerations, Powell and his
associates reexamined all of the "proof" sites related to
Paleolithic and Neolithic man throughout the eastern and western |
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