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Blodgett, James H. The Rural School Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:71-77. In this article, James Blodgett describes several situations and problems
of The author argues that the conditions in which rural schools are situated vary from state to state and from county to county. He compares some of the rural situations and their school problems. Some of the examples are: the small number of pupils in New England’s schools due to demographic dispersion; high public expense for the transportation of pupils especially in some thinly populated counties of Florida and Maine; lack of professional and technical training for teachers; "absorption" of qualified professors to "strong" schools; and rural works that necessitate children as temporary labor force during special portions of the year. Blodgett concludes the article contending that to promote local interest in school education is of prime importance, since, without it, "external aid but hastens the dry rot of educational pauperism." CLARITY RANKING 3
Blodgett, James H. The Rural School Problem. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.6: 71-78. The main point discussed within this article is obviously the debate surrounding schooling. Throughout the article points are made in favor of children attending school and also points made for why children do not need to attend school at this time. Also, there is the debate going on between the cities and rural environments. This disagreement parallels the problems involved in the education system as well. To begin Blodgett gives the picture of city and country life. He describes the city as follows, he city overwhelms us by aggregation of force and massiveness of concentration; (Blodgett 71). To contradict his opinion on city life is his description of rural life, which is a place where a new born can be given hope. The picture that Blodgett paints is that all of the advancements that are occurring in the cities do not make people that much better. The country is better suited to raise a child and a family. Education is then tied in along with the country/city debate. This is
presented to the reader by the use of charts and many other statistics
that were not always easy to understand. Blodgett looks at states like To conclude, another thing that is unavoidable is the numbers involved with this debate. Sometimes cities do not have room for possible students as classes are too big and there are not enough teachers. On the other hand in a rural setting the problem is a lack of students and teachers along with less money than in cities. The best possible solution would be to have a blend between the city and country lifestyle and education system. CLARITY RANKING: 3 .gif){kind=small} Boas, Franz. Notes on the Chinook Language. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 55-63. This article is intended as a primer for the Chinook
language. It specifically addresses the grammar rules of the "Lower
Chinook, spoken on The rest of the article describes how the language functions by contrasting it with English. The author shows how possessive adjectives require a circular sentence, so "I am sick" is stated as "My sickness is on me." Also, many objects are named by the sound they make - leading to many onomatopoeic terms. These terms require no inflection, rather they are repeated. Thus, the term "to laugh" is expressed as "hë’hë." And the author demonstrates that the singular/plural gender complexities that exist in Latin, also occur in Chinook. Perhaps most importantly to a non-native speaker, the author clearly describes how nouns and verbs operate in this language. Frequently the verb will communicate an entire English sentence: the root verb "-ukL" is conjugated to "ayä’mtukL" to connote the sentence, "I carry you two." By the end of the article, one who has an understanding of English grammar rules should have a rudimentary understanding of the Chinook language. This article stresses linguistic terms, and one should be familiar with these terms to fully comprehend the article. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Boaz, Franz Notes on the Chinook Language American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.VI: 55-64 In this article, Franz Boaz is addressing the issue of Chinook language. Boaz is more specifically looking at the basic form of the language, such as gender, verbs, and phonetics. There is no specific argument to the article, but rather it is meant for the reader to learn a little about the Chinook language. Boaz tries to put the Chinook language into context with other Native American languages, so as a reader with background in other languages can ascertain some context without knowing the Chinook language specifically. Boaz starts his article with a basic overview of the phonetics and dialects of the Chinook. This is done by listing words and giving a sound in the English or German language to which the sounds in the word might resemble. Also, there is given an explanation of sounds that an English speaker would not be able to perform, such as the guttural and palletized sounds. Boaz also explains nouns and noun formation with verbs. An integral part of this explanation is the gender of the nouns. There are three genders: male, female and neuter. The gender of the noun is dependent on the size of the object, going from large being male or female to small objects being neuter. Boaz also explains the use of verbs in the language. The language and the use of verbs are much different than an English speaker would expect and does require some explanation. Boaz only explains the use of three different types of verbs but it does give a literally translation so the reader can follow how a sentence would be formed. Although this is a short article, it is a rather dense article. Boaz gives many examples and covers many different concepts. It is only notes on the language but the article does give a good overview of the language. The article, however, gives no cultural context to the language or any in depth comparison to other Native American tribes. The cultural context, in this article, is not as important as the linguistically knowledge that can be gained about the Chinook language. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Bourke, John G. Primitive Distillation among the Tarascoes. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:65-69. In this short article, John Bourke describes the mechanism
of a mescal distilling apparatus in a Tarascan (Purépecha) tribe area (Pátzcuaro), He also points out that this form of mescal distillation is seen in
all parts of CLARITY RANKING: 4
Bourke, John G. Primitive Distillation Among the Tarascoes. American Anthropologist January, 1893. Vol. VI.:65-69. The overall concern that this article addresses is the lack of attention early Spanish writers paid to some areas of native Mexican culture. More importantly this article deals with the issue of whether or not certain aspects of Mexican culture found in the 1890 that were not mentioned by early Spanish writers, were native or introduced by the Spanish. The author believes that just because some areas of Mexican culture were not noted by early Spanish writers as having been indigenous, does not necessarily mean that those areas were introduced by the Spanish. The article basic argument is that the technique of distilling liquor could have been indigenous to Mexicans before the Spanish arrived. The author argues that all of the parts of the Tarascoe still he saw used in the distillation process could have been made by Mexicans before the Spanish arrived. He does not however, answer the question of whether or not the process of distilling liquor was known to Mexicans before the Spanish arrived. The evidence that the author uses are the various parts of the still he saw used by the Tarascoes. These parts included wooden hoops, bowl, ladle, tube, spoon, a wooden barrel, and an earthen bowl. The author then uses this evidence by first describing how the various parts were used in the distillation process, and then noting that with the exception of a few post-contact decorations, all of the parts of the still appeared indigenous. This article was very easy to read. It began almost as a journal entry
with the author describing his trip across CLARITY RANKING: 5 Chamberlain, A. F. Further Notes on Indian Child-Language. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:321-322. This Chamberlain short article is a few additional notes to his previous paper "Notes on Indian Child-Language" (American Anthropologist, III, 237-341). In this article, the author aggregates the following child-words (words especially used in baby talk) to the previous paper: Ba, Op, Bobo, Ioio, Kaka or kakash, and E or Enh. Also, Chamberlain contrasts some child-words with their equivalents in adults’ words (words generally used in the speech of adults) from some Amerindian languages (Haida, Bakairi, Kootenays, and Nakairié). He does this to illustrate what sorts of child-words exist and how they are different from their equivalent adult’s words. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Chamberlain, A. F. Further Notes on Indian Child- Language. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI: 321-322 This article is an addendum to another article published by A.F. Chamberlain in 1890. The first article, entitled Notes on Indian Child- Language obviously had either concepts left out or had words left out. In any event, this two page summary has no argument in which it is trying to prove. Rather it gives words or phrases and then translates them into English. These words are of the children of the Iroquois. It is impossible to know what age range is defined as children but the educated guess would rather young as the words are rather elementary. The words that are defined are for things such as pain and family members. There are other words defined in the article but they are translated from the Iroquois language into French, making it very hard to understand what their meaning could possibly be. This article is not meant to be read to gain any specific knowledge but rather to learn a little more about the language of the Iroquois. The notes are constructed by complying a list of words. There is some commentary on the words, but it is rather useless commentary unless one has previous knowledge of the first article. There is no mention of why these words were added and if they are proving a specific point. If they are trying to prove an argument, one could not tell by the way that they are presented. The article is not difficult to read, when it is in English but there really is no point to the article. However, to get the full meaning out of the article one must have knowledge of the French language, as some words are in French. CLARITY RANKING: 1 Dutcher, B. H. PiZon Gathering Among The Panamint Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 377-380. The purpose of this essay is to give a brief sketch of
how Panamint women collect piZon nuts. B. H. Dutcher begins by describing
that during "a
trip into He first describes the basic shelter the Panamints built next to the piZon trees. For a group of approximately 20 people, "some five or six" rough lean-to shelters were constructed. At daybreak, the group roused and warmed themselves by converging around a communal fire. Apparently only the women are expected to gather the piZon nuts, as Dutcher remarks that the men are "disinterest spectators...[who] took no part in the industry." The remainder of the essay concentrates on the collection and processing of the piZon nuts. Dutcher illustrates how the women hit the trees and gathered the pine cones as they fell to the ground. After filling all of their baskets, the women use smoke to dry out the nuts, causing them to crack open. Once the cones are broken open, the nuts must then be separated from the kernels and random debris. This is accomplished by "tossing the nuts up and down, [to] let the wind fan out the lighter leaves and dirt." The entire process appears to take roughly one day and provided "about one or two bushels" of processed piZon nuts. However, Dutcher does not comment on how the nuts are distributed. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Dutcher, B.H. PiZon Gathering Among the Panamint Indians. American Anthropologist October, 1893 Vol.VI(1):377-380. Dutcher article is a journal-style short synopsis of his one day experience with Panamint Indians. Dutcher writing yields no argument, but is merely an informative account of his experience with pi n gathering and processing among the Panamint Indians. In the 1891 expedition of Dutcher begins with the locality and characteristics of the camp. The Panamint camp, he describes, was a temporary camp stablished only for shelter while the nutting was in progress (377). Located in a grove of pi n trees were five or six huts constructed with pi n branches that Dutcher refers to as orrals Eight to ten feet in diameter, these were used primarily for sleeping, privacy, and fire for cooking and warming. The Panamint were apparently in contact with settlers in 1891 due to Dutcher account of their food supply consisting of tea, sugar, flour, salt and refuse from the Keeler slaughter-pen. Their clothing according to Dutcher was also of settler influence. heir clothing, with the exception of hats and moccasins, was of civilized manufacture, consisting exclusively of sacks and skirts of greasy muslin or calico (378). Dutcher says the gathering and processing of pi n nuts, or utting is done exclusively by women. He portrays the process as beginning after a eager breakfast while the men continue to sleep, smoke tobacco and play cards. Women used large conical baskets and beating sticks to retrieve cones from the pi n trees in the vicinity of the camp. Dutcher gives a detailed account of the manufacture of the wicker baskets and the beating sticks. The women would gather the cones until their basket was full, return to camp to dump the contents, and then return to gathering as was necessary. Dutcher describes pi n cones as small with thick scales and very tough to crack open. Therefore, the Panamint devised the drying treatment in order to reach the nuts inside the cones. The drying treatment as begins with a dense pile of brush, six to eight feet long that they burn slowly with the cones atop and mingled within the heap. The density of the brush prevents rapid combustion. They allow the cones to roast in the burning heap until they crack open to a 45-50 degree angle. Dutcher then describes the processing of the nuts done by the women with two stones that he calls a hammer and an anvil. These groundstone tools are now called a mano and a metate. Dutcher ends his article with a statement about the Panamint storing and marketing pine nuts in gunny-sacks. He notes that their collection of nuts seemed plentiful to him. CLARITY RANKING: 5 Fewkes, Walter J. A Central American Ceremony which suggests the Snake Dance of the Tusayan Villages. American Anthropologist Vol. 6:285-307. In this article, Fewkes is attempting to correlate a relationship between
the ceremonial dances of the Tusayan villages (Hopi) and the ceremonial
dances of the Central American groups, particularly the Native Indian
populations of The dance, known as the Festival of the unsalted, unspiced Water Pancakes, has many similarities. Both dances occur every eight years and usually in the month of October. The Mexican populations call the ceremony Atamalqualizthi and the Tusayan call it All Katcina, which both translate into, "all gods dance". The ceremony’s purpose is to fast and when done consume plain water pancakes without chili spice, lime, or peppers, so as to give edibles a break from human touch. Masked figures are used in both ceremonies, noting that the lips, teeth, eyes and the tuft of feathers on the masks are quite similar. Even though these similarities exist, Fewkes does not have overwhelming evidence that proves these populations interacted some time in the past, which if true, could quite possibly have been the cause for such distinct parallels between both ceremonial dances. An intriguing topic with consistent similarities, Fewkes assertions may be quite right. He has good evidence that this might be true, but more work remains ethnographically and archaeologically in his mind. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. A Central American Ceremony Which Suggests The Snake Dance Of The Tusayan Villagers. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol. 6: 285-307. This article focuses on the Snake Dance of the Hopi (Moki) People from What was learned from the natives of As the ceremony takes place the dancing and music occur and the men swallow live snakes and frogs. They take them with their mouths and not their hands. Then baskets of tamales are passed around and all the women cry and say before the next time the ceremony occurs the women will all be dead. The following day a ceremony called Molpalulo, is observed which means hey eat other things with bread, (Fewkes 293). This is the people way of offering some forgiveness for what happened the day before. Some differences have been seen between the Hopi and the Mexican people. One is what is done with the frogs and snakes when they are put in the mouth. The Mexican people swallow the animals right away where as the Hopi people carry the snakes and frogs in their mouths between their teeth. This article aimed at showing what lies within the sacred Snake Dance and did show what the ceremony is about. Clarity RANKING: 3 Fewkes, Walter J. A-WA’-TO BI: An Archaeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 363-375. Walter Fewkes begins this essay by introducting the known
historical facts of A-wa’-to bi, a "large Tusyan pubelo...tragically destroyed." The
pueblo, consisting of a large village and a Spanish mission, was burned
by neighboring groups around 1700. Fewkes offers the few documents that
remained regarding the event, however he presents
them in the original old Spanish. He does not offer a translation for, nor comments
on, the documents. Nonetheless, these documents apparently offered little
information. The remaining documents "have disappeared from the
archives of Fewkes then relates an account of the event, as told by a member of the Walpi. The Walpi were one of the attacking groups, therefore the story does not represent the events in their entirety. Fewkes then interprets the story through a series of footnotes. The reader should be aware that these footnotes are very long. The rest of the essay describes the recovered remains from the site. Here, Fewkes offers a complete map of the site, as well as a plan view of the excavated area. He also provides details on the types of structures found, and the artifacts recovered from them. His interpretations of the events surrounding the destruction of A-wa’-to bi, and of the excavation, are interspersed throughout the text. Fewkes’ essay is well-rounded and informative. As it is not a traditionally structured essay, it may be beneficial to read this essay more than once. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. A-WA TO BI: An Archaeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend. The American Anthropologist. October, 1893 Vol. VI.:363-376. The general issue that Fewkes deals with are the ruins of what was once a large Tusayan pueblo called A-wa to-bi, and the legend of its destruction as told by the local inhabitants of the area. Around about the year 1700, A-wa to-bi was destroyed. According to legend the chief of A-wa to-bi, Ta-po lo, was very concerned by the actions of many of the men in A-wa to-bi, who were beating up farmers, raping women, and stealing game from the hunting parties. Eventually, after many incidents Ta-po lo called upon neighboring tribes for help against the troublesome men of A-wa to-bi. He managed to get the help of the Oraibi and the Walpi. When the Oraibi and Walpi soldiers entered the pueblo they found several of the A-wa to-bi men in a large ki-bva performing po-wa ko, sorcerer , rites. The soldiers trapped the men in the ki-bva and burned them alive. After the attack all of the men and most of the women of A-wa to-bi were tortured and killed. The soldiers spared the children. The basic argument of the article is that archaeological evidence from the ruins of A-wa to-bi can be used to evaluate the accuracy of the Tusayan legend about the destruction of the pueblo. Fewkes used two main types of evidence to support his argument. First he used the Tusayan legend of the destruction of A-wa to-bi as it was told by the current inhabitants of the region. Second he used the evidence he obtained from his excavation of the ruins. He states that in almost every room he excavated there was evidence of fire. Some of the wood was only superficially charred, while other pieces had been reduced to ashes. He also found a storage room filled with charred stacks of corn suggesting the pueblo had not been attacked for the purpose of plunder. Finally he found a large underground room which he believes to have been the po-wa ko kib-va, where he found charred wood, ashes, and other evidences of fire . Also human remains were found directly below an old sky hole, which Fewkes believes could have been the sky hole from which the Oraibi and Walpi soldiers threw various burning items onto the men in the po-wa ko kib-va. The organization of this article was clear-cut. Fewkes started out by introducing his topic and then retelling the Tusayan legend of the destruction of A-wa to-bi. He then followed the retelling of the legend by giving notes on several aspects of that legend. The notes mainly consisted of observations from a survey of the ruins, evidence from other scholars, and evidence from surrounding tribes, that relates to certain aspects of the Tusayan legend. Fewkes repeats this format with his archaeological evidence. He begins by giving an overview of the site and then breaks down the rest of his archaeological evidence into the specific rooms or important areas of the site, in much the same fashion as he presented his notes on the Tusayan legend. Overall the article was very easy to read. The language was clear and the format of the article was logically laid out. The maps, however, were not as clear. The direction of the north arrow on the maps varied greatly which initially made the orientation of the maps confusing. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Fletcher, Robert. The Poet--Is He Born, Not Made? American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:117-135. In this article, Fletcher mainly describes the qualities of "true poets" in order to both reflect if such poets are born or made and reach his own perspective about this question. The author points out the qualities for the true poets as follows: (1) Imagination or "sacred invention"; (2) Idealization of the characters and Nature they describe; (3) Imitation or appropriation of other poets’ virtues into their own use; (4) Impersonality (not introducing themselves into the characters they depict); (5) Universality (love toward truth and wisdom); (6) Accurate observer of natural and physical phenomena, and (7) Art in melody and "method." Concerning the issue of whether "true poets are born or made," Fletcher, on the basis of the aforementioned qualities, provides his conclusion that both inborn talent and cultivation after birth are indispensable to be a true poet, quoting Aristotle: "Nature without art; art begun; art completed." CLARITY RANKING: 2
Fletcher, M.D., Robert. The Poet s he Born, Not Made? American Anthropologist April, 1893 Vol. 6(2):117-136. Fletcher concern lies with the adage, oeta nascitur, non fit, the poet is born, not made, a saying attributed to an ancient writer of whom not much is known. The author expresses concern that too often people incorporate age-old apothegms into daily conversation, assuming their meanings are well understood and shared by all. Fletcher hopes to investigate the origins and validity of this particular saying and its relevance to the time. The core of the matter focuses on whether works of poets result from dedication, training and hard work or are testimonies of the extreme gifts and blessings granted to a poet in his birthright. In essence, this article confronts the seeming age-old debate of nature vs. nurture: are poets rofound artist[s] or are they lind and luxuriant genius[es]? In order to analyze the origins of poetic genius one must first identify the qualities necessary for the establishment of a rue poet. Fletcher establishes these qualities by looking at texts and prose, along with correspondence between other thinkers-both poets and critics-on the matter. The foremost of the qualities identified is imagination; poetry idealizes its characters with all other phenomena of nature. A poet must also master the arts of imitation and universality-the ability to depict and relate that which he observes and experiences. The poet must be a man of science, he must earn at least to accurately observe. Some claim cheerfulness is essential because beauty is the aim for poets; they feel it is the poet job to shed beauty over the earth. A finely tuned sense of meter is not necessary, but the poet must discover what writing style best enables him to convey his thoughts. A poet must also be diligent in polishing and proofing his lines. Above all, the poet must intensely study and be familiar with man, for it is through and around humankind that he bases his work. The truest poets love truth and wisdom, study humankind and its passions, are one with nature, and work to develop their styles and techniques. Upon this breakdown of qualities essential to the true poet Fletcher deducts that although poets may indeed be born with talents and gifts, it takes great devotion and dedication to cultivate these gifts to their potential. One can therefore conclude a poet is born and made. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Fowke, Gerard. Aboriginal Remains of the
Piedmont and Valley Region of Gerard Fowke’s essay is a summary on the types of ossuaries
and burial mounds documented in and around the Piedmont and Valley
region of These were filled with earth like that in the stratum above, mingled with all the debris incident to an Indian camp-fire, besides many finely wrought celts, arrow-heads, bone implements, and shell ornaments. In only two were human bones found: in one, part of a child’s skull, and in another an adult’s skeleton, some of the bones much enlarged and roughened by disease. His systematic account of the excavation techniques, types of mounds recovered, and their location serves as a wonderful repository of archaeological knowledge. While Fowke does not offer any interpretation, his essay would benefit any archaeologist researching burial mounds in this region. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fowke, Gerard. Aboriginal Remains of the
Piedmont and Valley Region of In his article boriginal Remains of the Piedmont and Valley Region of
Virginia, Gerard Fowke addresses the content and interpretation of Indian
mounds in Fowke begins his article with a description of the contents of a mound
mentioned by Thomas Jefferson in his Notes on Fowke systematically describes the contents of the other four mounds discussed. The mounds were either opened naturally by rivers or accidentally by railroad construction or agriculture, and then further investigated by amateur and professional archaeologists. These mounds contained several layers of artifacts and bones interred at distinct periods, which suggest that, as in the first mound, the bones had been brought from elsewhere for interment. Fowke states that the Monacans of the late 19th century, whose ancestors neighbored the Mannahoacs, gathered the bones of their dead and buried them collectively. Fowke argues that t is not improbable that the Mannahoacs had similar customs, and as these mounds are in their former territory and at least one of them was visited by Indians long after the whites had settled in the country, it is probable that they belonged to this tribe (Fowke, 416). Through his description and brief interpretation of the bones, artifacts, and features found within the mounds, Fowke argues that the mounds were built by the Mannahoacs. Fowke flatly refutes the racist contention of many of his contemporaries that the mounds were built by an unknown, ancient, superior race unrelated to Native Americans. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Gatschet, Albert S. Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 279-282. Albert Gatschet uses this essay to record three mythic stories of the
Yuchi Indians. He begins with The Origin of the Dry Land. He chose
this story because "the myth explaining the origin of dry land is
so widely disseminated in North America that there was probably no tribe
east of the The last myth, Why the Cedar Tree is Red-Grained, is attributed
to the category of Yuchi sun myths. This story was also apparently recounted
because variants of it was"found among
the Cherokees, Gatschet does not offer any interpretation, or extensive comment upon any of these stories. The purpose of this essay is simply to record these three myths. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Gatschet, Albert S. Some Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians. American Anthropologist July, 1893 Vol.VI:279-282. This article addresses the different ways that one myth can be told. The origin of the land tale is a popular story known by the Yuchi Indians. The author compiled some versions of this myth and includes them in his article. Two examples tell the tale of a crawfish returning from the bottom of the sea with a clawful of earth, which becomes land. The first myth tells of some "creator", although the next only mentions an agreement between man and animals to find a way to create land. Another story included in this article explains the idea of the Yuchi Indians descending from the sun. The Yuchis believe that they were delivered into life by the sun and that there was once a wizard that tried to kill it. This myth then goes on to explain the origin of the red color of the cedar tree. This article has no relevant argument since it only reproduces myths told by the Yuchi Indians. The author does not include his conclusions of why the myths are told in different ways or of what this myths represent. While reading this article, the reader feels as if he is just reading a book of fables or tall tales. There is no point in is article except maybe for one's entertainment. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hewitt, J. N. B. Polysynthesis in the Languages of the American Indians. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 381-407. In this article, Hewitt refutes the argument made by Duponceau. It is Duponceau’s contention that all Native American Indian groups share a common language characteristic known as "polysynthesis". Polysynthesis by definition is composed of the greatest number of ideas or meanings comprised into the least number of words. Duponceau believes that all Indian languages have this fundamental element incorporated in their language structure. Hewitt strongly disagrees. Hewitt’s main problem with Duponceau’s assertion is that Duponceau states his claim by examining only one Indian language: Algonquian. Duponceau does not investigate any other language, rather he provides a single case study of Algonquian; noting a particular structural element and then applying those fundamentals of the language to all Native American languages. Hewitt believes this is bad science for, "the comparison of linguistic forms to ascertain probable linguistic affinity can be used but with extreme caution and to a limited extent only". Thus, Hewitt provides three examples of three different languages and shows how they each differ drastically from one another. Hewitt focuses on Iroquoian, Siouan and Algonquian languages noting their structural elements such as: pronoun-noun stem, pronoun-adjective stem, pronoun-noun stem and verb stem, and pronoun-noun-adjective stem. Hewitt clearly shows that each language differs dramatically in its fundamental blueprint. Thereby, Duponceau’s inductive reasoning is not valid, for Hewitt clearly demonstrates that polysynthesis is not a common element in all Native American languages. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in F. W. Hodge’s article conveys the degree of industry,
perseverance, and advancement of an ancient human population in southern Hodge’s evidence is the remains of ancient canals in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in This article differs from other American Anthropological articles I
have read in the past in that this one focuses on a specific topic, without
stating a strong argument or thesis. In the introduction, the author points out that pueblo irrigation was not believed to have
existed before a ystemic archeologic investigation proved otherwise.
This investigation covered approximately 450,000 acres of the Salado
and For instance, archeologists discovered lines of stones along the canals, which they hypothesized were used to direct water running from the hillsides to the fields and also to prevent overflow of acequias. They also learned that the canals basic shape was of one smaller canal inside another, which was inside another, and so on. Thus, the innermost canal was virtually always filled, while the outer ones filled from innermost to outermost, depending on the amount of rainfall. This design was employed so as to create less waste through seepage and to somewhat control the depth of the current. The composition of the interior lining seems to be of a hard adobe clay and burned underbrush. Also, there was very little silt found at the bottom of the ditches, which could indicate two things. Either the ditches were cared for extremely well, or the current was fast moving so that silt could not be deposited easily. Postholes were excavated, which signals that there was a headgate at one time to cut off or supply water at will. The archeologists suggested that the irrigation canals could have also served as a means of transportation based on the remains of bundles of fagots and reeds, fresh- water univalves, and cottonwood pollen. Another interesting discovery was that the towns were located at the ends of the canals and not near the river. This finding demonstrates that the pueblos did not highly depend on the river or raw materials near the river. An important lesson learned by these archeologists is that one cannot estimate the population of a people based on the amount of land that they occupy. Rather, one must estimate the population size based on the amount of land actually cultivated. Scientists know that the pueblo population here was only about 1600, whereas it was previously, and erroneously, calculated into the many thousands based on total land occupation. These are the primary discoveries from the Salado and CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hodge, F. W. Prehistoric Irrigation in The concern of this article is the prehistoric irrigation system in
southern This article proves to be a descriptive analysis of the ancient irrigational remains. The author notes that the mode in which the canals were constructed is a great indication of the ancient pueblo builders patience and hard work. The fact that the extensive irrigation canals were excavated by hand using primitive tools is astounding. From the remains of the irrigation ditch the author made conclusions regarding the maintenance and engineering of the canals. Stones that outlined the irrigation ditches still exist today. Evidence of these stones suggests that the irrigation ditches accommodated surplus water. An analysis of the bed and sides of the irrigation ditches determined that they were both exceedingly hard, allowing for minimal seepage. Also, very little silt was found in the beds of the irrigation canals. This observation suggests that the canals were readily maintained, or that the current of the canals was of considerable strength. Specimens collected from an excavation of the canal suggest that the irrigation canals were also used as a rude system of transportation. Stones and other materials discovered near the canals were from great distances away. This observation suggests that these distant products were more favorable than those relatively close in distance to the pueblos. The irrigation system would then prove to be a very probable means of transporting these materials. Another observation made within this article is the locations of the
pueblos throughout the Finally, the author concludes that the ancient pueblo people first occupied areas were the larger streams of the canal existed. Only later were the lesser tributaries settled upon and reservoirs created. This article uses observation and analysis in order to describe the
prehistoric irrigation system in southern CLARITY RANKING: 2 Holmes, W. H. Distribution of Stone Implements in the Tide-Water Country. American Anthropologist 1893 Vol. 6: 1-15. Holmes article attempts to understand the origin and distribution of stone implements in the Tide-water country. He examines the relationship between where stone tools are currently found and where they possibly could have originated. Holmes observes two topographic divisions in the Tide-water country: the lowland and highland each marked by rivers. The highland consists of massive forms of rocks with definite independent distribution. There are many workable varieties found: quartz, quartzite, rhyolite, jasper and flint. The lowland consists of rounded boulders, cobbles and pebbles. Holmes insists that natural geological processes played a crucial role in the distribution of stone tools; that the rivers themselves transported materials from the highland to lowland and that the variety of stone belonged to the drainage of that river. Even more so, the locations that human populations came upon and the tools they would use directly correlates with the resources made available. If there were pebbles then they utilized pebbles, if they had access to flint then flint was utilized. Holme contends that human populations had access to varying resources for the manufacturing of tools via the mountain river systems. Holmes does an adequate job tracing back stone tools to their genesis through his knowledge of the natural topography of the Tide-water country and of river systems. However, Holmes provides no empirical evidence for his assertions and does not take into account other possible reasons for the distribution of stone implements such as trade and diffusion among others. His ideas are reasonable, yet more data is needed. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, W. H. Distribution of Stone Implements in the Tide-Water Country. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol.VI(1):1-15. This article addresses the distribution of stone implements versus ejects
in the tide-water country of Holmes argues that the distinct biology and geology of each respective region ombined in archaic times to produce marked anthropologic distinctions (1). He claims that the biology of the region influenced the art and the geology of the region influenced the limited forms and sizes of implements. The people behind the manufacturing of implements were arly historic Indians. Since art remains found were simple and homogenous, it is unlikely that prehistoric or preceding people influenced these remains. Holmes examines the origins of materials used for manufacture of implements
in the highland and lowland regions. The distribution of materials is described as a function of natural
distribution: the length of a river, and the rock-type belts crossed
before deposition to the lowlands, and human distribution. In a comparison
of the Potomac and Patuxent rivers, the Holmes provides an order of implements from most subject to transport to least subject to transport. He also gives a list of ccentricities of distribution or implement typology, material, and amount and types of refuse or rejects as a function of site type and location. Holmes then provides a detailed description of Plate II, an illustration of implements found in the tide-water region. The illustration provides an index for quartzite, quartz, rhyolite and jasper tools, rejects, caches and specialized forms, those transported and those not transported, and distribution of implements. Holmes closes with a statement of proposed future research on: . . . the effect of the distribution of the various kinds and forms of stone upon the habits, customs, arts, industries, etc., of the inhabitants of the region . . . (14). CLARITY RANKING: 3 Holmes, W. H. The World Fair Congress of Anthropology. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:423-434. This Holmes’s article describes the World Fair Congress of Anthropology,
held, during a week of August 1893, as part of "Columbian Exposition" at On Monday, August 28, the meeting began with an opening ceremony in which the following persons gave their speeches: C. C. Bonny, President of the Congress Auxiliary, F. W. Putnam, Director of the Department of Anthropology, and D. G. Brinton, President of the Congress of Anthropology. Then, Brinton offered his opening conference entitled "The Nation as an Element in Anthropology." From Tuesday, the mornings were dedicated in order to realize the following sessions: physical anthropology, ethnology, archaeology, folklore and religion, and languages. Holmes describes all the papers presented in the sessions. The afternoons were allotted for the study and discussion of an extensive number of anthropological materials exhibited in the Exposition. In "Concluding Remarks," the author points out the significance of the Congress as follows: "[it] serv[ed] an important function in giving emphasis to the value of the great assemblage of anthropological material there brought together. The great richness of the American field of investigation was made apparent to all." CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hough, Walter. The Columbian Historical
Exposition In This essay does not address any particular aspect of anthropology. Rather,
the purpose of this essay was to give an account of the exposition to
the readers of American Anthropologist. Walter Hough is unclear as to
when this exposition occurred, however it is probably safe to assume
that it was held in the fall of 1882. The exposition was held at the
National Library and Museum in Hough explains that while numerous states and countries participated
in the event, the Also contributing to the event were many European nations. However,
rather than displaying artworks from their indigenous peoples, they each
showcased their collections of Hough remarks that the event was not well attended, but believes it to have been a success nonetheless. Again, this essay does not address any concerns of the day, other than to remark upon the various collections displayed at this exhibition. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hough, Walter. The Columbian Historical
Exposition in This article concerns the Spanish Government collection of ethnological
and archaeological materials of the The collections on exhibit are the result of several organizations,
bureaus, associations, museums, institutions, and private parties and
persons around the world that have contributed to the exposition of the The purpose of the article is to inform what was presented at the exposition,
and by whom. Argumentation or persuasion was of little importance within
this article. Walter Hough merely provides an overview of the exposition
by stating which country contributed what to the collection. He also
mentions the names of those individuals who made key contributions in
collecting and preserving the historical remains within the exposition.
The author comments that although the exposition was not greatly attended,
the Spanish Government should still be commended for its efforts and
abilities to inspire and encourage others in contributing to this enlightening
collection and exhibition of CLARITY RANKING: 4 Hough, Walter. Time-Keeping by Light and Fire. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 207-210. This article aims to show the universality of keeping time through the use of fire. The author also notes that by examining the beginnings of time keeping, we can understand "the devices which have grown out of the aggregates of experience." Numerous examples are given to show how the manipulation of fire denotes
culture specifics blocks of time. In The author then shows how many of these functional traditions have expanded into myth. In Hungry, for example, there is a folk story called "Prince Unexpected." In this story, a "prince must stitch a pair of boots before [a candle] goes out or [he loses] his life." Using these examples, the author speculates that other, similar devices
were surely used not only in early CLARITY RANKING: 5
Hough, Walter. Time-Keeping by Light and Fire. American Anthropologist April, 1893 Vol.6:207-210. This article concerns time keeping techniques within cultures. In particular, the author describes the use of fire and light as being overlooked methods of checking and recording time. Planetary motion and the observation of heavenly bodies were often used to record short periods of time, as well as continuous periods of time. The knowledge of these methods is also more commonly known and tends to overshadow the uses of light and fire. However, as the author describes, fire becomes quite a valuable record of time during the night. The author of this article provides several examples from different
cultures, periods, and regions, which suggest the critical importance
fire has played in recording time. These cultures include: the Pacific
Islanders, parts of In the Within In The use of candles as means to check time has traversed several periods and places. Marked candles were customary devices of recording time during the periods of King Alfred, the Middle Ages, and even during the present time in which this article was written. The accounts of these time-keeping methods presented by the author suggest that time was recorded in several different fashions. The tracking of time appears to be both an imaginative and important cultural aspect. Time is a key component within many cultures. Tracing these methods allows anthropologists to have a closer look into these cultures, and quite possibly reveal a connection with other cultures. The author does not evaluate or compare methods of time-keeping within this article. Instead, he merely provides descriptions as to how fire has been used to check time. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Lamb, D. S. The Deadly Microbe and It’s Destruction. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. XI: 15-28. The author uses the field of biology, as it stood in 1892, to explain how understanding microbes can reduce fear and death. He opens the article by tracing the discovery of, and subsequent research on, microbes by several distinguished medical doctors. This research defined the life-cycles of various microbes - including reproduction, mutation, and infection rates. This knowledge removed much of the mystery and myth that had previously been the basis for food taboos. For example, the author points out that "red spots which sometimes appear...on bread, and which in old times were supposed to be blood from the finger of an angry God, are known to be composed of...micrococcus prodigiosus." While they may not have understood the mechanism(s) that contributed to the bread spoiling, people did understand that they should not consume the bread. This was the basis of the myth of "an angry God." As the microbes were better understood, it was observed that some people were immune to diseases that infected others. This led to the notion of natural and acquired immunity. Thus, it was understood that vaccines could be manufactured to impart acquired immunity to entire groups of people. Additionally, doctors became more adapt at the treatment and prevention of diseases. Rather than only treating the patient after infection, hospitals began to strenuously prevent infection via the use of antiseptics and germicides. Therefore, the increased scientific knowledge of disease, and disease inducing microbes, has altered our perceptions of the world, as well as our general robustness. While this article is clearly written, the link between scientific knowledge and the changes it wrought in the Western world is difficult to discern. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Lamb, D. S. The Deadly Microbe and Its Destruction. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:15-28. In "The Deadly Microbe and Its Destruction," D.S. Lamb presents a synopsis of knowledge of microbes and their infectious properties, as known by the scientific community in January of 1893. Where it might be easy to question the reasoning behind placing this article in an anthropology journal, it is also easy to see that this was vital information in science particularly in Western medicine in the late 19th Century. As evidenced by the title of the article, Lamb sets out to thoroughly discuss the microbe and its impact on human lives, and how the people of 1893 could better handle the eadly microbe. The author sets out to prove that science is moving forth in terms of study of icrobes, micro-organisms, and germs (15). This is further proved by his concluding point hat the discovery of these microbes, the study of their life history and products, and their causative and other relations to disease have done much to simplify treatment. Lamb supports this statement with the latest scientific knowledge of the day, and writes his information in a very scientific manner. The article is heavy in detail and description, but does not offer much beyond this, especially in terms of fresh analysis. Research from scientists such as Pasteur is important, with information originated from a microscope and other methods of observation. He provides as much background information as possible on microbes before moving on to how microbes affect humans and other animals. Humans are able to treat different diseases (and hence, kill microbes) with inoculations and other therapy, including one curious one in which tuberculosis is treated by njecting [sulphuretted hydrogen] per rectum (24). There is also interesting speculation on immunity, describing a theory that after a person is sick with an illness, he microbes have consumed some element in the body essential to their growth and development, hence making a relapse less likely to occur (22). Lamb information is very randomly organized, but is on a large scope organized to reflect the nature of microbes, and it then moves on to how humans have found ways to combat the dangerous ones. He assesses the situation as if he is trying to brief the reader and provide thick scientific information. His larger intellectual concern is focused on description of the advances in medicine in response to findings in microbiology, and not much else. CLARITY RANKING: 3 March, F. A., Spofford, A. R., Harris, W. T., Melville Bell, A., Gregory, J. M., Owen, W. B., Peters, E. T., Scott, C. P. G., Pilling, J. C., Smith, B. E., Whitney, W. D., Powell, J. W. Simplified Spelling: A Symposium. American Anthropologist January, 1893 Vol. 6:137-206. This long article is a compilation of12 papers presented in a symposium on the feasibility of a simplified spelling scheme, proposed by English and American philological societies. In his opening address, March (chairman of the Committee on English Spelling of the American Philological Association) relates in brief the Committee’s trajectory: The Association initiated its work in regard to the English spelling simplification in1875 with the conviction that it would "help us in the discovery of truth and the improvement of man’s state." In1882, the Philological Society of London joined the Committee, and the following year, both jointly proposed ten spelling rules (See p.142). The objective of this symposium, March says, resides in discussing the feasibility of this joint proposal of spelling reform. In reply to the question, Spofford manifests his opinion against the proposition. He contends that similar attempts had been repeatedly offered by the learned world during the past three centuries, yet such attempts had been rejected and/or abandoned by the people due mainly to their impracticability of resolving phonetically the irregularities of the English spelling. Harris, on the other hand, supports the reform because of the scientific evidences that phonetic spelling methods save a considerable time (approximately two years) in learning to read in primary schools. He, however, suggests that such a reform must be done by degrees since the people tend to resist "the use or usurpation of dictatorial powers." Melville also favors the spelling reform. Especially, he supports the
idea that such a reform should be implemented in the public schools and
English education for foreign learners. He also proposes that the Gregory, too, agrees with the reform. He, particularly, supports the idea that the reform should be implemented at once for both children and adults, due to a high legibility in the new books published with the proposed spelling rules. Owen argues that the idea that silent letters should be preserved in order to discern better the derivation or etymology of the word is erroneous. He insists this because "in a surprising number of cases...the spelling of English words is misleading as to derivation" and only a very few specialists care about this aspect of derivation when reading. Peters contends that a simpler (phonetic) orthography is an indispensable condition in order that the general public can obtain the knowledge to achieve their "popular forms of government." For him, the feasibility of such orthography has been scientifically proven. Also, for Scott, simplified spelling is feasible. He especially maintains the idea that it should be implemented not "by the substitution of a minutely elaborate fonetic alfabet constructed anew on scientific line, but by regulating the use of the present alfabet, [and] by extending the application of existing rules and analogies..." In so doing, he points out the importance that the ordinary people take initiative, not waiting for until all spelling reformers reach an agreement. Pilling also contends the feasibility of the proposed scheme, referring to the cases in which Cherokee and Cree children learned to read and write quite fluently their mother tongues using simplified spellings. Smith manifests his realistic and negative opinion toward the proposed reform. He argues that the makers of dictionaries, like it or not, would have to take a conservative position about adopting a new spelling scheme due mainly to their business enterprises, which can not go against "much special opposition in those strongholds of the dictionary, the school and the printing-office." |
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