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American
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Bandelier, Adolf F. The “Montezuma” of
the Adolf F. Bandelier addresses the problem of an embellished historical legacy of the Chief Montezuma. Bandelier confronts the confusions and misreckoning that have constructed the historical mythical like conception of Montezuma. Bandelier accuses Bernal Diez del Castillo, of originating the dishonest and bias interpretation of the legacy of Montezuma in his witness interpretation of the Conquest by Montezuma titled, Atrue History. Bandelier accounts evidence of the miraculous constructs through out
history that Montezuma has alleged accomplished. The conquest of Bandelier notes that the mention of Montezuma is not always in the favor
of the chief himself. As in the year 1846 war between Bandelier gives credible evidence concerning the embellished legacy of the great chief Montezuma; and illustrates the ease in which these embellishments are noted as historical documentation. Bandelier emphasizes the importance of accuracy within historical authentication. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Bandelier, Adolf F. The “Montezuma” of
the Bandelier examines whether or not the chieftain, Montezuma, ever lived
north of Based on Bandelier’s review of local legends and
stories he concludes, it was not until 1846 that Montezuma plays a
prominent role in He concludes with the idea that, “The Montezuma of New Mexico is, therefore, in its present form a modern creation,” (p.324). He argues that high standing members of these New Mexican tribes use the legend for their own gain by repeating the story to outsiders who want to hear something interesting. This deception protects the tribes’ sacred traditions. CLARITY RANKING: 3 SUZANNE PLETSCHETT
Boas, Franz. Notes on the Chemakum Language. American Anthropologist January, 1892. Vol. 5: 37-44 In 1890, Franz Boas visits a disappearing Northwestern Native American
group, the Chemakum, in order to collect information on their language.
The Chemakum lived near Puget Sound in western After a long search he located Louise, the sole subject of his study. She rarely spoke Chemakum at the time of the interview, saving the dying language for her brother, the last man who spoke Chemakum. According to Boas, she was "somewhat addicted to liquor, and as she herself and the white man with whom she lived indulged alternately in their libations, the conditions for the collections of good linguistic material were not very favorable" (37). Despite this adversity, Boas collected about 1,250 words, grammatical forms, and sentences, which were all corroborated by repeated questioning. Boas separated his linguistic information into phonetics, articles, nouns, numerals, personal pronouns, possessive pronouns, intransitive verbs, verb tenses, transitive verbs, and the formation of words. There are 16 phonetic consonants and 7 phonetic verbs. The nouns have two genders, masculine and feminine for both the singular and the plural. Nouns are found in two forms, independent and dependent, the latter being used for the formation of compounds (42). Numerals are compounded. The number nine is derived from one, meaning ten minus one. Tenses are formed by a series of affixes, which are placed following the stem of a verb and preceeding a pronominal suffix (41). Boas’ interview may be somewhat suspect due to Louise’s limited use of the language and possibly her lifestyle. Boas’ attempts to compensate by asking redundant questions may have been effective. His article is clear and easy to read. His notes on the language are insightful and provide information on a dying language. CLARITY RANKING: 5 R.
Brinton, Daniel G. The Nomenclature and Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropologist. July 1892. Vol. 5: 263-271 In this paper, Daniel Brinton lays out a framework for establishing uniform anthropological terminology across disciplines and nationalities. This framework is designed to facilitate the teaching of anthropology by establishing an adaptable standardization by all anthropologists. The nomenclature structure Brinton proposes is loose and flexible but is designed to eliminate redundant terms, promote simplicity, efficiency and accuracy of usage, and be internationally adopted. In establishing the foundation of a universal nomenclature, Brinton sets fourth rules he views as "so obviously proper that they will be accepted without hesitation as regulative." These rules limit terms if they already exist somewhere else in the literature, should only be employed scientifically, should be internationally interchangeable, and single terms for single ideas should be used over terms that are more complicated. His general scheme contains four headings: Somatology (physical and experimental Archaeology), ethnology (historic and analytic anthropology), ethnography (geographic and descriptive anthropology) and archaeology (Prehistoric and reconstructive anthropology). The paper is then separated at page 266 with a dash generally used in other American Anthropologist articles to signify the end of that paper. The final 5 pages were written by Major J. W. Powell as remarks on Brinton’s article. Powell praises the principle Brinton sets fourth of clearing the confusion in anthropological nomenclature. However, Powell does not agree with Brinton’s framework for establishing uniform anthropological terminology. Exacerbating the problem Brinton illustrates in his paper of an over inflated and redundant anthropological terminology leading to confusion, Powell presents his own unique nomenclature structure. Powell separates his nomenclature structure in seven departments: Technology or arts, sociology, philology, literature, esthetology (esthetics), natural religion and sophiology (or the science of opinions). CLARITY RANKING: 4 R.
Brinton, Daniel G. The Nomenclature and Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropologist July, 1892 Vol.5(3):263-271. This article is an abstract of an address delivered by Daniel Brinton to the Anthropological Society of Washington on April 5, 1892. The article also includes some commentary and remarks given by J.W. Powell in response to Brinton’s presentation. While Brinton proposes that a well-defined system of nomenclature should be formulated and adopted to avoid confusion in the relatively new field of anthropology, Powell believes that meanings of words cannot be legislated because they change and grow. Nevertheless, Powell argues that confusion can be avoided by providing a system of rules to establish nomenclature. Brinton begins by laying down basic rules to be observed when establishing nomenclature. He emphasizes the need for these rules by giving examples of words, like "anthropology," that have been defined in several ways by different people in different countries. Brinton discusses in length the widely varying meanings of "ethnology" and "ethnography" that different scholars have used. Chavannes, in 1787, defined ethnology as "the history of the progress of peoples toward civilization." Later, in 1839, the French Société d’Ethnologie defined it vaguely as "the study of human races." Ratzel of Germany and Gerland of Strasburg had still different definitions for the term. Brinton uses examples like these to clearly demonstrate the need for legislation in anthropological nomenclature. Brinton then outlines a scheme for the nomenclature and classification of the different fields of anthropology, including Somatology (physical anthropology), ethnology, ethnography, and archaeology. This scheme, he writes, is arranged so students can easily learn the different departments of anthropology. After several years of teaching this classification scheme, Brinton believes that it is the most appropriate way to expose students to anthropology. In J.W. Powell’s response to Brinton’s address, he acknowledges the need for generally-accepted nomenclature and classification, but argues that this cannot be legislated by a committee because words and their meanings are not fixed over time, they can change and grow. Powell admits, however, that a system of rules might possibly avoid great confusion in nomenclature, the most important rule being the "rule of priority," which he borrowed from biology. Like Darwin’s theory of "survival of the fittest," this rule states that a word is defined by the generally-accepted definition at that time. Powell proposes his scheme of classification and nomenclature, acknowledging that it could change, and no doubt would change, as the science progressed. Paralleling Brinton’s earlier remarks on the same issue, Powell describes the history of the term "anthropology" and its various definitions, finally settling on a definition that was generally agreed-upon at the time of his writing. "Anthropology," according to Powell, not only includes the science of man as an animal, as a thinking being, or as an actor in his surroundings; Anthropology includes all these things, it is the science of man. Thus Powell effectively demonstrates the rule of priority on which his scheme is based. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Burnett, Swan M. The Modern Apotheosis of Nature. American Anthropologist July,1892. 5(3):247-262. Burnett’s article focuses on nature and how it affects and elevates the individual. She begins her discussion by stating that nature merely acts independently of the people inhabiting the land. Because nature acts separately from man, there is a constant tug-of-war occurring between the two. In this case, nature can be compared to a God because it encompasses power and force, which are godly characteristics. Nature can also set guidelines for humanity and their ways of life based on natural human tendencies. Burnett claims that nature governs societies because man follows natural laws, which are found in the innate tendencies and desires of man. In other words, natural laws explain man’s inherent tendencies. Even though societies tend to act in the way nature perscribed, the individual is not ignored. It is the development of the individual and how he thinks and perceives his world that is important in societies. When the individual develops, men are able to interpret nature and put it into various forms of art. However, it is incorrect to say that nature can inspire the artist, because nature itself cannot cause a painting to be beautiful. The person capturing a scene puts his soul as well as paint on canvas, resulting in a beautiful work of art; it is the application of emotion that creates the painting’s aura of elegance and splendor. Even though man’s soul is part of nature, the two remain separate and at odds. Burnett states that there can never be peace until man is able to control nature. This is because nature is fluid, allowing man the opportunity to mold it to his liking once he allows his individuality to grow to its fullest potential. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Burnett, Swan M. The Modern Apotheosis of Nature. American Anthropologist July, 1892 Vol.5(3):247-262. Burnett traces a process of human intellectual progress in artistic terms, particularly by the individual’s control of nature through innovation, and by the individual’s view of nature herself. Humans capture nature in artistic form, but the degree of abstraction in art is key to Burnett’s description of intellectual development. While Burnett suggests that humanity has developed from “ancestral savage” to his present-day “modern” form, he does not outline specific stages of human evolution. Art is a reflection of the artist, and not a reflection of nature seen with the literal eye. Moreover, high art is thought to greatly express feeling, imagination, and abstraction in an idealistic sense. In other words, Burnett is suggesting that art cannot be beautiful and noble unless its depiction is in accordance with our most positive feeling. Art that explicitly represents nature requires little abstract thought and is at best a simple truth. Our enjoyment of nature is based on the pleasantness of her state, a mentality that suggests the necessity of a human element in nature if she is to be truly enjoyed. Burnett asserts that to deny the personification of nature severs our attraction to nature, and sends humanity back to a state of savagery. Humans are attracted to nature because of her human characteristics and this exemplifies our modern intellect. Burnett also discusses the ongoing conflict between humans and nature, particularly the attempt to control natural forces. The desire for control appears to evolve as humans’ view of religion changes. The savage person uses nature to communicate with God, whereas the intellectual modern person views nature as a scientific machine to be developed and employed. The conflict between humans and nature can be resolved only by the force of the human mind, which to Burnett is the greatest force on earth, and by the human desire to move past the state of savagery. CLARITY RANKING: 2 ABBEY PAULSON
Coville, Frederick, The Panamint Native Americans live in Inyo county California, on the
west side of The Panamint Native Americans studied by Vernon lived on the Death Valley
slope of the Panamint Mountains, irrigated their crops and commonly planted
corn, potatoes, squashes, and watermelons. These crops made up a significant
portion of their diet, however, they also used local plants for food
as well as for other uses. Some of the names of the plants CLARITY RANKING: 4 R.
Coville, Fredrick Vernon. The Panamint Indians Of Frederick Coville establishes that the inflexible natural conditions
of the arid The majority of the Panamint Indians vegetation consists of starchy
plants as seeds, such as sand grass -oryzopsis membranacea, there
are few berries and fruit bearing plants as well, such as the prickly
pear opuntia basilaris. Phragmites vulgaris is a common
reed used as sugar. Coville acknowledges that there are degrees of the CLARITY RANKING: 5 COURTENY MOORE-GUMORA
Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Villard-Bandelier South American Expedition. American Anthropologist. July, 1892 Vol 5: 273-276 In this article, Cushing is describing the coming research
of two of his colleagues, Prof. Adolf Bandelier ad Mr. Henry Villard.
Their goal
was to study archaeology as a resurrection of the past, and not as a "collection
of fossil remains" by looking at ethnological observations, historical
studies, geography, zoology, and geology. Villard and Bandelier’s study
would focus on Their study would focus on a unilineal evolutionary model
that would place all American "aborigines" on one similar culture that
varied in degrees and not type. Cushing cites Bandelier as saying "The
Culture of the American Indian has varied locally only in degree, not
in kind; that the religious principles were fundamentally the same among
the Sioux and the Brazilians, have lain at the bottom of local differences
in culture" (274). For the most part, Villard and Bandelier would
examine mainly archaeological and ethnological collections to place various
cultures along a line of unilineal evolution. Bandelier already acknowledges
that the Inca civilization represents the pinnacle of this large culture
of the CLARITY RANKING: 4 R.
Cushing, Frank Hamilton. The Villard-Bandelier South American Expedition. American Anthropologist July, 1892 Vol.5(3):273-276. Cushing’s article announces Professor Adolf F. Bandelier’s
appointment and endowment by Henry Villard for anthropological research
in First, Cushing shows how Bandelier is prepared for the work, citing Bandelier’s many years of research in Spanish-American history and his experience in the field of archaeology and ethnography. In Cushing’s article there is a definite evolutionist flavor which is shown most clearly when he cites Bandelier’s writing. Bandelier believed that all American cultures were essentially the same; they only differed because they were at different stages of advancement toward civilization: "The culture of the American Indian has varied locally only in degree, not in kind." Bandelier’s research, Cushing explains, is especially necessary for exploring Incan society, which had been the most civilized of the native American societies. Second, Cushing explains that although others had explored the area before Bandelier, his plan includes "new features" which would be applied to his research, including the close connection between archeology, ethnological observation, and historical study, and distinguishing between "what is primitive and what may have resulted from European impingement." Bandelier also expects that the physical world has an influence on societies, making him somewhat of a forerunner to the later cultural ecologists of the twentieth century: "the influence of nature upon man must be taken carefully into account...Physical causes, more than anything else, have lain at the bottom of local differences in culture." Finally, Cushing describes the artifacts Bandelier expects to find in his archaeological research, including pottery, textiles, weapons, metallic items, and stone sculptures. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Manual Concepts: A Study of the Influence of Hand-Usage on Culture Growth. The American Anthropologist October, 1892 Vol.5 (4): 289-317. Cushing studies the history of hand usage on culture growth. He claims there have been three steps in the intellectual growth of man. The first, or biotic phase, was when man grew hands. The second, or manual phase, was when man began to use his hands as tools. The third, or mental phase, was when man began to use his hands as an aid in mental processes. To support his case, Cushing makes various assertions. He claims that man adopted the decimal system because man has ten fingers. He also claims that primitive life resulted in man having a tendency to be right-handed. This was because primitive man held his shield in his left hand so as to protect his heart during combat. Since the hand carrying the club or sword had to be mobile, man was forced to be right-handed He also describes in great detail how the culture of the Zuni Indians of New Mexico was influenced by the use of their hands. Counting was done by use of the hands, or by cutting notches in a tally stick, or by making knots in a strand. Hands were also an integral part of the religious ceremonies and had an indirect influence on the layout and placement of the temples. Cushing then concludes by suggesting that the hands of man are so intimately linked with the mind of man that the hands have imprinted intangible thoughts on the mind. This linkage is so close, particularly during the very early period of man=s mental growth that it may be considered as a hereditary trait and may still exist in a dormant state in our hands. He considers that, because of these remnant traits, the hands have almost a sixth sense and are infallible guides towards the reconstruction of any activity that occurred over long periods during the development of our race. CLARITY RANKING: 2 GEORGE GRANT CHERRINGTON .gif){kind=small} Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Manual Concepts: A Study of the Influence of Hand-Usage On Culture-Growth. American Anthropologist October, 1892 Vol.5(4):289-318. Cushing seeks to explain the use of the decimal system as occurring due to humans having pentadactylic hands. It is proposed that due to universal right-handedness the left hand has always been the counted and the right hand the counter. The article illustrates manual counting has impacted numerals in written and spoken form as well as ceremonial successions. Universal right-handedness occurred from holding a shield in the left hand to protect the heart; the right hand then became adept at holding and using weapons. A result of right-handedness is that the left hand is the object that is counted by the right hand. In the Zuni culture the right hand is known as the “taker” whereas the left hand is the “holder.” Zuni culture is used as an example of right and left handedness having had influenced the development of spoken numerals. In the Zuni culture spoken numerals reflect manual counting. The spoken numerals refer to the finger that represents the number. The number three is referred to as “parter-equally-itself-which-does” representing the middle finger of the hand. Right and left-handedness has also affected recorded numerals. In the Scandinavian Anglo Saxon threshing score the horizontal hash marks represent the four fingers of the hand while the vertical hash mark is the thumb crossing over the hand for the number five. The left hand is used for the numbers one through five. In this way a vertical hash mark starting in the lower left going up right corner represents the thumb crossing over the palm and fingers. In the same manner the numbers six through ten are counted on the right hand. The four hash marks correspond to the fingers while the vertical hash mark from the upper left to lower right corner signify the thumb crossing over the palm and fingers making the number ten. Roman numerals are also used as an example of manual counting influencing written numerals. Ceremonial successions have also been impacted by hand
usage for counting. This is illustrated in the example of the cardinal
directions. In the
Zuni culture when pointing at a series of items which finger is used
to point is representative of which number of items is being pointed
to. The finger which represents the number three would point at the third
item. In this way the directions have been named based on the fingers
which point in relation to the sun counting from the left from the east
as the sun rises. In this way north becomes the “first finger point” which
later is referred to as the “first cardinal point.” LILA E. KAHMANN University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Dorsey, James . Siouan Onomatopes. American Anthropologist 1892 Vol.5 (1):1-8. This article represents an attempt to collect and catalog a list of
onomatopes from the Siouan language family. The author defines an onomatope
as a word formed to resemble the sound made by the object which is signified.
For example, the sound Hu, to bark as a dog or wolf, is explained
as a description of the barking sound. Dorsey argues that the languages
of the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Eells, Myron. Aboriginal Geographic
Names in the State of Myron Eells’ article is an alphabetical index of
native place names and their definitions that represent different landmark
sites throughout
the state of CLARITY RANKING: 3 CREE HOLTZ University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Fewkes, J. Walter. A Few Tusayan Pictographs. American Anthropologist April, 1892: Vol 5: 9-26. Fewkes’ examination of Tusayan pictographs attempts to observe the culture of the artists through their work. Fewkes connects the clothing, food, and other observable cultural items to the present, and is sensitive to the cultural differences from past to present. His study attempts to make connections between the modern Tusayan and the pictographers. Despite the connections Fewkes sees in the modern Tusayan to the pictographs, he acknowledges that a few old men are some of the best links to a culture that cannot be fully understood. Furthermore, Fewkes is making an effort to salvage ethnography before these old men die. Fewkes is also concerned with the erosion of the pictographs. His article is also an effort to preserve their information by recording them down as drawings. Fewkes examined a number of pictographs and either guessed at their meaning or attempted to make analogous connections from the present to the past. He examined various symbols such as, rain, clouds, lightning snakes, phalluses, corn, squash, etc. Fewkes also examined the cultural phenomena, such as warfare, through various pictographs and their meanings described by the elders. The combined appearance of Ma-cau-a, a god of metamorphosis, the surface, death, and the devil, Ko-kyan-wuch-ti, a character that appears in pictographs when hostilities appear, and a third unspeakable pictograph that is associated with warfare, give stronger analogical connections to explain warfare in pictographs than one connection. Fewkes examined double entendres with pictographs, such as the squash and the phallus. The symbols for the phallus and the squash are interchangeable. Fewkes, in his rush to salvage ethnography, cannot help but to interject with speculations and assumptions he has about the art and its meaning. In his defense, Fewkes makes his conjecture obvious and appears to be throwing out possibilities rather than making concrete statements. CLARITY RANKING: 4 R.
Fewkes, Walter J. A Few Tusayan Pictographs. The American Anthropologist January, 1892 Vol.5:9-26. Fewkes main goal in this article is to combine his ideas along with those of Hopi people to determine what the pictographs represented. His aim is to encourage more research into the area of pictograph forms. This research attempts to study, understand, and interpret ancient and modern Hopi Indian pictographs or “rock markings” and “rock cuttings.” Fewkes’s research focuses on the Tusayan pictographs and their supposed meanings. The Tusayan Indians, or “Mokis,” are the ethnographically known Hopi Indians. Fewkes is attempting to gain information from elders in the Hopi Indian community in order to “save” the ancient knowledge and symbolism depicted in the pictographs. Much of the history has already been forgotten or lost and his goal is to encourage other anthropologists to conduct further research. The Tusayan pictographs are very numerous and most are easily accessed. He stresses that as long as there are anthropologists who are willing to live among the Indians and learn their culture there is wealth of information just waiting to be revealed. Fewkes argues that the religious meanings of the older pictographs are already lost since the priests (elders), who have now long since died, have taken their significance with them. The exception being, some symbols which have continued to be used throughout Hopi tradition such as the Katcina dance. Many pictographs described by Fewkes are representations of animal deities, masks, phallic symbols, corn, shields, and dances. Other pictographs remain unknown and unidentifiable, either because of erosion of the rock surface, or due to the complexity of the drawing. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JEANNE PETERSON University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Fewkes, Walter and Owen, J. C. The La’-la-kon-ta: A Tusayan Dance American Anthropologists April, 1892 Vol V: Pp 105-129. J. Walter Fewkes and J.C. Owen=s, A Tusayan Dance offers a detailed description of the ceremonial rites of the La=-la-con-ta dance of the Tusayan Indians. This is a woman’s dance and the particular occurrence described occurred in September of 1891. The authors note many similarities between this dance and those of the Zuni. This is a nine day dance, including an all night ceremony. In addition, many activities occur on each of the days of the dance. A few important points the authors take notice of, include the fact that all participants seem to be relatives and that priestesses inherit their positions through descent. Fewkes and Owens give a descriptive account of each of the days. Bundles used as offerings are called Ba-hos, and play an important role. These bundles must be made at specific times and carried to specific alters. Much singing is involved over the course of the ceremony as well as dancing. Sand pictures are made and destroyed according to specific regulations. Races also occur on several of the ceremonial days. Corn and corn husks also play an important role. Idols are incorporated into this dance, as well. This ceremony is also used to invite some girls into the society which performs this rite. Some ceremonies taking place during the dance are highly secretive and performed in the privacy of a kibva. The kibva is a large structure made of stones and sitting in a specific position within the village. It has one small window which allows sun in at certain angles, providing a time keeping aspect to ceremonial rites. Refuse from some of the ceremonies are carefully disposed of to prevent sickness according to the Tusayan. The dance portion of this ceremony is performed in a circle by the women. Various ceremonial articles are carried during the dance. The clothing varies according to one’s status in the society and one’s role in the ceremony itself. Some men may be involved in the dance, but not many. Body paint also indicates one’s role in the dance. Fewkes’ and Owens= information came from ethnographies and by observation of this ceremony. They give a detailed account of nearly every activity performed during these nine days including the names of some of the participants. This is necessary for proper understanding of the ceremony itself. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Fewkes, J. Walter and A.M. Stephen. The Mam-Zrau’-Ti: A Tusayan Ceremony. American Anthropologist July 1892 Vol.5(3):217-242. This article only deals with the Mam-zrau’-ti, which is a Tusayan Indian women’s dance, and describes the rituals and customs of this celebration in great detail. The article is written as an observation of the activities occurring throughout the nine days of the ceremony. Although one can read in the beginning of the article that this festival is similar to another festival, this point does not appear to be addressed in the duration of the paper. The Mam-zra’-ti is a nine day ceremony beginning on September 23. The first day’s activities include: 1, starting a sand altar in the kib-va, (otherwise known as the place where the secret parts of the ceremony are performed); 2, the preparation of a prayer-meal trail; and 3, two girls jumping within the circle created by the meal. The second day includes; 1, the production of a charm altar; 2, the chant to the six cardinal directions; 3, the painting of the ke’-le (novice girl or girls) cheeks; and 3, the making of pa’-ho. The third day sees the body of the ke’-le painted. One of the major activities on the fourth day is the midnight ceremony in which many women take part. This is followed by the ke-le’-ac-na, or the washing of the heads of the novices. The fifth day is spent mainly singing songs. The sixth day has a dance around peaches in the kib-va and the women frolicking in the Antelope court. On the seventh day, the women disguise themselves as men and dance the Mu-cai’-zru, which is followed by singing in the kib-va that night. On the eighth day, the women circle the village imitating Ta-tau’-kyu-muh, or the men’s society. The women are then drenched with water and made dirty. Also, objects standing upright in the altar are cut down and the same ceremony performed on the fourth day is performed again. On the morning of the last day of the celebration, there is a morning ceremony of throwing corn. There are also public dances with ta-pu’-I slabs, the altar is demolished, and rival choruses in the Tcub’-mo give thanks for the Mam’zrau. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, Walter j. and Stephen, A.M. The Mam-zrau-ti: A Tusayan Ceremony. American Anthropologist July, 1892 Vol. 5(3):217-241 Fewkes and Stephen observe and document successfully the similarities between the Tusayan religious ceremonial dances. The village chiefs of the Tusayan Indian people prudently allow the ethnologists to edify the academic society with the detailed description of the events of their secret religious ceremonies. The similarities of the Tusayan dances La-la-kon-ti and Mam-zrau-ti are chronologically noted in the number of nine days, which is the duration of time observed for both ceremonies. Both of these dances, as do all secret religious rituals, take place in the Al-kib-va. There are specific events that occur in exact chronological sequence that take place during both religious formalities. These events include the sand alter and prayer-meal trail on the floor of the kiv-va; markings made on the walls of the kib-va, and markings made on the faces, limbs, head and bodies of the women. In both customs the women made sand mosaics of clouds and lightning snakes. Both dances include dance and song at the same specific chronological sequences; as well as the men pouring water on the women and dirtying the women in filth. These are few of the points of simultaneous events that occur during both of the rituals, there are several in addition that are carefully noted by Fewkes and Stephen. Fewkes and Stephen establish the common details of the two dance rituals, then continue to extensively record the precise events that transpire during the Mam-zrau-ti women=s dance specifically in a brilliant chronological journal. The attention to the individual and distinct points of the ceremony present carefully distinguished evidence of the profound significance of both ceremonies for the Tusayan Indians. The meticulous details appreciated by the ethnologists suggest evidence of the rich symbolic culture and deep religious devotion of the Tusayan Indian community. CLARITY RANKING: 5 COURTENY
Fowke, Gerard. Some Interesting Mounds. American Anthropologist January, 1892 Vol.5: 73-82 Gerard Fowke’s article focuses on the dimensions and
contents of mounds in The construction of the mounds, according to Fowke, was completed in a much shorter time span that what archaeologists today would agree with. Fowke assumes that certain charcoal layers inside of the mound represent when work had paused for a couple of years, vines and shrubs covered the surface, and they were burned off to resume mound construction (73). Fowke also examines what he sees as evidence for changes in the amount of labor to explain a two-year lapse of mound construction (76). A feature containing postholes, charcoal, lithics and burials with charred bones was described as one very large execution (79). The mounds examined by Fowke were seen as fast projects. This bias may point towards the "moundbuilder myth" that assumes native Americans were incapable of building the mounds. Many theories explored the various possibilities of who these other moundbuilders were. It is important to note that Fowke avoids making claims about the origins of the mound builders. He does assume that the mounds were built quickly and states on page 73 that the skeletons on the surface of the Monongahela mounds were "no doubt, the remains of modern Indians" to differentiate them with the other skeletons found deeper in the mound with copper grave goods. Fowke’s article was published two years before the release of Cyrus Thomas’ monumental 1894 report in the 12th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology that destroyed the moundbuilder myth and connected the mounds to the native Americans. CLARITY RANKING: 4 R.
Fowke, Gerard. Some Interesting Mounds. American Anthropologist January, 1892 Vol.5: 73-82. Fowke describes several earthen mounds he observed in Fowke states that Native Americans are the probable creators of the
mounds and specifically cites the local Mingo and In addition to notes on the contents of the mounds, Fowke also describes the composition of the earth that was used in the construction of the mounds. He lists the color and the texture of the soil in the mounds, and makes note of any peculiarities such as ashes, charcoal, or bark mixtures found in the ground. The article documents human skeletal remains within the mounds, the positions in which the skeletons were found, the general age and likely sex of each skeleton, and describes the materials and objects found in the graves including copper, flint, glass, pots, knives, pipes, and artwork. No maps or drawings are included in the article. Fowke makes no definite claims regarding who built the mounds or why. This may be due to the “mound builder myth” of the era that attributed the mounds to a “vanished race” or a “lost civilization”. It would be a number of years after the initial publication of this article that mounds would be categorically linked to Native Americans. CLARITY RANKING: 4 AMANDA LYNN JOHNSON
Grinnell, George Bird. Early Blackfoot History. American Anthropologist. April, 1892 Vol. V: Pp. 153-164. Grinnel’s Early Blackfoot History is mostly concerned
with the three tribes that comprise the Blackfoot confederacy and the
migrations of
these tribes. He notes that the Blackfoot are presently (1892) found
on the land between the The three tribes of the Blackeet are the Blackfeet, the Blood, and the Piegan. He offers various explanations for the connectivity of these tribes but the best explanation in his opinion is that the Blood and the Piegan are off-shoots of the Blackfeet, thus all three tribes are known by that name. Grinnell identifies an origin myth that states the development of each
of these tribes. The myth claims that an old man and his three sons,
as well as their wives and children, lived in the south, on the western
side of the Grinnell indicates evidence for Blackfeet migration from the North and East to the South and West by use of linguistics. He finds many place names among the Blackfoot language which would indicate the North Eastern region of the plains and the woodlands as the original location of the Blackfeet. He also finds that direction names indicate migration from that region. Some traditions and stories also reflect movement of the Blackfeet. Grinnell briefly describes stories from the Cree, the Blackfeet, and
the CLARITY RANKING: 4
Grinnell, George Bird. Early Blackfoot History. American Anthropologist April, 1892 Vol. V:153-165 George Grinnell traces the origins of the Blackfoot tribe, unconvinced that the oral histories told at present day reflect the actual history of the tribe. Grinnell accounts for the varied stories told among the tribe as the origin of the people are discontinuous to the oral recollections of his studies. Grinnell suggests that the encountering of the whites and the intervention within the Blackfoot culture and traditions may have caused this displacement of knowledge of actual origin. Grinnell considers the stories of origin being told presently among the Blackfeet, specifically by an old man named Crazy Dog. Crazy Dog concurs with Grinnell that the stories being told among the Blackfeet are frequently altered and embellished to more convincingly suggest that the Blackfoot tribe originated at their present place of habitation; the parry lands between the Saskatchewan, Yellowstone, and Rocky Mountains. Grinnell concludes that this is not the place of origin for the Blackfoot; that instead they are more likely to have migrated to that region from the wooded region near the Slave lakes. Grinnell offers evidence that through oral traditions he has encountered several recollections of Blackfoot tribes’ persons having experiences consistent with the theory of the Blackfoot tribes migration. Evidence that Blackfeet men are called Aslaves,@ and Blackfoot women Alittle slaves,@ among other credible evidence presented support Grilles theory of the Blackfoot migration as its origin. Grinnell presents credible oral heritage as contradictions to the belief that Blackfoot were always mountain people, stating that they were traditionally timber people as far as the evidence supports two hundred years ago. Grinnell offers several oral heritages to explain the purpose of the Blackfoot migration, and the conditions under which it took place. Grinnell further explains that the Blackfoot sense of longitudinal and latitudinal direction suggests their migration from an alternative location, since their present place of habitation is not the median of perception. The evidence Grinnell proposes is difficult to dispute; especially by the continuously transposed narratives connoted by the present history. CLARITY RANKING: 5 COURTENY MOORE-GUMORA
Hewitt, J. N. B. Legend of the Founding of the Iroquois League. American Anthropologist April, 1892 Vol 5: 131-148. In 1888, Hewitt transcribes an oral legend of the founding
of the Iroquois. His informant is his friend, Ska-na-wa’-ti, chief
and fire-keeper John Buck, of the reserve of the Six Nations, Hewitt’s translation of the already familiar story concerning the founding of the Iroquois contains much of the same well-known material and characters. However, according to Hewitt, this version differs from other legends dealing with the founding of the Iroquois. This version was transcribed slow and literally from oral tradition, and contains many details. Hiawatha does not have supreme preeminence, he is placed on an equal level with the leading spirits who took part I the formation of the confederacy. Mythical and miraculous events such as the "story of the white canoe" and the clearing of the rivers from obstructions and monsters are not applied directly to Hiawatha, but rather to the sky god, Tha-ro-hya-wa’’-ko. CLARITY RANKING: 1 R.
Hewitt, J.N.B. Legend Of The Founding Of The Iroquois League. American Anthropologist April, 1892 Vol. V:131-148 J.N.B. Hewitt narrates the
mythical foundations of the League of the Iroquois Nation. Hewitt literally
translates dictation taken in original Onondaga- Iroquoian tongue by Sha-na-wa-ti,
chief and fire keeper of the Reserve of the Six Nations, Hewitt narrates the mythical legend as traditional oral evidence of the foundation and purpose of the League of Iroquois Nation. The events of the legend illustrate the direction and focus of the Iroquois Nation Confederation. The legend tells the story of the wizard Tha-do-da-ho. Tha-do-da-ho was a mischievous wizard that continuously tormented the chief counsel with supernatural disasters, including death. Tha-do-da-ho murdered by supernatural intervention the three children of the great chief Hai-yo-hwat-ha. In his grief Hai-yo-hwat-ha wandered, and caused concern among the Iroquois chiefs. Collectively the chiefs were determined to resume Tha-do-da-ho to his natural human form, ridding him of his demonic aberration, agreeing that his flagitious conduct and suffering he caused and endured must seize. Once Tha-do-da-ho was relieved of his physical and supernatural aberrations, the Iroquois chiefs constructed a commonwealth in the Acause of right and equity,@ among the chiefs and war chiefs. In the legend, Hewitt narrates that the chiefs buried this baneful behavior in a deep hole and planted an enormous pine tree representing the pulchritude and preservation of the Iroquois Nation upon it; with roots in all directions east, west, north and south, representing the roots of the laws of natural man. Ska-ji-e-na, an eagle with the keenest eyesight of all birds is perched high upon the tree; vigilant and defensive. Hewitt illustrates through oral tradition the notable objectives of the Iroquois Nation confederation. The League of the Iroquois obligated their allegiance to the Law of Natural Men, and has doctrinated their fellowship for peace and prosperity among the people. CLARITY RANKING: 5 COURTENY
Holmes, W. H. Notes Upon Some Geometric Earthworks, With Contour Maps. American Anthropologist. October, 1892. Vol. V: Pp. 363-373. Holmes's article begins with a letter written by Dr. Cyrus Thomas in
regards to his research on three of the geometrical earthworks in Holmes chose to map the circles in the fall of the year, when crops
had already been harvested and the foliage from the trees was mostly
on the ground. He used a plane-table, and hand level to measure the earthworks.
He concludes much of his work accurate by comparison with Squires and The first circle measured was the The Fair Ground circle, the next surveyed mound, has very little human disruption, according to Holmes. He credits this to the mound's largeness and forbidding appearance. Holmes admits that much of Thomas's report is accurate, however, he feels that small discrepancies have crept in. The final circle investigated is the High Bank circle. This mound has been heavily disturbed by plowing and therefore, the original dimensions could not be obtained. Holmes also mentions the use of Gunter's chain. This method of circle
making was apparently not used until 1600, and therefore would not have
reached Clarity RANKING: 4
Holmes, W. H. Notes Upon Some Geometric Earthworks, With Contour Maps. American Anthropologist October, 1892 Vol.5:363-374. In October 1891, a team topographically surveyed three circular mounds
in Included are the topographic maps of these sites as well as a detailed description of the team’s methodology. These three mounds were severely damaged by farming, erosion, and other human activities. Because of this damage, it was impossible to determine the original dimensions of these structures, but Holmes asserts that the natives of this region possessed the technology to build perfectly circular mounds without European assistance. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LACI
Holmes, W. H. Studies in Aboriginal Decorative Art I. American Anthropologist January, 1892 Vol.5: 67-73. In this article Holmes looks at what he calls South Appalachian group
ware. This is a group of pottery with similar design that is found in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, W.H. Studies In Aboriginal Decorative Art. American Anthropologist, January, 1892 Vol. V:67-73. W.H. Holmes defends the aesthetic as well as the technical significance of American aborigine highly decorative art. Holmes suggests that aborigine art articulates the foundation of an aesthetic movement. Holmes states that the aborigine have not expounded upon highly evolved aesthetic art, however the American aborigine art did embark upon and develop a highly decorative art form. Holmes notes that the distinguishing characteristics of the aborigine art are identifiable, although it is not determinable if these characteristics were developed by an isolated people, or developed through localized groups. The distinguishing characteristics include quartz in the clay, large shape specific forms, and extremely and unusually decorative markings made by paddle stamps. The elaborate designs made by the stamps often overlay creating extremely intricate and complex patterns. Holmes explains that the use for paddle stamps originated in vessel construction. Using fingers for the smoothing of the clay upon the vessel walls was replaced by shells and smooth stones to even the surfaces. Also tools resembling paddles were used to strike the walls to even the clay, creating an imprint that captured an aesthetic appeal. The figure paddle stamp performed functional as well as aesthetic purpose. Holmes marks that this transformation of the functional into the aesthetic illustrates an example of the functional and aesthetic significance of American aborigine artistic development. CLARITY RANKING: 4 COURTENY
Holmes, W. H. Studies in Aboriginal Decorative Art. American Anthropologist April, 1892 Vol.5(2):149-152. W. H. Holmes addresses the use of the roulette tool or rocking stamp
in the decoration of pottery in the upper Holmes first shows the reader illustrations of the flat, wooden, notched
stamps which were created from impressions on sherds found in Because they were probably made of wood, no roulette tool has ever been found and its exact form is not known. Holmes provides a model made out of cardboard and wood to show how the roulette tool may have appeared. In doing so, he provides an early example of ethnoarchaeology. It is similar to the flat stamp except it is ovoid and had a handle to allow the user to easily rock the tool forward, thus covering the entire surface of a rounded vessel with a zigzag design without lifting the tool. This was relatively easier than the flat stamp which had to be pressed back and forth on one area of a pot and then lifted to achieve a good result. Holmes sees this as the reason why the stamps eventually became rounded. CLARITY RANKING: 3 HEATHER KENNELLY
Matthews, Matthews uses the ceremonial rituals of Native Americans to explain the important symbolic role of the top and bottom of objects. He describes how the position the object lies in relation to the body and/or the environment is taken into careful consideration when shamans perform a ritual. He explains that relationships of objects are numerous and so minute that most people would easily overlook many of the associations. Matthews uses the Navajo Indians as an example and how shamans make a great distinction of the butts and tips in many ritual observances. Here it is often seen in sacrifices offered to the gods where tobacco (cigarettes) is placed in reeds. The placement of the cigarettes into the reed is done in a very symbolic way. Some of the placements of cigarettes are; tips must always face east, they are painted from butt to tip, the butt is notched so as to show the order in which they were cut, and they are placed in the reed in order of the notches. This ritual is often applied to a person who may be ill and the application is also done from the feet (butt) up the body to the crown of the head (tip). Another sacrifice ritual with a connection to butts and tips is kethawns or messages to the gods. Here vegetable substances are offered in a variety of shapes and colors. This is a very intricate ritual with a lot of preparation going in to the offerings. Here Matthews explains the pattern of creating a kethawn, with the material used and order of application. Through out this sacrifice offered there is a number of distinctions made from the butts and tips of the objects. CLARITY RANKNG: 4 AMANDA LAMBERT University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
McGee, W. J, Wilson, Thomas, and William Holmes. Reports of the Delegates to the Congress Geologique International. American Anthropologist January 1892 Vol. 5(1):45-51. This article is comprised of three reports by the delegates
of the Anthropological Society sent to the Congress Géologique International
meeting in CLARITY RANKING:5
McGee, W.J. Comparative Chronology. American Anthropologist October 1892 Volume V: 327-344. In this article, McGee combines the chronologies from five separate |
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