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American
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Boas, Franz. Physical Characteristics
of the Indians of the For this article,"Physical Characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast", Franz Boas took a series of measurements of 263 Indians along the North Pacific coast of America. Boas grouped the native peoples according to their former habitat, as well as their mode of life. All measurements required the removal of only a small portion of the natives’ clothing. The measurements of men between the ages of 20 and 50 and women between the ages of 19 and 50 are included in the discussion. Boas found marked differences among the various local groups in his study, and includes a table which shows those measurements that vary the most. Boas notes that, in general, all Indians of the North Pacific coast
are of average size, and have short heads, wide faces, large chins, light
skin, very dark brown hair, and wide eyebrows. However, as one approaches
the Boas notes that many groups throughout the North Pacific coast practice cranial deformation. Fortunately, Boas was able to take measurements of the heads of children whose parents no longer practiced the deformation. Boas notes that longer finger reach and longer arms seem to be associated with people who practice a fishing subsistence. In conclusion, Boas notes that studies of the physical characteristics of Indians are just as valuable as studies of their customs and beliefs. He notes that little time remains for further studies of Native Americans, since their lifeways are rapidly changing. This essay is a general report of Boas’ findings among the Indians of the North Pacific coast, where he has found evidence of regional physical types as well as physical variation among neighboring Indian groups. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Boas, Franz. Physical Characteristics of the Indians
of the Franz BoasÕ overall concern as an historical particularistic was to record the characteristics of each unique Native American tribe, as much as possible, before it either disappeared or was changed by imposed contact. His concluding statement to this article was, Òthe disappearance of tribes, their intermixture with each other, and with whites, the changes in their mode of life, are so rapid that little time remains for studies of this character.Ó The particular character that was recorded in this article was certain physical attributes of tribal groups from several Northwestern American and Canadian regions. Presented within this article are data on height, finger-reach, length of arm, length of torso, and six indices of the head, face and arm for individuals from nine geographical areas of the Northwest. The subjects in each of the geographic areas were from different tribes in that region that shared either habitat or way of life. His sample sizes are low, with a median of only eight men and five women sampled in each region. From this data Boas tries to show the unique physical aspects of the various areas, as well as using similarities to show relatedness among areas. He states that, Òit is of the greatest interest to observe that upon studying the physical characters of the tribes of the Pacific coast in detail such a variety of forms is found.Ó To make his argument, Boas chose to use only Òthose measurements which varied most among the different groups.Ó To present the selected data, he chose to give the average of each group for each measure and, as a measure of variation, the limits between half of each of these groups. Thus, between his selection of data and the way it is presented, the differences between tribes are enhanced to support his argument. He continually refers to the average number to claim differences between various regions while paying little attention to the variation, which he has already limited. In addition, Boas measured several crania from museums, stating that their measurements are consistent with modern measurements from the same area and, therefore, it is reasonable to accept the modern group as being from continuous lineages. Throughout the article, Boas focuses the reader on the salient statistics for each region where differences were found. He gives detailed explanations about why he feels his sample sizes are adequate and why the resulting statistics are meaningful. In addition, he uses similarities found between certain groups to hypothesize relatedness. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Bourke, John G. Remarks. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):71-74. John G. Bourke’s "Remarks" is a general summary of Bourke’s knowledge about Native American arrow manufacture and use. Bourke begins with an assertion that Apache arrows, with shafts made of reed, were especially well made and needed no strengthening. Meanwhile, their enemies wasted valuable time and energy straightening arrows. Myth tells us the Apache emerged as a tribe from a reed swamp, and they received their arrows from the gods. Bourke notes that there are numerous types of arrow tips,
and several types can be found in a single Apache quiver. The Apaches
barbed arrows
with obsidian, sheet iron, and sometimes hard wood. Bourke’s collection
of their arrows is comparable to examples described in the letters of
Christopher Columbus. Historic evidence suggests that by 1709 some Native
American groups were barbing arrows with beer bottle glass. Indeed, as
Bourke notes, the Apache word for brown bottle glass is the same as for
obsidian. Indians knew how to construct bows and arrows according to
the height of the bowman, and they were able to make flint or obsidian
tips in about five minutes. There were various types of feathering across
Native American groups, and there were also groups who did not feather
their arrows. Bourke notes that the range of Native American arrows is
not greater than 150 yards, although the penetration of the arrows is
impressive. Bourke reports seeing arrows embedded in pine trees, and
notes that an CLARITY RANKING: 2
Brinton, D. G. The International Congress of Americanists. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 33-38. The International Congress of Americanists, which originated in The article amounts to little more than a collection of notes, containing no substantial content or specific information about the Congress’s findings. As such, the article is of little or no value other than, perhaps, a glimpse at what one anthropological organization was concerned with in 1890. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Brunner, H. L. Aboriginal Rock-Mortars
Near Brunner focuses on rock mortars found in association with an archaeological
site about ten miles north of The rock mortars consist of holes in large blocks of granite. Granite is present as an intrusive rock in the mountains. At the mouth of the canyon there are two hills of granite eroded and fallen down from the mountains, which contain the rock mortars. These rock mortars are between fourteen and nineteen inches in depth and ten to fifteen inches in diameter. The holes are semi-spindle-shaped or saucer-shaped. Many of the holes are in the shadow on the face of a granite block, so that one could grind food in the shade. The larger holes are pointed, whereas the smaller holes are more rounded. Brunner cites old "plainsmen" to state that these mortars may have been used to grind grain. The holes were given the name of "cooking holes." Brunner believes the smaller circular holes were used to hold vessels with round bottoms. Several fragments of Mexican-type pottery, plain and decorated, were found near the rock-mortars. An arrow-scraper and an unworked ax-shaped stone were also found near the granite blocks, suggesting that people may have used these tools to dig or chop at the site. About one-third of a mile from the excavations, archaeologists recovered an oval tool shaped from hard sandstone. The tool has a rough and a smooth side. The smooth side is covered with longitudinal scratches. Brunner believes that the tool was used either to shape the mortar holes, grind grain in the holes, or for both purposes. The author also reports similar rock mortars occurring near Mundy Spring, several miles north of these granite blocks. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Brunner, H. L. Aboriginal Rock-Mortars
Near Brunner’s article describes the aboriginal rock-mortars
near The excavations are located on the east side of the The rock-mortars vary from 10-15 inches in diameter and from 14-19 inches in depth. Twenty of the mortars lie close to a large tilted block of granite. Brunner asserts that this large granite rock may have shielded the users of these rock-mortars from hostile eyes. Along with the larger holes, there are approximately 30 small saucer shaped depressions. These vary from 2-6 inches in diameter and ½-3 inches in depth. Brunner claims that the smaller depressions were probably used to hold vessels or cups. A few pottery fragments found near the mortars support his claim. An arrow scraper and an axe shaped stone were found along with an oval lenticular tool. Brunner describes this sandstone tool to be 4½ inches in length, 3¼ inches wide, and 13/8 inches thick. Brunner finds this tool comfortable to wield, and its markings and shape indicate it was used in the grinding of a substance or in making the mortars, thus supporting old plainsmen’s claims that these mortars were used for grinding grain. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Chamberlain, A. F. Maple Sugar and the Indians. American Anthropologist October, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):381-383. In "Maple Sugar and the Indians", A.F. Chamberlain
provides a brief history of maple sugar in Chamberlain provides historic documentation to illustrate
that by the 1780s New Englanders were producing maple sugar. New England
Indians
still use maple sugar as an ingredient in traditional dishes. One recipe
includes whortle-berries and maple sugar, "baked into a dainty dish".
Recent reports from CLARITY RANKING: 3
Chamberlain, A. F. Maple Sugar and the Indians. American Anthropologist. October, 1891 Vol. 4 (4):381-383. In Maple Sugar and the Indians, Chamberlain follows up on The maple amongst the Algonkian tribes, an article which appeared previously in the American Anthropologist. The focus of Chamberlain’s argument is that Native Americans were the first to make maple sugar, and have been producing it "longer than any now living among them can remember" (382). The course of his argument seems to support diffusionist theory, although in a direction not commonly suggested. Chamberlain concludes that maple sugar production spread from Native American culture to European communities. In support of his claim, Chamberlain briefly cites several European
sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. One Dr. Robinson,
for example, is quoted in a letter written from In addition to citing European accounts of Native American maple sugar
production, Chamberlain also describes how these people prepared the
sugar. Again, he refers to European testimony, this time that of Paul
Dudley, F. R. S. His description is then compared to methods of maple
sugar extraction employed in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Chamberlain, A. F. The Maple Amongst the Algonkian Tribes. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):39-44. Chamberlain uses this article to refer to and expand upon an earlier article (Henshaw Vol. 3: 341-351) that attempts to prove that American Indians were the first to use maple sugar. Chamberlain reviews historical notes and myths of the origin of maple sugar use in Algonquian groups. Chamberlain also includes stories about maple sugar making and etymological considerations of the words "maple" and "sugar" in several Algonquian languages. Chamberlain begins with memoirs and histories from Father Rasle, Joutel,
and Miss E.F. Jones to establish that Algonquian groups in the northeast Chamberlain proceeds to compile myths and stories concerning the origin
and use of maple sugar from Mohican, Chamberlain mentions words used by the Mississagwas of Ontario; Algonquians
of the The author ends the piece by determining that two etymologies, rather than four, may have real relevance to derivational studies. Chamberlain believes that either the term "man-tree" or "the tree" may have given rise to the general Algonquian terms "aninâtik and "ininâtik." Of the two terms, the word "inin" appears to have more significance. The root of the word, "inin," means "true or proper." This would indicate that the tree was the ‘genuine’ tree. Chamberlain believes that further studies on Algonquian languages concerning words relating to maple sugar may assist to determine the true Algonquian word of origin for maple sugar. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Chamberlain, A. F. The Maple Amongst the Algonkian Tribes. American Anthropologist January, 1891. Vol.IV(1):39-43. Chamberlain makes a case here for maple sugar being an invention of the Algonkian (now spelled Algonquin) tribes of the Northeast and ponders the origin of the Algonkian words for maple and sugar. The larger framework within which the author is working, is probably the desire of many American anthropologists of the time to record as much ethnographic data as possible about Native American tribes. To support his argument, he methodically supplies historical references as to maple sugarÕs invention and relies on expert authority for the linguistic question. His exposition is laid out in three parts. In the first, he quotes four historical sources, each implies that maple sugar was known to the Algonkians before white settlement of the area. One of these sources also states that the Iroquois referred to the Algonkian as Òtree-eaters,Ó presumably because of their use of the maple tree. The second part of his argument describes myths about the maple in various Algonkian tribes. Each of the myths revolves around the origin of how and why people learned to process maple sap into sugar. The final myth mentioned by Chamberlain, however, refers to the creation of the tree itself. In it a magician becomes the tree and, Chamberlain claims, is the probable root for the Chippewa word for maple that he translates as meaning Òman tree.Ó In the third part of his thesis, Chamberlain looks for the probable origins of the words for maple and sugar in Algonkian languages. He first lists the words, as well as, related words in the various Algonkian languages and then suggests some possible connections. Finally, Chamberlain discusses the four etymologies that had been proposed for the Algonkian terms for sugar and maple that were used by most groups. After dismissing two, he states that, of the remaining two, Òthe treeÓ is the most likely origin as it has the weight of an expert opinion behind it. CLARITY RANKING: 4 PAULINE STAHL
Culin, Stewart. Social Organization
of the Chinese in This article by Stewart Culin discusses the migration of Chinese immigrants
to the This article is written in a diary type format. Often, Culin’s writings seem to be wandering and very difficult to follow. He offers no information regarding the social life or historical underpinnings of Chinese culture in general. As such, the article represents Culin’s observations and opinions of the Chinese immigrants with which he is familiar. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Culin, Stewart. Social Organization
of the Chinese in The author depicts Chinese immigrants in The article represents a clear and common set of anthropological assumptions,
namely that culture is cohesive both locally and generally. In this article,
the author primarily uses his experiences with the Chinese immigrant
community in The article shows both universalizing goals, in the way
that Culin generalizes his findings to other communities, and particularist
aims, in the historical
nature of his analysis of one locality. Culin’s analysis is based on
a great deal of time spent observing the Chinese community’s growth from
its early stages. His chief source was a man named Lee Fong who occupied
positions both as a laundryman, the most common labor position for the
Chinese, and as a community leader. Lee Fong was the first Chinese immigrant
to establish himself in During the period of his observations, Culin states that a feud broke out between the Lee family and the Moy family. As a result, a secret society was established against the Lees. This secret society was known as the I’Hing, or the "Patriotic Uprising," and is based on Chinese tradition. According to Culin, the Chinese communities are divided by three elements: the clan, or village unit, which Culin says consists of the family and early association; the secret society or political group; and the trade guild or mercantile cooperation. At the end of the article, Culin devotes a short space to extrapolating
from his experiences in CLARITY RANKING: 3
Daniel, Z. T. Mounds in In his article, "Mounds in The houses are constructed of mud and trees, and they contain circular walls. Some of the buildings are "quite large and may have been designed for horses". The doors or openings of the houses always face the east or southeast. Artifacts and human bones have been recovered inside and outside the houses. Ash heaps and charcoal have been recovered from the outside of the houses, where the doors were. Daniel suggests the occupants did the cooking just outside of their homes, adding that it would have been impractical to cook inside these houses. All pottery recovered has been the work of the Rees. Daniel notes that this pottery seems to have been used and broken over a century ago. This would date to the time when the Sioux and the Rees were fighting for supremacy. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Daniel, Dr. Z. T. Mounds In In Mounds In South Dakota, Daniel traces the history of earthen
mounds that run the length of the Missouri River in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dorsey, J. Owen. Games of Teton Dakota Children. American Anthropologist Oct. 1891. Vol. IV (4): pp. 329-345. This article is a compilation of information that has been translated and arranged by the author. The original collector of the data, George Bushotter, was a full-blood Dakota who wrote in the Teton dialect. The article lists and briefly summarizes nearly sixty Teton Dakota games, including games that Dorsey calls: "Ghost game," "Taking captives from one another," "Old Woman and her Dog," and "Who shall get there first?" Most of the games listed involve boys only, although a few include children of both sexes. One exception, the game "Playing with small things," is exclusive to girls. In his descriptions, Dorsey notes that many of the games involve hunting, fighting, or some type of interacting with girls, in ways that teach boys something of their social environment and role. The games help the children to emulate their elders, measure and build their physical and social strength, and to explore their spirituality. This is perhaps the key thread between the games: while he states that some games can be played for pure amusement, most are culturally simulating or educating at heart. Dorsey does not give great detail for any of the games, but treats the information as a potential database for further study. The list is arranged by the season in which the games are typically played and the age and sex of the children who play them. All Teton Dakota games are played at certain times of the year, although only most games are listed by the season in which they are played, depending on the information available to Dorsey. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Dorsey, J. Owen. Games of Teton Dakota Children. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 329-345. This article describes the games played among youngsters in the Teton Dakota community. George Bushotter, a member of the Dakota people, was the original author of the notes on the games. The U.S. Bureau of Ethnology later acquired his papers. John Dorsey, an employee of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, then translated Bushotter’s notes concerning the games from the Teton dialect of the Dakota language to English. Dorsey also arranged this material in a single readable document. The games of the Teton Dakota children are classified into several sets: those games played by girls or boys; boys’ games of each of the four seasons; all-season boys’ games; and games played by children or older members of the society. Dorsey writes that girls and boys do not often play with each other. Games appear to belong to specific seasons of the year. There are five games that both children and older people may play. There are fifty-seven games in which only children take part. Dorsey notes that girls alone may play at mimicking women. Girls may carry dolls, women’s work bags, and small tents. These play imitations are called "playing with small things." Boys play at a number of games which test physical skill and endurance. Among these are: "they hit another with earth;" "they wound one another with a grass which has a long sharp beard;" and "throwing fire at one another." Boys also make representations of horses and buffalo with mud, treating them as real animals; hunt for eggs and birds; and play a game with a rawhide hoop. Both girls and boys engage in play mimicking the actions of older people in the village. The children pretend to be old people, doctors, medicine men or women, people near death, ghosts, captive takers, and courting adults. A number of physical games are also played, involving hopping, whistling, follow-the-leader, flutes, group games of chase, spinning tops, and shooting games. Some games involve the calling of insults to make the players play more fiercely, or to entertain the group. Older members of the Teton Dakota people appear to play more games of chance or skill. These include making willow sticks and ribs to race over ice, odd and even games with sumac switches, and catching several deer hooves with a sharp-pointed stick. The games mentioned in Bushotter’s text are not a complete collection. Yet they do offer a good deal of information on materials, people, and animals that appear in children’s games of a Teton Dakota community. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fewkes, J. Walter. On Zemes from Santo Domingo. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 167-176. Fewkes holds that a zeme is a carved image of stone, wood, or clay.
He records the creation of the zeme in the West Indies and the Fewkes believes that the zeme was used as an idol or fetish. He describes
in detail the zemes from the city of Fewkes briefly describes zeme-like stone idols used among the ZuZi and
Moki peoples of the Southwestern United States, and the Passamaquoddy
people of Fewkes then explores the traditions of the Carib Indians concerning the production of zemes. Early historical writers report that Carib peoples made wooden zemes, sprinkled their heads with powder, and imbued them with religious significance. Fewkes writes that the Carib peoples may have believed certain zemes held prophetic powers. The Carib peoples may have held "medium" sessions in which a concealed person would speak through the zeme. Fewkes concludes the piece by questioning whether Caribs or other American Indian groups originally crafted West Indian zemes. Fewkes believes that Caribs produced zemes, but perhaps this occurred under the influence of other American Indian groups. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fewkes, J. Walter. On Zemes from J. Walter Fewkes article, On Zemes from Santo Domingo, is concerned with the anthropologist’s attempt to establish what material aspects of the West Indian aboriginal culture are original (pure), and what aspects have been influenced by other cultures, specifically the cultures of Africa and Santo Domingo. Fewkes introduces this problem in the context of aboriginal zemes. An aboriginal zeme is a carved stone or wooden figure, often resembling animal or human-like features. Fewkes focused his article on the problem of integration and diffusion of traits that resulted from many intermingling cultures, creating complexity in separating the original traits of the Western Indians from others. Fewkes attempts to add new information to previous knowledge already known regarding aboriginal zemes. Fewkes argues for the necessity for cross-cultural comparisons (especially the African influence) of specific traits, environments, tools and materials used in the creation of a zemi, in order to provide evidence for the historical origins of these aboriginal zemes. Fewkes drawins on articles written by colleagues, including historical references concerning the purpose of zemes. He also discusses the environments in which zemes were found, the materials out of which they were made, and the defining physical characteristics (often similar to animal or human forms, such as the face, and hands and feet) by which they are identified. Fewkes makes extensive cross-cultural comparisons in which he emphasizes the similarities and differences between zemes. Fewkes identifies the religious and totemic significance of zemes. Because of the diffusion, and interaction between many cultures, Fewkes argues that specific zeme had to be analyzed and compared with others in order to determine its meaning and connotations. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Fletcher, Robert. The New "The New School of Criminal Anthropology" was delivered before the Anthropological Society of Washington, by Robert Fletcher, on April 21, 1891. This address described and explained the development of criminal anthropology.
This new school of thought, according to Fletcher, began at the In general, Fletcher explains, the criminal anthropologist views the criminal as a "variety of the human species who has degenerated physically and morally." Fletcher recognizes that the definition of crime is not universal and that certain crimes may be acceptable in certain societies. However, he argues that across all societies "natural crimes" such as murder and theft are always recognized as crime. As such, he argues that these natural crimes are a deviation from an innate "moral sense" and that in the criminal the inheritance of this "moral sense" may be flawed or absent. The new school of criminal anthropology attempts to identify the social factors or inherited attributes of a criminal that lead to perpetration of crime. In fact, physical characteristics, Fletcher notes, are valid indicators of criminals. That is, according to Lombroso’s investigations, "large noses, abundant hair, and well developed canines" are always present when examining a murderer. Fletcher moves one step further and suggests that society must act in the same manner as biology by selecting against the unfit, those who commit crime, by enacting capital punishment. Throughout the address, Fletcher positions himself in line with the Positivist school. As such, the notion of a biological basis to deviant behavior is not only assumed it is manifest, as noted earlier, in the physical appearance of the criminal. In this article, Fletcher goes to great lengths to explain and provide examples for the position of the criminal anthropologist. Clearly, at the time this address was presented the philosophies of Herbert Spenser and Sir Francis Galton, both of who are mentioned by Fletcher, were popularly held beliefs. However, viewed as a historical document this article most clearly reflects the misconceptions regarding evolution and specifically genetic transmission present in the wake of Darwin’s influential publications. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Fletcher, Robert M. D. The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1):1-17. The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English was read before the Anthropological Society of Washington by Robert Fletcher on December 16, 1890. In his speech, Robert Fletcher conveys the idea that the English used in the poetry of the Elizabethan age is a direct reflection of the "freedom and spontaneity" afforded by the Reformation. Introduced by Queen Elizabeth’s father, King Henry the Eighth, the Reformation, according to Fletcher, unleashed the English poet and allowed him to flourish under the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Fletcher juxtaposes the pre-Elizabethan and Elizabethan ages by reciting several stanzas of poetry indicative of the changing social climate. According to Fletcher, however, modern poetry lacks the vitality and economy of words employed by the Elizabethan poet. To illustrate this point, Fletcher provides his audience with numerous exemplar stanzas, citing the work of Spenser, Milton, Davies, and many others. Furthermore, he argues that the language of the modern poet neglects terse and expressive words such as the adjective jocund or the verb to lamp, common to the Elizabethan poet. While Fletcher is clear in not wanting to defame the modern poet, his penchant for terse and expressive writing is most fully satisfied by the work of the Elizabethans. In regards to anthropology, Fletcher’s work is of only remote interest. Nevertheless, for those interested in an unpedantic account of the vigor and expressiveness of Older English, Fletcher’s is a readable and enlightened rendition. CLARITY RANKING: 4 .gif){kind=small} Fletcher, Robert. The Vigor and Expressiveness of Older English. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.IV:1-18. This article was originally a speech given to the Anthropological Society of Washington on December 16th 1890. He begins by apologizing for the lack of relevance his topic may have to Anthropology and introduces his topic as the examination of why modern English is less descriptive and effective than the English used by playwrights, authors, and poets of the Elizabethan age. Fletcher credits English literature’s advancement out of the Middle Ages and into the poetic glory of the Elizabethan age to the Italian Renaissance and the German Restoration. Exposure to the rediscovered masterpieces of art and poetry of the Ancient Greeks and the revolution of thought fanned by the challenge of Martin Luther of the Catholic Church, led to freedom in the thought, language, and art created by the Elizabethan Englishmen. The freedom was encouraged by a lack of censorship from the crown allowing writers to express the true vigor of their emotions, convictions, and observations. Through extensive quotations he attempts to prove that English, being derived from Anglo-Saxon, is inherently a strong language but with little beauty and expressiveness. Thus much of the succinct beauty of Elizabethan writers, he argues, comes from their use of Latin words and phrasing in their poetry. He claims that modern writers who limit themselves to the English language are less bold and more diffuse because they need to use more words to convey meaning. The bulk of the article consists of quotations, of which only three are from contemporary sources though he claims to be comparing modern and Elizabethan. Fletcher loosely strings the quotations together via transitional statements. He examines the importance of specific words, phrases, and liberties taken with grammatical structure that provide succinct elegance to those early writers. He compares and dissects those modern sources he includes while praising his historical examples. The closing and body of Fletcher’s speech poorly support his thesis. His citations seem disconnected and he leaves his ideas unfinished. Each time he focuses on a particular example of language he quickly states his point and moves to another idea that is only loosely connected to the last, before providing enough evidence for the previous point. Much of the article feels as though he is trying to convey his extensive knowledge and appreciation of classic English literature for his colleagues. Many terms in the article may have been common knowledge among his peers in 1890 but are completely confounding to the modern college student without a really good dictionary or a background in classical poetry, drama, and literature. CLARITY:2 THERESA. LARSON University of Minnesota Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Weston Flint begins his article "The Arrow in Modern Archery" by noting that it takes a great deal of skill to make arrows. Hough notes that the arrow has remained largely the same throughout time, except that the media of manufacture have changed somewhat. According to Hough, straightness and stiffness are essential aspects of arrow structure. Terminology for arrows is provided within the article. The main parts of the arrow include the stele (the body of an arrow), the pile (the steel head), the nock, and the feathering. Hough notes that in proper modern archery arrows almost always have three feathers. Hough explains that the length of an arrow is as important today as it was in the past. He provides examples from modern archery, including examples of his own experience in arrow production. According to Hough, the dynamite projectile is based on experiments with arrow technology. For instance, the blunt cone at the base of the dynamite projectile is similar to the feather in its ability to guide the missile. This essay is a general discussion of arrows in modern archery, and includes numerous examples of historic and contemporary arrow construction and use. CLARITY RANKING: 3
Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 275-281. Grinnell presents a discussion of Pawnee customs concerning betrothal,
marriage, and family arrangements before and after the introduction of
horses. He writes that in older times, Pawnee couples would marry for
love. The Pawnee people began to purchase brides and add commercial aspects
to marriage after they acquired horses and property. Grinnell believes
this relatively recent development has become a permanent part of Pawnee
tradition. Grinnell spoke with the Skidi band of Pawnees for this piece,
who hold different customs from the The author writes that it became customary after the introduction of horses to give presents to the immediate relatives of the girl who was chosen as a bride. Rivalries of giving presents might occur if two or more young men wanted to marry the same girl. Often the gifts were not decided on until after the marriage had occurred. Young men became eligible to marry when they had developed excellent hunting skills and had been successful in battle. Suitors either courted the girls directly or spoke to their own parents, telling them that they wanted to take a wife. A suitor would attempt to speak to a potential wife by waiting for her at a particular spot and then throwing his blanket over her. If the woman stayed, the two would talk for hours. If she threw off the blanket, he had been spurned. The family of the suitors discussed the merits of the potential bride once the suitor told them his choice. If the young man had not picked a certain girl and just wanted a wife, his relations would choose a woman for him. Once the matter was settled, an old man, usually a priest, was called in to conduct the negotiations between the two families. The relations of the girl would then also discuss the worth of the suitor. Then a lodge ceremony would take place. This formal method of bringing about a marriage was the norm. Sometimes, however, young men also eloped with their brides or conducted the marriage negotiations themselves. Divorce was unusual. Grinnell concludes the piece by speaking about the roles of Plains Indian women in general, noting that they did most of the work in the camp and held respectable positions. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist July 1891 Vol.4(3):275-282. George Bird Grinnellís article, Marriage Among the Pawnees, asserts that traditionally, before technological advancements and accumulation of wealth (property) within the Pawnee society, people married for love and admiration. Grinnell asserts that, previously, giving gifts merely established a friendly kin relationship with future relatives. Over time, however giving gifts became more expected and necessary. Grinnell argues, that giving presents to the immediate relatives of a girl who was sought in marriage may have been misconstrued as a payment or exchang, when in actuality gifts were merely intended to that helped gain good will of the girl’s family (Grinnell 1891: 275). Grinnell focuses on the process of Pawnee courtship between a male and female. Grinnell argues that the union of a man and woman centered largely on the social standing of that individual. Social standing was determined by, for example, upon a man’s ability to hunt or a woman’s ability to be compliant and caring. Gifts between families were merely a supplement to the courtship, rather than an obligation. In earlier times, the acceptance or declination of a man by the woman or her family centered on his social standing, and not on the quantity or quality of gifts. In addition, Grinnell argues that gift exchange did not obligate the womanís family, that gifts were often not collected until after the marriage, and that they were almost always eventually returned to the young man. Grinell also discussions situations in which there was more than one suitor, or in which couples eloped. Grinnell argues that gift giving in these instances was usually made to impress the families, and not as a means of payment. Grinnellís commentary on the relationship between gift-giving and marriage seems to foreshadow Mauss’ work. Grinnell’s assertion that Pawnee gift exchange was free from obligation appears to challenge Mauss’ argument that obligation is a fundamental characteristic of gift-giving. Grinnell also suggests that Pawnee gift-giving practices are changing and non-static. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Grinnell, George Bird. Marriage Among the Pawnees. American Anthropologist July, 1891 Vol.4(3):275-281. Grinnell’s article discusses the customs of becoming husband and wife among the Pawnee Indians, and argues that the concept of purchasing a bride was a young development in Pawnee society arising from the recent ability to domesticate horses and thus accumulate property. His information is based on his discussions with the Pawnees themselves, but Grinnell cites no specific examples or concrete data for his argument, thereby raising some doubt about its accuracy. Grinnell does, however, offer one specific example of a woman who gained much respect in her society, but this anecdote is not presented as evidence for his main argument. Grinnell begins his article by stating the commonly accepted belief of the time that fathers in Native American tribes basically sold their daughters into marriage, and then discusses how this was not the case in "the olden time." Formerly, he writes, the Pawnees married for love. He explains the change by noting the domestication of horses which led to the accumulation of property, thereby facilitating the custom of giving presents. At first merely an offering to impress the family of the intended bride, the practice of giving gifts gradually grew to become a necessity when proposing for marriage. Grinnell then goes on to describe the process of courtship, proposal, and marriage, his information evidently drawn from his contact with the Pawnees, although he does not cite specific examples in his discussion. However, when describing the usual courtship behavior, the negotiations between families, the presents exchanged by both the woman and the man’s families, and finally the feasts held after the couple becomes husband and wife, he notes specific details of each part of the process. Grinnell then adds some commentary on the role of women in the Pawnee community. Women are the laborers, but they are not "mere servants." They are asked for advice on many subjects. This is where Grinnell offers a specific example, actually told to him by one of his contemporaries, J.B. Dunbar. The story is of a woman who saved a captive Dakota child from death, thereby earning a place in the society’s council of the men. Finally, Grinnell gives some insight on the role of the wife, stating that she has a strong, influential, and respectable place in the home and the community. In a marriage the wife is a strong partner, correcting her husband when he is wrong or if she does not agree with him. In short, wives are not inferior to husbands in Pawnee marriages. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hoffman, W. J. Poisoned Arrows. American Anthropologist 1891 Vol. 4 (1):67-71. In this brief report, Hoffman reviews the use and manufacture of arrow poisons in a diverse set of groups from around the world. He believes that many groups made arrow poisons from substances that they believed would cause evil spirits to enter a victim’s body. The poisons acted to subsequently weaken or destroy the one stricken. Hoffman theorizes that non-industrial societies observe, rather than test, the powers of their poisons. He states that arrow poisons are often created from substances that are associated with poisonous or harmful plants and animals. Hoffman then proceeds to list a catalogue of arrow poisons
used in the ancient world, beginning with the mention of poisoned arrows
in war in
the classical world. He notes that several non-Greek and Roman groups
used hellebore and a mixture of serpent venom and "putrid blood." Hoffman
next moves to Hoffman next moves to chronicling the use of arrow poisons in north Hoffman not only notes the poisonous mixtures on points, but also the weapons that each group uses to conduct its killing. He talks about how stone, bamboo and metal arrows, blowguns, copper points and arrow tips are topped with poisonous materials. Hoffman concludes the article with the remark that a ceremony invoking malevolent spirits usually accompanies the preparation of the arrow poison. Hoffman believes that the arrow poison makers hold that this ceremony, which may involve chanting and song, helps to insure the poison’s effectiveness. CLARITY RANKING: 2
Hoffman, W. J. Poisoned
Arrows. In this article, Dr. W.J. Hoffman discusses the use of various poisons utilized by a number of different tribes to amplify the deadly effects of their arrows. He sites examples from areas as geographically diverse as the Gaboon tribe of Africa, the Urari of South America, and Seris of northwestern Mexico as well as a plethora of tribes from the United States and the Artic in an effort to show how this is a relatively common practice among various tribes. Although the specific ingredients differ, most of these poisons are made of toxic plant or animal matter, either alone or in combination with each other. For example, Hoffman discusses the use of fully rotted deer liver mixed with rattlesnake venom, red ants, centipedes and scorpions. These combinations would not only poison but cause septicaemia, making it possible for one small scratch to result in a person’s skin literally falling right off the bone before their death actually occurred. Regardless of the potency of each individual toxin, Hoffman stresses the importance of the ceremony that accompanies the making of poisoned arrows. Most tribes believe that it is not the poison itself but rather some kind of evil spirit that enters the body of the victim through the arrow which will cause the eventual death of the individual. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JESSICA HOYT
Holmes, William H. Aboriginal Novaculite
Quarries in In his article, "Aboriginal Novaculite Quarries
in One novaculite quarry discussed by Holmes is located approximately three
miles east of This essay is a general report of Holmes’ findings at the novaculite caves, where he has found evidence of prehistoric mining. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, William, H. Aboriginal Novaculite
Quarries in In his survey of The evidence related by Holmes demonstrated that the extent of the novacuite quarries surpassed any similar Native American endeavors. Excavations were numerous and widespread with the largest being 150 feet in diameter and as deep as 25 feet. With the use of stone hammers and fire, the natives gradually made their mark on the exposed rock. Extracted fragments were then trimmed at the site to an appropriate size for the shaping of tools. As a result, a great quantity of these failures can be found throughout the excavations as well as the valley below. The refuse is concentrated in the most frequented spots in a pattern identical to similar sites within the country. Settlers to this region believed that these quarries were old Spanish gold diggings and a shaft was sunk in the largest pit to determine whether the rocks contained gold or other precious metal. Their discovery must have been disappointing. However, for the natives who used the rock, these quarries must have been extremely valuable. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Holmes, W. H. Manufacture of Stone Arrow-Points. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1): 49-58. W. H. Holmes comments on the manufacture and style of stone arrow points produced by early human populations. In his review, Holmes describes how early humans acquired suitable stones from the environment and how these stones were then fashioned into useful tools. Using illustrations, Holmes guides the reader through the process of fashioning a stone point from a boulder to a blank and from a blank to a flake. Furthermore, Holmes describes to methods of indirect percussion used to produce thin and beveled flakes where very precise but gentle force is required. Finally, Holmes considers several methods for creating sharp and serrated edges around a stone point. He describes the use of bone and the motion necessary, including angle and pressure, to create these desired edges. In all, Holmes uses eight figures to help explain the process of stone arrow point production that, according to Holmes, had often been thought of as "a great mystery". The article is of definite interest to anthropologists interested in lithic production or for a historical perspective of the study of lithic production. In general this review is very easy to read and very focused on stone tool production. However, several comments regarding the intellect of "savage man" or "primitive man" with respect to stone tool production and a comment about the apparent intelligent design that had removed the best stones from the earth and placed them at the mouth of rivers by way of erosional forces, is indicative of the time with which the article was written. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Holmes, W.H. Manufacture of Stone Arrow Points. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4:49-57. In this article W.H. Holmes provides background information on the history of the manufacture of stone arrow points used by various prehistoric populations as well as detailed instructions on how these points were made. Although he admits that it is difficult to know the specific use of each individual point, he believes enough information has been gathered through archaeological excavation to clarify most of the questions related to the manufacture of arrow heads. He begins by citing the various raw materials that were used for making arrow heads and the methods by which these materials were gathered. Suitable materials include quartz, agate, chert, slate, and quartzite. Stones such as quartz-crystal, amethyst, and carnelian were also used, although less commonly. It is thought that erosion made these raw materials readily available to the “primitive” people but there is archaeological evidence, in the form of refuse, that prehistoric people actually quarried the raw material. At the time this article was written the possibility of prehistoric quarries was a surprising revelation to most people and these quarry sites were often attributed to early gold diggers or, in the south, the Spanish. It is not thought that the arrows were finished at these sites. instead, cores would be removed and broken down to a size that would be easily transported. Holmes then goes on to explain in detail the process by which these cores were meticulously worked down to a finished product. This was achieved by using a piece of bone or ivory to apply enough pressure to remove small flakes of stone. To help clarify this complex procedure, Holmes provides illustrations taken from the descriptions of B.B. Redding and the observations of George Catlin. CLARITY RANKING: 5 JESSICA HOYT University of Minnesota-Duluth (Jennifer Jones)
Holmes, W. H. The Thurston Tablet. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4(1): 161-167. "The Thurston Tablet" by W. H. Holmes describes a rock engraving found at Rocky Creek in Sumner County, Tennessee. The article provides a sketch of the tablet along with a thorough description of the engraving. The tablet primarily depicts four human figures engaged in various actions. Each figured is clothed and adorned in what is presumed to be native dress and manipulating either objects of war or custom. The majority of the article describes in great detail the appearance of each figure. Holmes compares the tablet to Mexican works he has encountered before due to its "conception and treatment". The tablet itself is composed of fossiliferous limestone that is common to the region. Furthermore, Holmes concludes that the tablet is not of great antiquity because the engravings are still sharp and not heavily eroded. Additionally, the appearance of what may be interpreted in the tablet as a rifle further suggests, to Holmes, that the tablet is not of great age. At the time this article was written the tablet was housed at the Tennessee Historical Society. This article will be of interest to individuals concerned with regional Native American art. The article itself, however, is purely a detailed description of the tablet and provides no information with respect to the tribe that the tablet belonged to or to what significance the images might hold. CLARITY RANKING: 5
Holmes, W. H. The Thruston Tablet. American Anthropologist October, 1891. Volume 4(4):161-166. This article gives a detailed account of an engraved tablet found in After the in depth account of the four main figures, the other engravings on the tablet are discussed. Present throughout the tablet are depictions of a man smoking a pipe, the sun, an arrangement of vaguely human heads, a nearly prostrate figure and a leg. The drawings present on the tablet seem to be from various times, which Holmes assumes due to the varying degrees of weathering. The author also makes a connection to Mexican styles of artistry. Holmes also compares the tablet engravings to artistry on surfaces (e.g., shell and copper), but says that the skill-level present on the tablet does not compare to specimens on the other materials, it is inferior to other such specimens. In all, while both sides of the tablet are described, the author ascribes no real meaning to any of the drawings due to imperfect and incomplete understanding. CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, Walter. Arrow Feathering and Pointing. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol. 4 (1):60-63. In his article, "Arrow Feathering and Pointing", Walter Hough explains how the feathering and pointing of modern arrows can shed light on prehistoric methods of arrow construction. Hough begins by discussing the various materials needed to accomplish the craft, including sinew and glue. Native American arrows are normally lashed with sinew, while most African arrows are fastened with vegetable fibers. Also, many African examples are not lashed at all, but are kept in place with barbing to the arrow itself. Various sorts of glue are also used around the world. For instance, in the American Southwest mesquite gum is commonly used, while elsewhere other native plants are used. Hough details the methods of arrow mounting, explaining that it is best
to watch an expert at work. For instance, Hough witnessed an Apache melt
gum into a wooden foreshaft, after which the arrow could be secured in
place. Feathering involves the splitting of feathers and the lashing
of those feathers onto the base of the arrow. Attachment can be made
with glue or with sinew. Haugh explains that American Indian groups often
use two feathers, while in CLARITY RANKING: 4
Hough, Walter. Arrow Feathering and Pointing. American Anthropologist January, 1891 Vol.4(1):60-63. This particular article describes in detail, how different cultures
of the world attach and use arrow points and feathers. Glue, sinew, and natural fibers are used
throughout the world to attach arrow points and feathers to arrow shafts. Sinew
is the predominant material used for the fastening of arrowheads in the The article discusses the different methods of mounting the points onto the arrow as well. He discovered a variety of techniques by observing an Apache arrow manufacturer make several arrows. These techniques are described in detail including how feathers are used and fastened to the arrow shaft. Again, numerous illustrations are included from several different cultures. Rifling, the curving of feathers, is also |
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