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© Center for a Public Anthropology,
Robert Borofsky (2001)
All Rights Reserved

American Anthropologist
1889

Blodgett, James H.    Suffrage and its Mechanism in Great Britain and the United States. American Anthropologist January, 1889(2): 63-73.

James Blodgett’s paper deals with the different systems of governmental representation in the United States and Great Britain. Specifically, he uses the views of three different scholars James Lorimer, Thomas Hare, and John Stuart Mill, to facilitate the comparison between the governmental systems.

Blodgett begins first by briefly explaining the views of the three scholars, then by introducing some of the principle acts governing England at the time of publication. However, for the majority of the paper he describes in great detail four points of comparison between Great Britain and many of the American States. These points are: who can vote, how one goes about registering to vote, the ballot, and the ballot box. He uses these points to examine the inner workings of suffrage in the United States, Great Britain, and briefly, Canada. He examines strong and weak points of different States dealing with suffrage. He explains that in some cases suffrage is limited on the basis of colour, sex, intelligence and even on ownership of land. Also, briefly dealt with are the election procedures in various American States. Blodgett concludes by saying that since the United States has such diversity of governmental representation, it may be advantageous by forcing the federal government to check plans that have found local support.

This paper was written in 1889, and this is obvious not only in the way it is compiled, with vocabulary and sentence structure, but also in the respect that many of the facts about certain issues have changed. It is written clearly, however it will seem far more interesting to someone who is familiar with both British and American politics in the 19th century. This article also evaluates prior work done on this subject and furthers the understanding of suffrage and the inner workings of governmental representation.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

MARK BELL University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Blodgett, James H.   Suffrage and Its Mechanism in Great Britain and the United States. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2 (1): 63-74.

The type of representative system becomes more important to people in communities as their communities begin to grow. The way people are chosen to represent the community as well as whom in the community gets to decide on the representative is also a consideration. This article discusses and compares the suffrage system of the United States and Great Britain as a means of trying to find the optimal way to represent the entire community. Not only are the differences between the two systems in general discussed, but the variations that occur within one country are addressed as well.

Several aspects of the voting procedure are reviewed and compared. These include who gets to vote, how they register to vote, the ballot used, and the type of ballot-box used. The author provides general overviews of these aspects within Great Britain and the United States. The United States have different procedures depending upon where in the United States the vote is taking place. There are many differences from place to place on how and even who gets to participate in the voting process.

The points presented here are well thought out and help the reader to form a clearer picture of the diversity among voting procedures within the United States. Variation may persist in the local elections, but hopefully by recognizing the different methods employed by local communities, a better solution for electing national representatives of the government will be found. Several people voicing their opinions on the issue of how to improve voting procedures follow the article.

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JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Boas, Franz.    On Alternating Sounds. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol. 2 (3): 47-53.

In this article, Boas discusses and seeks to demonstrate the phenomenon of "sound blindness," which he describes as the "inability to perceive the essential peculiarities of certain sounds" (p.47). This phenomenon is important to anthropology because illustrates how people interpret sounds and how it is culturally effected. Sound blindness occurs when slight, but essential differences in sound are unperceived by the hearer. Boas proposes two explanations for this lack of perception: either the word is so long that it is impossible to grasp the phonetic components, or a single sound is peculiar and the hearer fails to perceive it.

To further illustrate this phenomenon, Boas conducted experiments to determine how accurately subjects hear and interpret certain words. He chose children as subjects because it is relatively easy to find words that are unfamiliar to them. The experiment began by dictating long words such as "ultramarine" and "altruistic" to the children, who would then write down what they thought they had heard. The children had trouble spelling these complicated words. Next, monosyllabic words were dictated to them. The results revealed that the children were likely to confuse a similar sound for the actual sound. For example, the word "fan" was often interpreted as "than."

Boas goes on to explain this mistake in perception by describing the ability of a person to effectively perceive similar sounds as different. The likelihood of this accurate perception decreases as the stimuli become more similar, and as the length of time increases between the two sounds. Therefore, the longer the break between the dictation of two similar, though not the same sounds, the hearer will be more likely to conclude that the two sounds are indeed the same.

A visual experiment was conducted whereby parallel horizontal lines of differing lengths were presented and the subjects were instructed to identify their length. Usually, the subject could accurately identify lines of 25mm and 35mm, but when given a line of 24mm, the subject would classify it under 25mm. Boas concluded that this was done because the 24mm line was very similar to the 25mm one. The difference between the two lines did not exceed the differential threshold level. From this, it was suggested that, when subjects are given a new stimulus, they are likely to classify it according to similar information that is already familiar to them.

Therefore, in relating these experiments to the phenomenon of sound perception, Boas concluded that the accuracy with which a person distinguishes and interprets similar sounds is inversely related to the length interval between the two.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

Jennifer Andrews University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Boas, Franz.    Notes On The Snanaimuq. American Anthropologist October 1889. Volume II (18): 321-328.

This article provided a comprehensive description of the customs and contexts of this coastal British Columbia tribe. It was based on the field research Dr. Boas conducted in the winter of 1886-87. The Snanaimuq were described in relation to their geographical and linguistic neighbours, and political and kinship structures were outlined. Marriage, birthing and mortuary customs were discussed in detail. Military tactics were mentioned, and Boas offered a lengthy history of a war fought by the Snanaimuq in the mid-nineteenth century. Finally, Boas delineated some spiritual beliefs and practices, and ended the article with the re-telling of two well-known Snanaimuq legends.

Boas was working in a period when it was generally understood within the anthropology field that the traditional Native Canadian way of life was disappearing, and it can be assumed that this article was an example of the ‘salvage ethnography’ that was intended to provide a permanent record of a dying culture. Boas carefully observed the customs of the people and recorded them in detail. Seemingly trivial information, such as the family of a prospective groom refilling the dishes given by the prospective bride’s family before returning them, was recorded as an integral part of the marriage ritual. All the details included were considered vital to the preservation of the culture.

In order to provide an accurate record of the culture under study, Boas developed the meticulous methods of participant observation, whereby detailed notes were taken by the anthropologist within the full context of the society. "Notes On The Snanaimuq" is an excellent example of this pioneering methodology. Boas mentioned the effort he took in learning the language of the Snanaimuq, and lived among them during the time of his research. This was an innovative practice at the time, and by adopting it Boas implied that the unilineal traditions of cultural study were invalid. He does not see the Snanaimuq possessing a ‘level’ of culture, but simply being part of a culture in which he was interested. By recording the military history of the group as told to him by one of the chiefs, he showed how closely he associated with the Snanaimuq. The retelling of the myths is further evidence of the familiarity he had with their oral tradition. In "Notes On The Snanaimuq", Boas expounded by example the merits of broad-ranged contextual description.

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KAREN GABERT University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Boas, Franz.    Notes on the Snanaimuq. American Anthropologist. April 1889 Vol. 2: 321-328.

Boas visited the coast of British Columbia in the winter of 1886-’87 to collect a vocabulary of the Snanaimuq peoples. During this time he wrote a short ethnographic piece describing a few of the customs and beliefs of these people. The facts that are presented by Boas are diverse, ranging from a story about the acquisition of the sun by the Snanaimuq to marriage and death customs. Each item is presented in a straightforward manner with very few inferences drawn about causality or relationships.

The following is a short inventory of the items set forth by Dr. Boas. First Dr. Boas gives us a description of the geographic areas occupied by the Snanaimuq and a list of the different clans that compose the Snanaimuq tribe. Boas describes the ascendancy of the chief as patrilineal. The courting process is illustrated in some detail with the requirement of both the husband and wife’s gens discussed. The effect of differing social standings on the marriage process is alluded to briefly. Finally, the mortuary customs are described for differing social ranks. One particular note of interest in this is that the Snanaimuq used the well know ‘potlatch’ ceremony to acquire rank or restore honor in one’s family or society in general.

A good portion of the paper is a description of one particular war between northern tribes and the Snanaimuq. Boas traces the sequence of battles and the resolution of the war in some detail. Following that is a discussion of a few of the mythological elements in Snanaimuq society, including the belief of the sun being a god and the importance of the mink and thunder-bird in their mythology. Boas concludes with a retelling of a myth that has apparently been found in a modified form in Alaska. He includes this tale of ‘The Man and the Whale’ so that a study of the diffusion of the myth might be developed.

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Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Burnett, Swan M.    A Note on the Melungeons. American Anthropologist, October 1889 Vol.2 (21): 347-349.

This article is a brief discussion of Burnett’s initial and later views of the Portuguese, based on his childhood recollections, and then brief ‘fieldwork’ among Portuguese in America as well as a visit to Portugal. His intention was to pique interest in the Portuguese as worthy of ethnographic research.

Burnett noted a mystery as to Portuguese origins, and refers to an earlier name used for them, ‘Melungeon’ (from the French, melangee or mixed). He also discussed issues such as social and economic positions within the Portuguese community. In America ne notes, the Portuguese did not hold a very high social or economic position, but he did not provide any intricate details on how these people functioned in their everyday lives. How their lives compares to life in Portugal is also unclear. Burnett did not actually conduct real fieldwork.

Burnett presents his information in a highly personal narrative format. While the author’s work was structured differently from most papers in The American Anthropologist, he did provide a unique look into the lives of a people who intrigued him.

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JENNIFER GROVES University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Burnett, Swan M.    A Note on the Melungeons. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 347-349.

This is a short memo on the observations and initial ideas about the Melungeons. The author begins by recalling stories from his youth about a mysterious race of people identified as the Melungeons. Then he meanders through several different thoughts on the origin of these people. Throughout his writing Burnett makes references to the idea that these people were either a separate race from the whites, blacks, or natives or that they were a mixture of these three ethnic groups. The particular people being described in his essay reside in East Tennessee and supposedly emigrated from North Carolina more than 80 years before Burnett’s essay was written.

Burnett notes that there is evidence that these people might be of Portuguese decent. The evidence he cites for this includes the fact that the Melungeons refer to themselves as Portuguese and a few physical characteristics that Burnett considers important. There is also a theory that they might be gypsies or may have originally been from either of these groups but have intermarried since their arrival in the Americas. The most fantastic of the theories under his consideration is that these people may be descendents of Sir Walter Raleigh’s lost colony.

Unfortunately this article is more of a call for information on the subject than a real argument for the origins of a set of people. The evidence that is presented is shaky at best as indicated by Burnett’s reference to the flatness of their feet, the waviness found in their hair and the height of their cheekbones. However, this paper may be useful for the insight it gives into the mind of the nineteenth century amateur anthropologist, which Boaz thankfully expunged from serious academic consideration.

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Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Dorsey, J. Owen.    Indians of Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol (2): 55-62

J.Owen Dorsey was sent by the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Siletz reservation in Oregon. The purpose for going to the reservation was to learn about the tribes living in the area. During this time Dorsey studied approximately twenty tribes. Most of Dorsey’s notes deal with the linguistic and sociologic aspects of the tribes’ culture. Information was also obtained about the Cherokee naming system, folklore and kinship ties.

Dorsey’s focus in the article was on the changes that occurred within the tribes’ culture as a result of life on the reservation and being exposed to "civilized" culture. The larger issue that Dorsey was concerned with was that the tribes were losing important traditions and were slowly becoming assimilated into the "civilized" culture. The tribes that lived on the reservation had restrictions placed on them that did not exist before. For example, the Athapascans that lived on the reservation had only one burying-ground instead of the usual nine.

An important contribution that Dorsey illustrates is the issue of assimilation in relation to the evolution in Cherokee personal names. Genuine Indian names are generally significant; but "civilized" culture has played an important role in the changes seen in the method of naming. Mainly, Indian names have been changed in attempts to make the names sound more "civilized". The major change that has occurred in the naming system is the taking on of biblical names but altered to the point that they are not recognizable. What Dorsey is trying to make us aware of is the fact that the Indians are incorporating parts of the civilized culture into their own because of the influence of the "civilized".

The concept of assimilation is a key concept in anthropology. This article is important to anthropology because it provides an example of assimilation. As mentioned above Dorsey illustrates the concept of assimilation in relation to the evolution of Cherokee personal names. This paper also described the impact that living on reservation had on the Indians. Living on the reservations lead to the loss of certain traditions that had been in tribes for generations such as only having one burying ground instead of nine.

The only criticism about the article is that the phonetic orthography for the Indian languages was difficult to comprehend. .

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CHELSEA ASTILL University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Dorsey, J. Owen.    Indians of Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol.2(1):55-61.

The purpose of this article is to inform readers about the linguistic and sociologic changes that have occurred at the Siletz reservation. Over twenty different tribes comprise the inhabitants of this particular reservation, and it is necessary for them to develop a similar language so they can communicate among one another. All the tribes seem to know Chinook jargon and many reported to be in the process of learning English. The vocabularies Owen obtained were classified into six different linguistic stocks.

The first portion of the article is devoted to a discussion on the grammatical aspects of these different categories. The different verb inflections are compared to one another as well as the use of inseparable pronouns that are used with verbs. Next the social organization of the reservation is discussed, but only briefly because he was unable to obtain much information.

Folklore is the last aspect discussed concerning the tribes located on this reservation. The reasoning behind why the Athapascans fear to speak certain names of animals in front of their children is addressed through a partial telling of a creation myth. The names of the wildcat and field mice are not to be spoken in the presence of children. The relation of the creation myth provides an explanation as to why this is true. The article is followed up with a discussion from Dr. Washington Matthews who provides some comparative information between the Navajo language and the languages found in northern Oregon.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Dorsey, Rev. Owen J.    Teton Folk-lore American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(1): 143-158

Native American cultures have a rich oral tradition. The main purpose of this article is to record some of that history. Dorsey relies on texts that were recorded from traditional Teton legends two years earlier by a Teton, or Lakota, Indian, George Bushotter. The author translated passages that demonstrate the beliefs the Teton held about spirits, or "wanaghi". The Teton believed that each man had one or more wanaghi and there were rites and rituals that helped each spirit pass on to the correct afterlife. The author presents ceremonies that deal with funerary and after death customs. The Lakota took locks of hair from the deceased and believed that the deceased's spirit would not pass into the afterlife until the lock of hair was buried. As long as the relatives kept the lock of hair, the deceased's spirit retained its position in the family. Elaborate dinners were given in "ghost lodges" where the family and friends offered gifts to the deceased. Included are stories explaining why Tetons did not bury the deceased under ground, why Tetons needed tattoos on their face or wrists, and rules explaining what different types of ghost encounters meant. Also listed are different types of omens and non-human spirits, as well as numerous stories about encounters with ghosts. The ghost stories serve no purpose other than pure entertainment, as they offer no lesson or moral, just a seemingly fictional narrative. They do, however, prove that Tetons believed that men could interact with ghosts.

This article is typical of the approach of the era. Unbiased recording of traditions and ceremonies was the ideal of 19th century anthropologists, and Dorsey follows this procedure well. The majority of the article is simply the direct translation of the original Teton text without any attempt by the author to interpret the writings. Some of the article is hard to follow as a result of the translation and there is no attempt to correct grammatical errors.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CHERYL BLACK University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Dorsey, J. Owen.    Teton Folk-lore. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):143-158.

This article is simply a collection of folklore that was collected by a Lakota Indian at the request of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several themes are addressed throughout the paper the most detailed of which is the folk stories surrounding ghosts. The Tetons very much believed in ghosts and each living person tended to have one or more ghosts. Death and burial lore, why the Tetons stopped burying their dead in the ground, and ceremonies performed at the ghost-lodge are several topics discussed. Owen also relates several popular ghost stories that circulated among the Tetons.

The other folklore that is examined deals with the supernatural as well. The ideas of omens and different types of spirits are discussed. The Tetons have a wide range of beliefs regarding what could be considered supernatural. The stories told about this range of supernatural beliefs vary somewhat from topic to topic. The very end of the article addresses the issues of etiquette and the ideas concerning children, specifically twins. Even these topics reflect the Tetons’ beliefs in the supernatural.

The folklore presented here represents a portion of the extensive ethnology that was conducted on behalf of the Bureau of Ethnology. The article is set up very clearly with distinct headings that allow the reader to keep the stories separate. The supernatural elements seem to play a very big role in the life of the Teton people, and the folklore presented here reflects this idea.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Eels, Myron.    The Thunder Bird. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol. 2:329-336.

Eels deals with the origin of the Thunder Bird, as depicted in myth, superstition, traditions, and material culture, and the extent of belief in the Thunder Bird as was held among natives by various Aboriginal people at the time of writing. He argues that the idea of Thunder Bird is very wide spread, and that although the myths varied to some degree among various tribes, they all had something to do with a bird being the cause of thunder and lightning.

Eels traces Thunder Bird myths from the Chinook Indians of Columbia, all the way to the Inuit on the shores of the Bering Sea. For example, he describes a tale of the south wind and an ogress whose paths crossed. The south wind asks the ogress for food and the ogress turns him down. Instead, she gives the south wind a fishing net and sends him to catch some fish. He catches "a little whale". When he is about to cut the fish with his knife, the ogress stops him and tells him to cut the fish down the back instead of crossways. Ignoring the ogress, he cut the fish crossways. This is when the fish immediately altered its form and became an immense bird. The bird acquires the name of the Thunder Bird since when it flaps its wings, thunder would sound.

The author includes other factors that show the widespread belief in the Thunder Bird. For example, birdlike figurines are found in various regions and archaeologists have found various artifacts (ie: sculptures) two thousand miles from the Pacific Ocean.

The author subdivides his discussion into sub-headings and gives an account of what the natives held as a belief in terms of what the cause of thunder and lightning is. He provides descriptions of the myth and accounts for how widespread it is.

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VASI LIOS GALANOPOULOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Eells, Myron.    The Thunder Bird. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 329-336.

The Thunder Bird is a well-written compilation of different myths that are found in the native tribes of Western America, Canada and Central America. All of these beliefs have the thunder bird or some variation of it as the central character. Reverend Eells’ article divides these myths into several different categories and briefly outlines each legend. These categories are origin, cause of thunder, superstitions, thunder bird performance, traditions, figures and the extent of belief in the thunder bird.

A short description of the beliefs in each of these divisions follows. The origin of the thunder bird is from a whale that transformed itself while being disemboweled. The thunder bird is sent by the southwest wind to punish young girls going through an initiation ceremony that have broken a rule of the ritual. A feather, bone or other part of the thunder bird contains a great amount of mystical power. These powers often bring luck or aid in times of sickness. There is a ceremony based on the thunder bird that is found in many northwest Native American tribes. Eells gives us a short description of this ceremony. In different tribes the thunderbird is the creator of mankind, the creator of land and the symbol of a Native American ‘Eden’. Eells also describes a number of different representations of the thunder bird that are found. These range from painting on the exterior of a house to masks to designs in clothing and ornamentation on weapons. Eells finishes his paper with a short list of where the thunder bird legend has been observed and notes a number of different forms that the thunder bird takes.

Eells’ paper may be useful as a reference in a study of Native American mythology. However the material is presented in a very matter-of-fact manner with no conclusions or theories being drawn.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

Mark C. House University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Ernst, A.    On the Etymology of the Word Tobacco. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):133-141.

This article largely focuses on linguistics through the study of the origin of a particular word, tobacco. The hypothesis explored here is whether or not the word originated through Colombian visitors based on the instrument with which people prior to Columbus smoked this particular plant. Oviedo was the first person to formulate this hypothesis of the word tobacco originating from the implement allegedly used by pre-Colombian Haitians. Dr. Ernst, however, does not believe the instrument described by Oviedo was ever really used. The author explores several possible origins for the word tobacco.

Dr. Ernest does not deny that the implement existed, only whether or not the Indians employed it. A possible origin for the word tobacco is this Y-shaped instrument that Oviedo discusses. The word taboca is one of the precursors to the word as we know it today, and this particular form of the word developed from Guarani origins. The author proceeds to continue his discussion for this belief by providing evidence and ends his paper with a discussion of the possible confusion between the Europeans and the Indians.

The realization concerning the different cultures involved is mentioned in this article. The Indians were probably interpreting the questions the Europeans were asking differently from what the Europeans had intended. He concludes the article by stating that the Spaniards had no real interest in the meaning of the word, which may have caused them to adopt a word to mean something completely different from the Indians.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Fletcher, Robert M.D.    Myths of the Robin Redbreast in Early English History. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2 (2): 6 pp 97-118

At first, the author of this article describes its subject as being of a trivial nature but goes on to show how important the robin redbreast is in English literature and society. Fletcher presents the argument that the robin redbreast is "regarded with particular interest and affection" in Great Britain. He goes on to describe myths of why the robin of Great Britain is regarded in such a manner and proves his argument with examples from literature dating as far back as 1562. Fletcher argues that the myths of the robin redbreast being friendly with man and caring for the unburied dead are "very ancient and very widely spread."

Fletcher goes on to describe how the robin redbreast may have received his name. He also describes how the redbreast is believed to be sacred because he is God’s bird and he is believed to take care of unburied corpses by covering them with leaves and moss. He then gives examples of literature that show how he received his name and how he is portrayed as having the sacred duty of taking care of the dead. Fletcher also describes how the robin is highly regarded because he stays around and sings during the cold winter months and is very friendly with man. He has many examples of the robin’s close ties with man and how he stays and sings during the winter. Fletcher uses as much as thirty-six pieces of literature almost all with different authors to prove and reprove his points. His literature is mostly historical dating back to 1562 including poets as John Donne and Robert Herrick.

He is, at the very least, exceptionally thorough in proving his point. With many examples Fletcher proves that the myths of the robin being a "friend of man" and having the sacred duty of caring for the unburied dead are extensive. Finally by using very old examples he proves how the myths are ancient.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JACQUELINE BELLEROSE University of Alberta, (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).

Fletcher, Robert.    Myths of the Robin Redbreast in Early English Poetry. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):97-118.

Many poets and writers throughout the last three hundred years in Europe have written numerous poems on the robin. This bird obviously has had quite an impact to become the subject matter of so many writings. This article provides examples of the poems inspired by the robin and notes several characteristics associated with this bird that are evident by the context of the poems. An attempt is also made to try to discover the origin of the myths surrounding the robin as well as the time period in which these myths originated.

One constant trend in the poems is the association of the robin with the unburied dead. In many instances the robin is responsible for covering the dead with flowers and moss. This bird is considered a friend of mankind and not only does it take care of the unburied dead, but it also helps humans in any way it can. One example is found in a story that involves a girl being kidnapped and left to starve to death and the robin continuously brings her food in order for her to stay alive. Other myths concerning the robin discuss why the robin’s breast is red. The examples provided in this article vary a little, but both involve the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

Fletcher admits the inability to discover the origins of these myths, but he does state that they must be old for the origins to be untraceable. The subject matter of this article is rather trivial, but he states this fact in the beginning of the article and continues on with his discussion. The examples provided in this article support all of his arguments concerning the myths of the robin.

CLARITY RANKING: 5

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Gamio, Manuel. Las Excavaciones Del Pedregal De San Angel Y La Cultura Arcaica Del Valle De Mexico. American Anthropologist November, 1920: 127-143.

The article focuses on an archaeological discovery that aids in a redirection of opinions and speculations of the chronological order of Mexico’s past cultures. The quest may have started in 1907 the discovery of human remains and artifacts as ceramic were discovered in the valley of Mexico. Within these discoveries, a diversified representation of clay representing human form and other fragments of pottery were of the archaic type as well as others. Stratisgraphic evidence was missing links though studies done did agree of different types of stratifications (including archaic), but no chronological order was found. This could be because the area where the mixed artifacts were found historically had gone through a deluge. Dr. Frank Boas’ studied some of the fragments previously found and made cleared distinctions of varying colors, art, and components of it technique; finding a different form of clay-pottery varying with the Aztec’s and Teotihuacán’s . The antiquity of the artifacts couldn’t be further speculated because within the investigation, the water levels were found before the stratification of the end of the Aztec cultures’. This furthered the hunger to know of Gamio and others. Why were the diverse cultured artifacts mixed? Many excavations took place and discoveries of Aztec and Teotihuacana were found but none provided any of the archaic evidence. They did provide room to speculate the civilizations or cultures that blossomed from the valley of Mexico were only the archaic, the Aztecan, and the teotihuacana. The older being the archaic since it was found in the deepest layers, but Gamio says that generalizations can not be reasonably made just from this case.

Gamio leads us into the climax of his study at, “Del Pedregal De San Angel”, in the valley of Mexico. In that era, extraction of volcanic rock was done to use in the construction of buildings in the area. Many of the ditches accidentally uncovered the fragments of ceramic, and human and animal remains. The particular site in which Gamio does his research contained was picked because of the abundance of material and human remains found. In the chronological order of strata, first was the volcanic layer, then a softer dirt layer containing artifacts and human remains, succeeded with a more compact terrain containing cylindrical graves. The artifacts were that of the archaic: representing anthropomorphic multicolored sculptures, containers that were possibly ritualistic, mortars used for grinding cereals, and even obsidian arrows. Gamio ascertained or apportioned the measurements very accurately. I came to this conclusion that he was disciplined in his measurements because of the description given of the most complete skeleton. What sparked most interest in myself was how they said that the chewing muscles were strong and potent by grooves left by the muscles on the skull.
Gamio’s excavations in the valley of Mexico, permitted in more accurate assumptions of the archaic character, physical type, and historical classification as the historically oldest population of the region with the help of predecessors with the same quest as well as a more methodological research helped greatly in the reconstruction of a people’s archaeological past.

CLARITY: 4

MARIEL ORENGO University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).

Goldenweiser, A.A. A New Approach To History American Anthropologist, 1920 Vol.22: 26-47.

In A New Approach To History, A.A. Goldenweiser delivers a well-thought response to Frederick J. Teggart’s “recent” publication The Processes of History. Teggart’s proposition is to demonstrate “’what sort of results might be obtained by a strict application of the method of science to the facts of history’”(27). Goldenweiser is quick to point out that what Teggart is essaying is the “determination of constants” (28). He then proceeds to reveal the weaknesses of such a concept by offering counter ideas to those of Teggart’s. He begins with the assertion that, while the disclosure of a set of constants would greatly enhance “our insight into historical processes… it is but reasonable to expect that these constants would not prove a rationale of history, but of certain more or less prominent aspects of it.”(30)

Teggart’s work then delves into the concept of a homogeneous history, which purports the idea that man everywhere has a history comprised of the “same fabric”(30). This he attempts to justify with the idea that the “varying experiences of human groups have been similarly conditioned by the varying aspects of the conformation of the globe” (30). Goldenweiser specifically focuses on Teggart’s claims of constants in the areas of: food deficiencies occurring in response to destructive climate changes, migration resulting from such deficiencies, “friction” (31) with the populations already residing at the “terminus of migration” (31), and lastly, the establishment of political organization. Goldenweiser then goes on to refute these ideas, pointing out the several faults that lie in these constants. One such fault being that migration is not always influenced by food deficiencies. Another concept that Goldenweiser is quick to counter, is Teggart’s idea that political organization is a “recent phenomenon” (33), one which is inherent upon migration. Goldenweiser then offers that “if… it is accepted that political organization is inherent in society, migration evidently has nothing to do with it.” (35) Teggart also proposes that there is a singular idea system. However, Goldenweiser is quick to respond

In conclusion, while Goldenweiser does applaud Teggart’s “careful attention to the psychological factors involved in historic reconstruction” (46), it is clear to see that Goldenweiser is in direct opposition with Teggart’s theories.

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MELISSA CORSON University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Gore, J. Howard.    The German Anthropological Congress. American Anthropologist October, 1889 Vol.2 :313-319.

J. Gore writes this article entirely about an anthropological conference he attended in Germany in the summer of 1889. The author provides a detailed description of this meeting of the German Anthropological Congress. He includes everything from an account of the songs they sung before they ate and a report of who made toasts on which subjects, to a description of an excursion where they viewed the exposed graves in a Roman burial place. Speeches made by Doctors and Professors are summarized and important findings or changes in the field of anthropology are noted.

The author’s purpose in writing this is not only to relate what occurred at this conference, he also tries to convince the reader that the field of anthropology is advanced in its thinking and beliefs. He does this by describing in detail their speeches, which demonstrates their ideals and views as anthropologists. Gore attempts to persuade his audience that being an anthropologist is a rewarding and worthwhile endeavour, and simply tries to make himself and other anthropologists seem important and respected. The article mentions the emerging and increasingly important role of photography in fieldwork. It does this to impress its reader with this reference to such sophisticated technology, and also to report the new advances this field of study is making, perhaps in hopes of attracting more attention to their relatively new science. By listing insignificant details such as the making of introductions and the fine time had singing before dinner, Gore makes this convention seem idyllic and gratifying. This piece of writing goes to great lengths to spread the theology that white, European males are of the highest evolutionary stage. It does this by citing speeches in which other cultures were referred to as "inferior race" (p.316) and used terms such as brachycephalic and doliocephalic to describe people. Gore mentions a paper read on Mongolian eyes in which the shape of them was referred to as a "retardation in natural development" (p.316) and goes on to say that any differences in appearance from those of Caucasian Europeans are due to arrested or retarded growth. The retelling of their afternoon outing to a Roman burial place, with detailed accounts of how the bodies looked and what they were buried with successfully provides a look at the anthropological skills possessed in the late nineteenth century. This entire article supplies the anthropological views and ideals of Gore’s era of scientists.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

STEPHANIE FRIEDMAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Gore, J. Howard.    The German Anthropological Congress. American Anthropologist. Oct 1889 Vol. 2: 313-319.

J. Howard Gore gives us a general outline of the proceedings at the 1889 German Anthropological Congress. This article gives us a brief view into both the anthropology and the social mannerisms of the 19th century. While there is no overriding theme to the meeting there are a number of interesting points that can be elaborated on.

Professor Schaaffhausen opened the meeting with an outline of the subdivisions of anthropology and what conclusions may be found in this field. He followed this address with an elaboration of the theory of religions and concluded by presenting an anthropological proof of the existence of god. Professor Klein reported on a variety of topics concerning the restoration of the Castra Bononensia. That evening was dedicated to the annual dinner in which toasting and singing were a regular part of the ceremonies. The second day was opened with a geological paper on the formation of the Rhine valley. This was followed by findings about the racial mix of Hotzenlande. This is of note because the language that is used includes the term ‘inferior race’. Following this was a paper that theorized about the relation of ancient Egyptians to modern Egyptians based on the paintings and statues described by Professor Virchow. Finally, Professor Ranke presented a hypothesis about the ideal infant type as indicated by various measurements and proportions. Interestingly, the Mongolian infant was indicated as the closest to this ideal type.

The congress ended with a trip to a Roman burial place and opening of a stone coffin. Gore’s account has a strong sense of the formality of the proceedings but also contains evidence of the strong sense of camaraderie that exists among the members.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

MARK C. HOUSE University of Florida (Dr. John Moore)

Harrington, J.P. Old Indian Geographical Names Around Santa Fe, New Mexico. American Anthropologist, 1920 Vol .22 : 341- 359.

The main concept of the article is on the nomenclature of loci in the area of Santa Fe, New Mexico as described in ethno geographic terms by the Native American inhabitants of the area. Place names are compared between the current (1916) name and Spanish and Native American forms. The complete study is published in the Twenty-ninth Annual Report of The Bureau of American Ethnology, 1916. Harrington’s article of 1920, however, draws out and centers on specific place names he has deemed “the most important”. The argument is that these places are valid in reference to the archaeology within the region. Thus, a relationship exists between the etymology of the name of a place and its proposed function within the past cultural community relative to the current (1916). In certain instances, Spanish names and Native American names of a place have similar meaning suggesting ambiguity in origin of the name, however, Harrington concludes cultural relativity between a place and its name remains observable.

Harrington provides evidence of relationship in place names primarily through the linguistic morphology. One example is the Tewa name Tsipiwi’i , which is morphologically divided to show tsi’i means obsidian; pi means to come out; and wi’i means gap. Tsipiwi’i means gap where obsidian comes out. Harrington’s methodology reveals a direct connection to function of the location (in this case Chipiwi’) and its nomenclature in Tewa. Where applicable, Harrington notates the Spanish morphology to emphasize a relationship. For example, Gavilan in Spanish refers to any type of hawk, and the Tewa name refers to Falco nisus, a specific type of hawk.

The data was collected by interviews with current (1916) Native American and Spanish residents. The data is presented by place name (as known in 1916), in alphabetical order. Each name is notated as to its whereabouts in the 1916 publication. Under each heading follows a description of the Tewa name (shown morphologically within parenthesis), a Spanish name or another Native American name (if applicable), a synopsis of known function, and suggested relationships.

CLARITY: 3

DORIE ERDMANN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)

Henshaw, Henry Wetherbee.     Who Are The American Indians? American Anthropologist July, 1889. Vol. 2(12):193-214.

This article focuses on American Indian civilization and various aspects of the Indian culture. The overall issues presented are Wetherbee Henshaw’s discussion surrounding the path of civilization of the original people who lived on American land. He thoroughly dismissed the notion that upon the discovery of America, American Indians were uncivilized savages. Further, he made note of a false impression that is perceived of the American Indian as one who was a ferocious barbarian. The article shows Henshaw’s compassion towards the culture of the American Indian.

Wetherbee Henshaw stated his position by the examination of specific Aborigine customs such as pastimes and activities. He discussed Indian achievements and in a lengthy manner presented knowledge about how the practice of medicine was integrated in the American Indian culture. The social and political organization of Indians is discussed, and we learn that it was largely based upon kinship ties. Moreover, Henshaw compared the English language with that of 58 different Indian dialects. Also, he made the profound discovery that the Indian language is very capable of developing into something of equal demands to the English language. Henshaw ended his article by asking the provocative question of ‘not who are the American Indians’ but, rather ‘what are the American Indians’ and what can we learn from their state of culture.

This article is an intense read. It will interest people who are curious in learning about American Indian civilization. It combines a certain aspect of opinion and fact. It is a lengthy read, and at times hard to follow.

CLARITY RANKING 3

ZEHER CHADI University Of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Henshaw, Henry Wetherbee. Who are the American Indians? American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol.2(3):193-214.

In the article Henshaw takes the reader on an exploration of American Indian culture, while at the same time attempting to track their origin. It is clear that he has a great appreciation for this culture and in the essay proves that it is not so important where the American Indians originate as it is for the reader to acknowledge the many similarities that we share.

Henshaw begins his search by confronting the picture of the American Indians as they appeared when the continent was first discovered. He defends the Indians from being labeled as a “horde of wandering savages” by describing the their rich cultural heritage. He mentions their many skills in the arts: the weaving and dying of fabrics, basket making, pottery, and the use of copper. The American Indians had made advances in agriculture by cultivating crops such as corn or maize, potatoes, and tobacco. They developed skillful architectural methods, using materials such as hewn planks, stone and mud. Organized government was a common practice, most of which were formed through kinship ties, although some were elected. Religion was a dominant force in American Indian culture. Henshaw adds that shaman performed great ceremonies and elaborate rituals for both religious occasions as well as for faith healing, purposes incorporating the use of herbs and roots. Henshaw concludes that these are not the accomplishments of savage group, nor does it mean that the American Indians lacked the ability to continue to advance.

Henshaw proceeds to search for origins of the American Indians. He first examines the American Indian’s own beliefs regarding their origins concluding that as silly as they may seem they are not so different from the theories of other classical peoples. He considers various other theories of origin, some based on fact and some on loose comparisons and concludes that there is insufficient proof to make a scientific declaration from this perspective.

Henshaw continues the search by examining various classification systems such as the use of physical tests as a method of determining race. He notes that skin color is the most unreliable method of determining race. He points out that a broad range of skin tones can be found within one tribe, not to mention the differences in skin tones that can occur within one family, as well as the various shades an individual may have throughout a lifetime. Henshaw uses a number of other studies, such as examining the various types of hair and skull comparisons performed by craniologists to conclude that physical characteristics cannot be used due to the many intricacies and inconsistencies in developing such a classification system.

In Henshaw’s investigation of the American Indian’s linguistic origins his question is again left unanswered. Not only does he report that there are 58 distinct Indian Linguistic families with some containing 300 or more dialects, but he also considers that the linguistic relationship may not be a true indicator of race or origin. Any judgments made with this data, Henshaw believes, should be considered pure speculation and concludes that these languages could have likely originated here as well as anywhere else.

Through this exploration of American Indian culture and by exhausting various theories of geographic origin, physical classification, and linguistic origin, Henshaw successfully proves his point that it isn’t so important who the American Indians are as a race, but what they are as a people. Acknowledging that their many achievements as well as the uniqueness of their rich cultural heritage is not so different from our own. Henshaw concludes by stressing the “unity of mankind,” noting that we all share “a common destiny, if not a common origin.”

CLARITY RANKING: 4

REBECCA BARACONI California State University, Hayward (Peter Claus)

Hoffman, W. J.     Notes on Ojibwa Folk-Lore. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2 (2):215-223.

Hoffman emphasizes the Native American belief in the spirituality of medicine found in nature. The reverence of the Ojibwa in North Minnesota for their environment is reflected in the ceremonies performed by the Mide’wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society. Hoffman presents the results his research on the Ojibwa from his discovery of an ancient chart. The chart details instructions for rituals and the mythical origins of the Mide’wiwin.

In this largely factual article, Hoffman details the ideology behind Ojibwan healing ceremonies. The folk-lore and resulting medicinal rituals is presented on the chart as pictographs and mnemonic records, which in the case of the Ojibwa, is related through chanting. There are three primary topics in the article that Hoffman translates from the ancient chart. The first is the telling of medicinal folklore of the Ojibwa, the second is a detailed description of how ritualistic practices are carried out and the last is a description of initiation ceremonies for candidates seeking to enter the Mide’wiwin.

The first folklore the author tells is of the origin of the Mide’, or priest of healing power. This occurred when the Medicine Spirit, Dje Manebo, decided to extend the gift of healing to the ancestors of the Ojibwa to aid them in warding off disease. The relation of tales is particularly interesting because they provide the background for ritualistic practices. In the article, myths that account for the discovery of medicines are also related.

The articles also describe Mide’wiwin hierarchy and detail rituals conducted in accordance to the sacred number four, a number which holds utmost importance in the performance of healing ceremonies. Within the Mide’wiwin, there are Mide’ of four degrees, with the fourth degree being the highest. Mide’ of different degrees are distinguished by different ornaments and medicine sacks.

In healing rituals, the four cardinal points of the earth are represented by different colors and poles are decorated and arranged in accordance to the degrees. The initiation ceremonies for candidates of the Mide’wiwin involves elaborate ritual. The article explains the preparation processes for the candidates, each differing according to the degree the candidate wishes to seek. Hoffman also relates instances when a Mide’, whose decisions are governed by visions, dedicates a male child to enter the Grand Medicine Society at his birth and the events that take place should the child die before puberty.

While the article is interesting and relatively clear, several things are not defined. Inadequate geographical history and information on the Ojibwa to provide enough of a background context, a lack of explanation on the differing degrees and a huge portion spent on detailing ritual makes it a dry reading at times and leaves the reader slightly lost.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

CHIA YUEH JEAN University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Hoffman, W. J. Notes on Ojibwa Folk-Lore. American Anthropologist 1889 Vol. 2 (2):215-223.

Here is a continuation on an early report by Hoffman about the Ojibwa people of Northern Minnesota. The focus of this paper is the folklore and shamanic practices of Ojibwa people. Hoffman here studies the Mide= or Shaman centering and the various dress, lore, ritual, face paint, and tools used in their ceremonies. Hoffman concern here is an accurate recount of the practices of these ceremonies. Hoffman main method in obtaining this information is interviewing along with some participant observation.

Hoffman starts with an investigation into the use of a pictographic chart about seven feet high made of bark pieces linked together. Followed by a report of how the Ojibwa migrated to there current location. He then goes into an English translated myth of how the Ojibwa people received the gift of medicine. Hoffman is keen to focus on the sacred use of the cardinal points and the symbolism of the number four is to the Ojibwa people. Hoffman does a good job of illustrating the detailed explanation and importance of the four points and the color associated with them. This builds on what Hoffman recounts as the rituals of initiation for the shaman of the Ojibwa. There are four levels of Mide= each with different rituals needed to be performed in order to gain entrance. Face paint and personal effects help to distinguish each shamanic level. It should also be noted that most shamans were loosely part of the Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society for all the Ojibwa. 

The best contribution to this study by Hoffman is by showing the differences between groups of Ojibwa dependant on local. Here we see how the different groups perform the same rituals with the differences hidden in the details. With the outcome and story the same differences still show up for instance, use of sacred poles and different facial paint. Showing variety among different communities. Another interesting feature of Ojibwa shamanic tradition is the fact that an average member of the group must buy his way into the apprenticeship. He must pronounce, AHe wishes to buy a megis@ (219) the megis is a shell signifying rank in the shamanic order.

The last part of the paper is devoted to the Ghost Society. Being a group of men or women that join the Mide= though the death of son. This is done by traveling the same path the son traveled into the spirit world, there is a myth that goes along with this ritual that describes a child that had died and is brought back to life only to teach the Ojibwa about how Medicine Spirit past down his knowledge and the proper use of the ginseng root.

A critique of this paper comes in the form of a common criticism of American anthropology of the time. While detail oriented in chronicling the life ways of Native Americans, often the anthropologist falls short in analyzing the information. The focus here is information or data for data sake no real insights in the life patterns of these people. Also first person accounts can also be problematic, as they do not always illustrate the whole truth of practices. While Hoffman falls for the first pitfall of early American anthropology, he does a good job of looking at more then one source to come up with his information. As a whole the paper is easy and intelligible to read and has a method that does not get bogged down in much 19th century white American centrism. It gives you the facts as they were reported nothing more nothing less and for that it is a good resource to help build on any later studies.

CLARITY RANKING  4

NICHOLAS HAYDEN    Cal State Hayward  (Peter Claus)

Holmes, W. H.   Pottery of the Potomac Tide-Water Region American Anthropologist July,1889 vol. (14) : 246-252

The article addresses the scope and characteristics of pottery in the Potomac TideWater Region. Holmes examines the materials and techniques used for the creation of the pottery, the possible use of the pottery for storage or ritual, ornamentation of the pottery as well as the shape. The objective is to determine the culture status of the pre-Colombian inhabitants and any ethnic affiliations.

Holmes sought to prove his thesis by comparing the techniques of creation and uses of the pottery as well as the ornamentation used to decorate to top ‘lip’ of the vessels. Using the account of Hariot, the historian of the Roanoke expedition of 1587 and a copperplate engraving by DeBry based on an original drawing by John White, who was an artist as well as a prominent member of the Roanoke colony. Holmes finds parallels between the tattoos on the aboriginal women of high rank in the Chesapeake region and the designs that appear on the pottery in the Potomac region using the illustrations and written account of John White as a reference point. Holmes further supports his thesis with Hariot’s account of the construction and use of the pottery in question.

Holmes has studied various collections including those of the National Museum as well as numerous private collections. Through these studies he has determined that the ingredients use to create the pottery varied from region to region, but the basic form remained fairly static. This indicated to Holmes that the region had not had this technology for very long evidenced by the lack of a wide range of variation. The pots appeared to be utilitarian.

The aesthetic level of the pottery, Holmes found that the shapes of the vessels were as a rule shapely and graceful and that the makers were beginning to prompt at an aesthetic idea. The decoration of the pottery is surmised to be inherited from basketry, which still influenced the potters as a habit or a superstition from the previous stage and concluded that the amount of decoration is not a gauge of aesthetic development. In looking at a linguistic map provided by one Major Powell, Holmes saw that a general correspondence could be found in the distribution of the pottery and the area that the Algonkian peoples were assigned.

Clarity RANKING: 3

CRISTIN CORCORAN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Holmes, W. H. Pottery of the Potomac Tide-Water Region. American Anthropologist July, 1889 vol. 2: 246-252.

Holmes article referred to the pottery found in the Potomac Tidewater region. He stated that pottery was one of the main crafts practiced in the region by the past local inhabitants. According to Holmes, these vessels found in fragments can verify two things about the pre-Columbian people. One, pottery could spelled out a group's social status, and two, it clarified their ethnic affinities.

Holmes used author descriptions first to visualized what pottery was like during this time period. He used the artistry of John White to describe copper-plated engraving. Holmes also referred to Heriot, a Roanoke historian, who described the making of pottery by tribal women, and how the pottery was used for cooking. In addition, Holmes observed samples from the National Museum which he was granted to examine.

The areas where pottery was mostly present was on the shore of the rivers and bays in the Potomac Tidewater region. The material of the pottery, according to Holmes, was clay made from sand and rocks like quartz, schist, and steatite. In this case, shells were used but they often fall into pieces or decay. The clay accounts for as much as seventy-five percent of the pottery material. These materials helped to the pottery's strength, prosperity, and resistance to heat. Moreover, he revealed that the materials from certain areas and the types of tools used protected the pottery against spirits.

Holmes discovered that to build the pottery, it required narrow bands of clay. They were then compressed down by fingers or tools to gradually build up the potter walls. He also stressed the fact that molds were definitely used, but the amount of use was unknown.

Holmes pointed out that the shapes of the pottery did not vary. He stated that the change in the appearance of different types of pottery have not yet occurred during this period. However, according to Holmes, the pottery varied in rim design and the necks appeared straight. The pottery also lacked handles or any other projectile. In terms of pottery size and use, the size was about a gallon worth for the mid-sized pottery, which was the most common type. Holmes reiterated that smaller and larger pieces were also present. The vessels were mostly used for domestic purposes such as cooking.

Holmes also described in his article the surface finish of the pottery in this region. He stated that the pottery was only handled sparingly with fingers or polishing tools and was enough to create an even surface. Holmes also pointed out that historic fabrics were used for everyday purpose. These fabrics were created through clay molding to construct a fabric design. Unfortunately, any fabric impressions found on pottery pieces were wiped away. Holmes suggested that any other imprints left on the pottery were kept there because of superstition. He also cited that any outside pottery design was often placed on the rim or neck, and fingers or pointed implement were used. One particular design mentioned was a replicated tattoo on the AChief Ladies@ of the time period. Moreover, Holmes also acknowledged that the beauty of the pottery, as well as the shape, came from basketry. Decorations were borrowed from some of the ideas of basketry as superstitions subsided.

Holmes concluded that the pottery found in this region was not affected by ethnic conditions. He stated that each piece and fragment contain "ethnic value". He ends by pronouncing that the Algonkian people were the craters of the pottery found in Potomac Tidewater region, and he was convinced that the similarities in pottery discovered there united the group.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JANICE S. SEJALBO California State University, Hayward (Dr. Petter Claus)

Lewis, T.    Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota. American Anthropologist April 1889 Vol.2(10):159-166

The stone monuments in Southern Dakota, according to Lewis, were antiquities of great importance that had been ignored by many. Based on this problem, Lewis set out to prove the importance of these antiquities and gain them the attention they deserve.

Lewis argues that the monuments, built by the superposition of boulders reaching different heights and distances, are not to captivate the eye of the individual. Their main purpose, according to Lewis, was to interpret the history of the Dakotas. These monuments represented stories composed of heavy metaphor, which provide an insight into the history of the Dakota Indians. There were many traditions in regards to these monuments, such as the one regarding the Punished Woman’s Hill, which talked about the daughter of a powerful chief who was forced to marry against her will, resulting in tragedy that is represented by the position of the boulders around the area where this conflict took place.

Although there was controversy regarding Lewis’ argument, for example as indicated in a result of a paper read by Henshaw at the meeting of the Anthropological Society of February 5, 1889, Lewis proves his point by describing the different types of boulder figures and their respective story..

Overall, the article was simple and clear. There are not any major obstacles that would affect the understanding of Lewis’ argument, except perhaps for the paper (by Henshaw) within the article which bashes his conclusions.

CLARITYRANKING: 5

JORGE BUCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Lewis, T.H.    Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota. American Anthropologist April, 1889 Vol.2(2):159-165.

An ongoing debate has been whether or not stone monuments in North America were built by Native Americans or by people who inhabited the land before them. Lewis addresses this issue by examining boulder monuments that are located in South Dakota. He explains the outline of these monuments and relates a story that the Indians associate with how the monuments came to be built.

The author devotes only a small amount of time to the analysis of these monuments and spends most of the article describing each of them. In his conclusion Lewis states that it is obvious these monuments are ancient and that the Indians could not have built them. However he provides no evidence to support these claims. Parallels to these boulder monuments can be seen in the Eastern Hemisphere at least in the basic shapes that are formed.

At the end of this article, a response to the claims that Lewis made was published. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. W. Matthews disagree with the conclusions of Lewis. They believe that it is possible for the Indians to have built these monuments and that the skill used in constructing them was not above the skills that the Indians possessed. Lewis did not provide enough evidence to support his claims that the Indians did not build these monuments that are located in South Dakota.

CLARITY RANKING: 4

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis T.    The Beginning of the Carrying Industry. American Anthropologist Jan. 1889 Vol. 2 (2): 21- 26

Mason’s main argument in this article is that, although the act of carrying things is common throughout the animal kingdom, the human practice of creating tools and systems to carry things is an important part of what defines our humanity. He argues that nearly every kind of animal carries things in one way or another; humans, on the other hand, are the only creatures to come up with the concepts of conveyance, manufacturing things to move objects, and transportation, manufacturing things to move people. Furthermore, he argues that all areas of the world and cultures of people use these methods and have throughout history. He supports this argument with numerous examples of different societies, and the inventions that they have devised for the purpose of carrying things.

To help define the ideas of conveyance and transportation, Mason divides the carrying industry into twenty different ways in which people around the world characteristically carry things. In the hand, hung by the belt, and by relay are a few examples of these. He also goes into detailed examples of which groups of people characteristically use each method of carrying. He uses a variety of examples to reinforce his point that every age, gender, class and culture of people use some sort of carrying in their everyday lives.

The points that Mason is making are not unclear, but his arguments are made much more difficult to follow because of his extensive use of vague imagery and metaphors. This is especially problematic during the beginning of the article. His purpose often becomes clouded by unnecessarily detailed examples. The article is also written in a rather ethnocentric manner; however, considering the time period, this must be somewhat expected.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

Katherine Andersen University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)

Mason, Otis T.    Beginnings of the Carrying Industry. American Anthropologist January, 1889 Vol. 2 (1):21-46.

The carrying industry is a very old industry and dates back to prehistoric times. The way in which humans themselves carry items on various parts of their bodies and the way in which they develop carrying devices are examined in this article. The concern with how these different methods of transporting goods and even people, such as infants, over time is the focus of this article. Over twenty different methods of bearing burdens is addressed and these range from carrying items by hand to the notion of hiring someone as a courier to carry things for another person.

The author goes into detail about carrying methods and focuses special attention on couriers. In this section Mason argues that the actual power of a man without the aid of a machine should not be underestimated. He cites data from an experiment conducted by Mr. Field, which provides numerical data that supports that men are capable of possessing great strength. However, he does not state the type of experiment that was conducted, but simply reports the conclusions. Mason continues the article by discussing professional carriers and peddlers, and ends his discussion with prehistoric carriers.

In this discussion of the changes in the methods of carrying objects, he concludes that people who believe in the "universal domination of invention" will be tempted to further explore the intermediary stages from men carrying burdens themselves to the shift to machinery and animals. Many different aspects affect the method of transportation employed by men over time. One thing remains certain and that is there will always be a need for the carrying industry.

CLARITY RANKING: 3

JENNIFER L. HOTZMAN University of Florida (John Moore)

Mason, Otis T.    The Aborigines of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac - A Symposium, Under the Direction of the Vice President of Section D. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2(14):225-268.

In his article, Otis T. Mason recounts the April 13, 1889 regular sectional meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington. During the Society’s first meeting, a pledge was made dedicated to uncovering the archaeological history of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac. Subsequently, regular meetings were held to discuss pertinent issues. The goal of this meeting was to provide an outline of information to the members so each could create an image of the historical past of the region in their minds - from the day the first aborigines entered the Potomac Valley until "the last savage was deported," (page 227) in the late 1600s. Through the cooperation of its members, a group of six experts ranging in specialties were brought together. Each was given the opportunity to prepare and read a short paper aloud to the rest of the Society. Mr. W. J. McGee, a geologist, discussed the superficial geology of the region. Mr. Thomas Wilson was an archaeologist looking for palaeolithic artifacts. Mr. S.V. Proudfit was a specialist on local ancient villages. An expert of pottery and textiles was represented by Mr. Holmes. Mr. Elmer Reynolds conducted analysis of shell-heaps found in the area and their relation to a local food source. The last paper was read by Mr. James Mooney, who gave a thorough description of local Indians through their art and affiliations.

Following the reading of the papers, Prof. F.W. Putnam, from the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology in Cambridge, Mass. conducted a discussion of what could be learned from the presented research. He commended the Society on their success, but suggested that much more in-depth analysis had to be considered before the entire history could be known. He admitted that there was a fair representation of the region, but it was limited to only as much as the facts would permit. The knowledge found from an incomplete investigation would only tell a portion of the story. Putnam urged the Society that systematic work was needed. This meeting had a great impact on Anthropology because it showed the importance of cooperative work between disciplines to get a complete analysis of a location’s history. Once all of this analytical work was completed, only then could the full history of the area be known and understood.

CLARITY RANKING: 4 (A well written article full of information)

CERI FALYS University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)

Mason, Otis T. The Aborigines of the District of Columbia and the Lower Potomac - A Symposium, Under the Direction of the Vice President of Section D. American Anthropologist July, 1889 Vol. 2:225-227.

This introduction by Otis Mason presents for us the topics on which following anthropologist will be presenting. The format for this introduction is very coherent in what it is detailing. Mason starts by telling the audience what studies have been conducted before and what the Anthropological Society of Washington intends to build on from those past monographs. The task at hand is presenting an account of the Alocal human fauna@ in and around the Washington D.C. This is done by presentations of six papers by various Anthropologists. The papers chronicle the, Athe day when the first American aborigine set foot in the Potomac valley to the day when, two hundred years ago, almost the last savage was deported@. (227) As you can notice there is major ethnocentrism in the words of Mason and may be a mark of things to come.

The six papers build upon the each other in an attempt to reconstruct the past. The first paper by M J McGee details the geography and geology of the area. The second paper by Thomas Wilson is to tell the audience about the stone tools used by the inhabitants of the region. The third paper by S.V. Proudit gives a survey of the sites found in the region and some of the artifacts found within. The fourth paper by Mr. Holmes will discuss the pottery and textiles of the region and their uses. The fifth paper by Dr. Elmer Reynolds talks about the shell mounds found around the Potomac. The last paper by James Mooney will talk about the Native populations themselves and their external associations and art. Lastly there is a point Otis makes of informing the audience of